Academic literature on the topic 'Regime change – Tunisia'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Regime change – Tunisia.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Regime change – Tunisia"
1
Cino, Luigi. "Tunisia’s Institutional Change after the Revolution." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 43 (December 13, 2019): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.43.2.
Full textAbstract:
The Arab Uprisings started with the Tunisian revolution. These events brought the country to profound change, especially in its institutional asset. Relying on New Institutionalism theory and in particular on the Gradual Change Theory by Mahoney and Thelen, this paper analyses three fundamental dimensions of institutional change in order to establish which type of institutional change has occurred in post-revolution Tunisia. The paper looks at the characteristics of the institutions, the characteristics of the political context and the type of dominant change agent to determine the type of institutional change. In Tunisia, a low level of discretion in the interpretation of norms and rules, weak veto possibilities for the former regime supporters and an insurrection type of dominant change agent have resulted in a so-called “displacement” type of institutional change, where the removal of old rules is accompanied by the introduction of new ones.
2
Blagojevic, Jelisaveta. "Tunisian Military and Regime Change." Politeja 18, no. 5(74) (December 15, 2021): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.74.20.
Full textAbstract:
This paper has several research objectives. They are related to the description of the position of the military in the non-democratic regime in Tunisia, as well as to the clarification of its role in the overthrow of the regime, that is, to the identification of the causal factors that determine the military role during uprisings. The purpose of this paper is to show that the support of the military or its neutral position during such uprisings represents necessary condition for success of transition from a non-democratic regime. Applying two-level model of analyses based on the strategic approach to transition, we concluded that the nature of civil-military relations in the previous regime and the nature of protest determine the role of the military in the uprisings. In other words, the character of the previous non-democratic regime and the initiators of transition settle the model and the results of transition, and its consolidation.
3
Tignor, Robert L. "Can a New Generation Bring about Regime Change?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000432.
Full textAbstract:
Peaceful protests and demonstrations have swept through the Arab world, toppling rulers and advancing programs of radical change. Some enthusiasts for these movements have already proclaimed them a revolution. They predict a new Middle Eastern political and economic order. A new generation of young people—men and women, mainly in their twenties and thirties, using their skills in cyberspace communication and fueled by many frustrations—assembled vast numbers in peaceful protests that have thus far claimed many triumphs. They forced the departures of the long-standing dictators of Egypt and Tunisia and have demanded that the monarchs of Jordan, Morocco, and Bahrain reign rather than rule.
4
SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.
5
Hove, Mediel. "Post-Gaddafi Libya and the African Union: Challenges and the Road to Sustainable Peace." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 3 (May 11, 2015): 271–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615583366.
Full textAbstract:
The overthrow of dictatorial regimes in Tunisia and Egypt by revolutionary demonstrations during the Arab Spring in 2011 inspired Libyans to depose the Gaddafi regime. The heavy handedness of Gaddafi attracted the intervention of the West and the United States under the emblem of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973. The article argues that instead of effecting regime change, the demonstrations whose epicentre was Benghazi culminated in a deeply contested civil war. This was caused partly by the United States of America and its allies’ active involvement at the expense of the African Union and its member states.
6
Henneberg, Sabina. "Before and After Bin ͑Ali : Comparing Two Attempts at Political Liberalization in Tunisia." Review of Middle East Studies 53, no. 2 (November 27, 2019): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.54.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines changes in Tunisian political and societal life that allowed the country's second attempt at political opening (beginning in 2011) to introduce deeper, more long-lasting changes in its political system as compared to the first attempt (beginning in 1987).1 The article argues that three such changes in particular—the increased role of regime moderates; the development of a network of civil society groups and political activists; and the use of inclusion, negotiation, and consensus—allowed the second attempt to unfold differently. The article also briefly discusses developments in the international context between the two attempts. The article contributes to existing studies of regime change and political transition as well as to historical considerations of Tunisian political developments more broadly.
7
Rabiei, Kamran. "Protest and Regime Change: Different Experiences of the Arab Uprisings and the 2009 Iranian Presidential Election Protests." International Studies 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 144–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720913413.
Full textAbstract:
Political developments, such as the ‘Arab Spring’, have led the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards instability, unrest and severe sectarian confrontations. Nearly 2 years before the ‘Arab Spring’, ‘the Iranian Green Movement’ swept over the country and led to the expectations that Iran would undergo a fundamental political change. The article addresses an important question as to why the 2009 Iranian unrest known as the ‘Green Movement’ did not lead to regime change, while on the other hand, the ‘Arab Spring’ ultimately led to the change of political systems in Tunisia and Egypt. Further, some significant factors are highlighted anticipating the degree of stability and instability for the future of political regimes in the MENA region.
8
Shubaita, Elham, Muhammad Mar’i, and Mehdi Seraj. "Investigating in the J-curve phenomenon in Tunisia- ARDL bound test approach." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 12, no. 5(J) (November 12, 2020): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v12i5(j).3077.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates the relationship between trade balance, real exchange rates, and incomes in Tunisia by adopting the autoregressive distributed model (ARDL) by using data over the period of 1980 to 2018. We also used the bound test cointegration between variables at a 10% significant level. Our findings show that the Tunisia economy does not match the Marshall-Lerner condition in the long run, that provides an accurate description of the particular situation for which a country currency devaluation or depreciation its currency under both fixed or floating regime is predicted to enhance the trade balance of a country, which means there is no j-curve phenomenon in the long run, which tries to differentiate between the change of short-run and long-run effects in the change of exchange rate on the trade balance. Our findings match the Marshall-Lerner condition in the short run and can confirm the existing j-curve in the case of Tunisia.
9
NIAKOOEE, SEYED AMIR. "Contemporary Arab Uprisings: Different Processes and Outcomes." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 3 (August 13, 2013): 421–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000170.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThus far, recent protests in the Arab world have led to different political outcomes including regime change, civil war, and suppression by regime. The present paper explores the reasons behind these different outcomes. The research methodology is a comparative case study approach, and five countries of Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, and Syria are examined. The hypothesis is that the different political outcomes of the protests are due to a combination of factors, including the level of mobilization of anti-regime movements, the responses of national militaries, and finally the reaction of international powers. Different configurations of these components in the crisis-stricken countries have led to different political outcomes.
10
Musgrave, Paul. "The Making of the Pundit, 2010: When Strong Ties Trump Weak Ones." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 02 (March 14, 2012): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511002083.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractMany observers have argued that social media such as Facebook and Twitter will help opposition activists coordinate and overcome authoritarian regimes; others believe that such tools will have little impact. Evidence from the “Arab Spring” is inconclusive, with advocates for each position finding support in the events in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere. When does social media help political movements succeed? Motivated by an experience serving as a “campaign manager” for a colleague's bid to become theWashington Post's “Next Great Pundit,” I argue that relying on Internet-based social networking tools (such as Facebook and Twitter) may lead campaigns to perform more poorly when the regime is able to change the election's rules in mid-campaign. Consequently, researchers observing only the messages broadcast by social media will miss the true coordination taking place, which happens through channels unobservable to the regime. Examples from Middle Eastern politics suggest that real-world political activists recognize these distinctions and adjust their messaging accordingly.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Regime change – Tunisia"
1
Lind, Sanna. "SSR and Democracy in Tunisia and Egypt : Understanding Security Sector Reform following Nonviolent Resistance." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393809.
Full textAbstract:
In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.
2
Bizuru, Omar Khalfan. "A Model of Regime Change: The Impact of Arab Spring throughout the Middle East and North Africa." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1621130268165228.
Full text
3
SELLAOUTI, FETHI. "Choix d'un regime de change par un pays en developpement : le rattachement a un panier optimal de devises (cas de la tunisie)." Paris 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA010026.
Full textAbstract:
L'objectif principal de cette these est la determination des ponderations optimales d'un panier de rattachement du dinar tunisien. Pour cela, nous avons retenu deux criteres: la minimisation de la variance du taux d'inflation et de celle de l'indice du taux de change effectif reel. Chacun de ces criteres conduit a formaliser le choix des ponderations optimales sous la forme d'un probleme de programmation quadratique. Nous avons egalement tente de fournir un bilan de la politique de change en tunisie durant les trentes dernieres annees. Ceci a donne lieu a des estimations econometriques des indices de taux de change effectifs du dinar selon trois approches differentes; ainsi qu'a un essai d'evaluation de la pertinence de la theorie de parite des pouvoirs d7achat et des performances relatives de paniers de rattachement alternatifsThe main purpose of this thesis is the determination of an optimal currency basket for the tunisian dinar. We have considered two criterions : the minimization of the inflation rate and that of the real effective exchange rate. Each one of these criterions allows us to fomalize the choice of optimal weights using quadratic optimisation programing. We have also tried to analyse the exchange rate policy in tunisia during the lat thirty years. This analysis has permitted econometric estimations of the effective exchange rate indices of the dinar through three different approches and an evaluation of the validity of the purchasing power parity theory and of alternative hypothetic currency baskets
4
NETTERSTRØM, Kasper Ly. "Essays on the revolution in Tunisia." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47307.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 10 July 2017Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Malika Zeghal, Harvard University; Associate professor Nadia Marzouki, EHESS
The Tunisian Revolution and constitutional process constitute the first successful indigenous democratization process in the Arab World. In this article based thesis the historic event is analysed and discussed in relation to the established theories of democratization. The thesis contains four different articles. The first focuses on why the Tunisian Islamists accepted the country’s new constitution despite the fact that it contained principles that were in opposition to some of their previous Islamist beliefs. The second centres on the role of the Tunisian General Labor Union. It seeks to explain why the union could play such a crucial role in the revolution and constitutional process despite the fact that its leadership had close connections to the previous regime. The third article looks into how the Tunisian religious sphere changed as a result of the revolution. The fourth article tries to answer why the revolution came to be understood as a conflict between 'Islamists' and 'secularists' through an analysis of the conflict between the Islamists and the Tunisian General Labor Union. Finally, in the last chapter the state of comparative politics is discussed in relation to the conclusions of the different articles.
Chapter 4 ‘The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' (2017) in the journal ‘Middle East critique’
Chapter 2 ‘The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' (2015) in the journal ‘Journal of democracy'
Chapter 3 ‘The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' (2016) in the journal ‘The Middle East journal’
Books on the topic "Regime change – Tunisia"
1
Facchin, Andrea. Le palme muoiono in piedi al-Naḫl yamūtu wāqifan. Venice: Fondazione Università Ca’ Foscari, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-540-7.
Full textAbstract:
al-Naḫl yamūtu wāqifan (Palm Trees Wither Upright) is the first work by Tunisian writer Ibrāhīm Darġūṯī, born in El-Mahassen (Tozeur) in 1955, proponent of the experimentalism and magical realism, and known all over the Arab world for his pungent writing style. The work was published in Sfax in 1989, and is a collection of short stories devoted to the local life of al-Ǧarīd region, in southern Tunisia; to its traditions, distinctive traits and, at times, to imagination, creating a unique mixture, which is representative of Darġūṯī’s literature. Men, the desert, and palm trees are the essential elements, the three primary colours of this literary text. Stories unfold around this triad and through them its author introduces the many facets of local reality. “A hand full of sun for ʿAzīz” or “Lion’s paw” reveal an intimate relationship between nature, represented by the palm grove, and the inhabitants of that land; a sort of tacit agreement for which one has promised to take care of the other since the dawn of time. Other stories explore all the repressive elements of the system: class differences, hunger, humiliation, tyranny; in short, the loss of fundamental rights. In this sense, Darġūṯī’s work is not remission or defenceless immobility in the face of the injustices perpetrated by man on his neighbour; on the contrary, it is pure rebellion. al-Naḫl is a vivid mixture in which multiple traditions blend. It is a set of fragments of an Arab, Tunisian or Saharan setting fairy tale, or of the Islamic cultural heritage. It shows the scars left by French colonialism, or the challenge of man facing the change of times. It is a condemnation of all kinds of injustice, a cry of anguish and restlessness for the troubles of everyday life. It is a glimpse of the Ǧarīd with its mysteries, the desert that claims men’s lives, the almost metaphysical landscapes of a salt lake that was once a sea. It is the first work by Darġūṯī translated into Italian.
2
Fortier, Edwige. Contested Politics in Tunisia: Civil Society in a Post-Authoritarian State. Cambridge University Press, 2019.
Find full text
3
Contested Politics in Tunisia: Civil Society in a Post-Authoritarian State. Cambridge University Press, 2019.
Find full text
4
Fortier, Edwige. Contested Politics in Tunisia: Civil Society in a Post-Authoritarian State. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2020.
Find full text
5
Volpi, Frédéric. Revolution and Authoritarianism in North Africa. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190642921.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This book analyses how the Arab uprisings, the sudden wave of leaderless protests that broke out in 2011, could produce regime change in a region until then characterized by authoritarian resilience. It investigates the factors that shaped the trajectories of the uprisings in four North African countries: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya. Using an interactionist perspective, it analyzes the three stages of regime change and authoritarian resilience during this wave of uprisings. The first stage corresponds to the implosion of the ruling authoritarian system. This episode is defined by a sharp increase in mobilization of protesters against the regime and the accompanying decrease in the capabilities of the ruling institutions. The second stage corresponds to the reconstruction of practices and discourses around the demands of the protesters and the counter-propositions of the regime to halt the process of deinstitutionalization. This period is marked by the diffusion of new social and political behaviors that challenge and replace preexisting mechanisms of governance or, alternatively, that are subsumed under them. The third stage is the reconstruction of routinized behaviors around a new consensus on governance. This period is characterized by a formal recognition of these new arrangements at home and abroad and by political demobilization.
6
Wahyudhi, Nostalgiawan, ed. Many Faces of Political Islam in the Middle East: Arah Baru Gerakan Politik Islam Pasca-Arab Spring. LIPI PRESS, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/press.294.
Full textAbstract:
Arab spring membawa perubahan besar pada politik Timur Tengah. Banyak yang berharap bahwa Arab spring bukan hanya revolusi Arab jilid dua setelah revolusi Iran pada tahun 1979, tetapi merupakan era baru kebangkitan demokratisasi di Timur Tengah yang akan memberi ruang bagi gerakan politik Islam berpartisipasi secara terbuka di ranah publik. Sarjana-sarjana studi Islam beranggapan bahwa Arab spring merupakan jembatan menuju “Islamist winter”. Islamist winter diartikan dengan ketakutan dunia akan tumbuhnya kalangan Islamis menguasai kekuasaan di dunia Arab.[1] Hal ini mengarah pada notasi apakah radikalisme Islam akan tumbuh di Timur Tengah? Gerakan Arab spring bukanlah gelombang statis. Politik Timur Tengah senantiasa bergerak secara dinamis. Kemenangan Muhammad Mursi di Mesir, kekuasaan Receep Tayyep Erdogan yang semakin kuat di Turki, kemenangan Ennahda di Tunisia, dan bangkitnya Ikhwanul Muslimin secara terbuka hampir di semua negara yang dilanda Arab spring tidaklah secara linier di konotasikan sebagai kebangkitan radikalisme Islam di Timur Tengah. Sebagaimana Asef Bayat mengatakan bahwa Arab spring merupakan momentum baru bagi transformasi menuju post-Islamism, dimana sebuah gejala baru yang merupakan the fusion of religiousity and rights, faithy and freedom, Islam and liberty, as an attempt to trancend Islamism by building a pious society within non-religious state.[2] Pada posisi ini Asef Bayat memiliki standing position yang berbeda dengan Olivier Roy, dimana Roy mempercayai gerakan politik Islam di dunia Islam tidak akan pernah berhasil karena konsep yang diajukan bersifat utopia. Dalam bukunya tentang The Failure of Political Islam, Roy menggambarkan berakhirnya suatu periode dan dimulainya babak baru dari periode lain, bahwa politik Islam tidak diterima bahkan oleh masyarakat Islam itu sendiri.[3] Over generalisasi yang dilakukan oleh Roy mendapatkan kritikan akademis yang luas, dan bagi Asef Bayat hal ini bentuk simplifikasi Roy terhadap dinamisnya perkembangan politik Islam dari masa ke masa. Konsep yang diajukan oleh Asef Bayat tentang post-Islamism memberikan makna bahwa politik Islam secara substansial tidak mati tetapi bertransformasi secara lebih terbuka untuk membangun masyarakat yang relijius ditengah sistem politik yang lebih demokratis dan sekuler. Namun demikian, temuan di buku ini tidak membenarkan semua klaim tentang gejala post-Islamism. Kudeta militer terhadap Muhammad Mursi memunculkan kekuasaan militer yang otoritarian di Mesir, runtuhnya Moammar Khadafi memunculkan perang dua pemerintahan (dawn dan tripoli) di Libya, perpecahan di Irak dan Suriah yang tak kunjung selesai, Yaman yang bergejolak, negara-negara Teluk yang semakin memproteksi diri dari Ikhwanul Muslimin yang dianggap organisasi teroris, hingga blockade Arab Saudi terhadap Qatar. Arab spring berujung pada harapan kosong akan harapan Timur Tengah yang lebih demokratis, karena Arab spring berhasil menumbuhkan demokrasi hanya di satu negara, Tunisia, tempat dimana gelombang demokratisasi itu dimulai. Fenomena ini kami namakan dengan backward bending. Arab spring secara umum tidak menumbuhkan demokrasi (kecuali di Tunisia), justru menjadi arus balik bagi tumbuhnya otoritarianisme baru di Timur Tengah. Kegagalan Arab spring dalam menumbuhkan iklim demokrasi di Timur Tengah merupakan fenomena Arab exceptionalism, dimana dunia Arab secara politik dan kultural lebih sulit untuk menerima demokrasi. Praktik-praktik politik dan kekuasaan otoriter (dinasti) yang telah mengakar di Timur Tengah, tidak bisa diubah serta merta dengan jalur revolusi atau regime change. Jika negara tersebut memiliki kekuatan elit tunggal yang kuat maka re-enforcement politik secara top-down akan terjadi untuk menguasai masyarakat; atau jika tidak polarisasi kekuatan politik bersifat lebih merata maka aktor-aktor politik akan saling menguasai satu sama lain dalam konflik sipil yang panjang dan berdarah. Tunisia berhasil menumbuhkan demokrasi setelah revolusi dan regime change karena transformasi nilai-nilai demokrasi di negara bekas jajahan perancis itu sudah tumbuh sejak sebelum terjadinya Arab spring. Struktur politik, sosial dan budaya masyarakat di negara francophone tersebut lebih siap menerima perubahan ke arah yang demokratis. Demokratisasi ini mengubah satu wajah politik Islam di Tunisia menjadi lebih terbuka dan moderat. Gerakan politik Islam terbesar di Tunisia, Ennahda, melakukan transformasi dari gerakan radikal menjadi partai politik dengan menjadikan Turki sebagai prototype dibandingkan apa yang dilakukan Mursi di Mesir. Hal ini tidak hanya berlaku di Tunisia. Perubahan sosial dan politik di Timur Tengah yang terjadi paska Arab spring berkorelasi dengan munculnya berbagai wajah-wajah baru gerakan politik Islam. Keniscayaan ini tumbuh karena politik Islam bersifat responsif terhadap perubahan sosial dan politik di lingkungannya. Selamat membaca.
7
Gelvin, James L. The New Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190653996.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Since Muhammad Bouazizi set himself on fire in Tunisia on December 17, 2010, galvanizing the Arab uprisings that continue today, the entire Middle East landscape has changed in ways that were unimaginable years before. In spite of the early hype about a so-called "Arab Spring" and the prominence observers gave to calls for the downfall of regimes and an end to their abuses, most of the protests and uprisings born of Bouazizi's self-immolation have had disastrous results across the whole Middle East. While the old powers reasserted their control with violence in Egypt and Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria have virtually ceased to exist as states, torn apart by civil wars. In other states, namely Morocco and Algeria, the forces of reaction were able to maintain their hold on power, while in the "hybrid democracies" of Lebanon, Palestine, and Iraq, protests against government inefficiency, corruption, and arrogance have done little to bring about the sort of changes protesters have demanded. Simultaneously, ISIS, along with other jihadi groups (al-Qaeda, al-Qaeda affiliates, Ansar al-Shariahs, etc.) has thrived in an environment marked by state breakdown. This book explains these changes, outlining the social, political, and economic contours of what some have termed "the new Middle East." One of the leading scholars of modern Middle Eastern history, James L. Gelvin lucidly distills the political and economic reasons behind the dramatic news arriving each day from Syria and the rest of the Middle East. He shows how and why bad governance, stagnant economies, poor healthcare, climate change, population growth, refugee crises, food and water insecurity, and war increasingly threaten human security in the region.
8
Gelvin, James. The Arab Uprisings. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190222741.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Beginning in December 2010 popular revolt swept through the Middle East, shocking the world and ushering in a period of unprecedented unrest. Protestors took to the streets to demand greater freedom, democracy, human rights, social justice, and regime change. What caused these uprisings? What is their significance? And what are their likely consequences? In an engaging question-and-answer format, this updated edition of The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know® explores all aspects of the revolutionary protests that have rocked the Middle East. Historian James Gelvin begins with an overview, asking questions such as: What sparked the Arab uprisings? Where did the demands for democracy and human rights come from? How appropriate is the phrase “Arab Spring”?--before turning to specific countries around the region. Shifting the emphasis from the initial upheaval itself to the spinning out of the revolutionary process, Gelvin looks at such topics as the role of youth, laor, and religious groups in Tunisia and Egypt and discusses why the military turned against rulers in both countries. Exploring the uprisings in Libya and Yemen, Gelvin explains why these two states are considered “weak,” why that status is important for understanding the upheavals there, and why outside powers intervened in Libya but not in Yemen. This second edition looks more closely at the situation of individual countries affected by the uprisings. Gelvin compares two cases that defied expectations: Algeria, which experts assumed would experience a major upheaval after Egypt’s, and Syria, which experts failed to foresee. He then looks at the monarchies of Morocco, Jordan, and the Gulf, exploring the commonalities and differences of protest movements in each. Reconsidering the possible historical significance of the uprisings Gelvin explores what this means for the United States and Iran. Has al-Qaeda been strengthened or weakened? What effects have the uprisings had on the Israel-Palestine conflict? What conclusions might we draw from the uprisings so far? What Everyone Needs to Know® is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.
9
Lower, Michael. The Peace of Tunis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198744320.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
By late August 1270, the Tunis Crusade was in the hands of Charles of Anjou, king of Sicily. A long‐running battle for Syria had been transposed, not only into a different region, but seemingly into a different register. Like Charles, al‐Mustansir of Tunis tended to negotiate rather than fight across religious frontiers. But that dynamic was about to change. Charles and al‐Mustansir were facing each other at the head of large and fractious armies. The temptation to use the military force at their disposal would be strong, and not only because it could help them gain a better bargaining position. On both sides, there was mounting pressure to activate the conflict. To keep their divided armies together, Charles and al‐Mustansir might just have to use them. The negotiators were now in charge, but to get the settlement they wanted, they were going to have to fight for it first.
Book chapters on the topic "Regime change – Tunisia"
1
Adly, Amr, and Hamza Meddeb. "Beyond Regime Change: The State and the Crisis of Governance in Post-2011 Egypt and Tunisia." In Socioeconomic Protests in MENA and Latin America, 43–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19621-9_2.
Full text
2
Omrani, N., and M. Ouessar. "Integrated Water Management in Tunisia: Meeting the Climate Change Challenges." In Integrated Water Resources Management in the Mediterranean Region, 25–37. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4756-2_2.
Full text
3
Battesti, Vincent. "The Power of a Disappearance: Water in the Jerid Region of Tunisia." In Water, Cultural Diversity, and Global Environmental Change, 77–96. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1774-9_6.
Full text
4
Meddi, Mohamed, and Saeid Eslamian. "Uncertainties in Rainfall and Water Resources in Maghreb Countries Under Climate Change." In African Handbook of Climate Change Adaptation, 1–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42091-8_114-1.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe vulnerability of the climate change in the South of the Mediterranean’s south regions varies depending on the part of their climate which is sensitive to the economy. In Tunisia, agriculture represents 16% of the workforce and 12% of GDP in 2006. In Algeria, agriculture represents 20% of the workforce and 8% of GDP in 2009. In Morocco, agriculture accounts for 40% of the workforce and 17.7% of GDP in 2006. The agriculture is directly related to the availability of water which in turn is directly related to rainfall. The drought has affected all countries of the Maghreb. It is considered the most severe in the history of these countries. The drought has forced the agricultural sector in Morocco to the limitation of annual crops which are not needed, the prohibition of any new tree planting and the ban on vegetable crops in dry years. During the years 1987, 1988, and 1989, Tunisia has experienced the most critical drought. It led to a water deficit of around 30%. For Morocco the rainfall shows a negative trend at national and regional scales, and spring rainfall has declined by over 40% since the 1960s. For Algeria, the western region has recorded a considerable reduction in rainfall. The winter rains have decreased between 40% and 70%. Contributions to dams have decreased between 30% and 50%. These changes had a negative influence on the water resource and crop yield. Many programs have been initiated since then to meet the growing demand.
5
Meddi, Mohamed, and Saeid Eslamian. "Uncertainties in Rainfall and Water Resources in Maghreb Countries Under Climate Change." In African Handbook of Climate Change Adaptation, 1967–2003. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-45106-6_114.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe vulnerability of the climate change in the South of the Mediterranean’s south regions varies depending on the part of their climate which is sensitive to the economy. In Tunisia, agriculture represents 16% of the workforce and 12% of GDP in 2006. In Algeria, agriculture represents 20% of the workforce and 8% of GDP in 2009. In Morocco, agriculture accounts for 40% of the workforce and 17.7% of GDP in 2006. The agriculture is directly related to the availability of water which in turn is directly related to rainfall. The drought has affected all countries of the Maghreb. It is considered the most severe in the history of these countries. The drought has forced the agricultural sector in Morocco to the limitation of annual crops which are not needed, the prohibition of any new tree planting and the ban on vegetable crops in dry years. During the years 1987, 1988, and 1989, Tunisia has experienced the most critical drought. It led to a water deficit of around 30%. For Morocco the rainfall shows a negative trend at national and regional scales, and spring rainfall has declined by over 40% since the 1960s. For Algeria, the western region has recorded a considerable reduction in rainfall. The winter rains have decreased between 40% and 70%. Contributions to dams have decreased between 30% and 50%. These changes had a negative influence on the water resource and crop yield. Many programs have been initiated since then to meet the growing demand.
6
Gana, Alia, and Raoudha Khaldi. "Farm Mechanization and Socioeconomic Changes in Agriculture in a Semiarid Region of Tunisia." In Labor, Employment and Agricultural Development in West Asia and North Africa, 191–214. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-0635-8_9.
Full text
7
Gana, Alia, and Raoudha Khaldi. "Farm Mechanization and Socioeconomic Changes in Agriculture in a Semiarid Region of Tunisia." In Labor, Employment and Agricultural Development in West Asia and North Africa, 191–214. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-0637-2_9.
Full text
8
Hachicha, Mohamed, Khawla Khaskoussy, and Gilani Abdelgawad. "Water and Salt Regimes Under Irrigation with Brackish/Saline Water in Tunisian Semi-Arid Context." In Biosaline Agriculture as a Climate Change Adaptation for Food Security, 195–209. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24279-3_10.
Full text
9
Batita, Wided. "Land Use Land Cover Diachronic Change Detection Between 1996 and 2016 of Region of Gabes, Tunisia." In Advances in Remote Sensing and Geo Informatics Applications, 105–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01440-7_25.
Full text
10
Uldanov, Artem, Łukasz Jakubiak, and Hamid ait El Caid. "Protest Publics as the “Triggers” of Political Changes in Hybrid Regimes: The Cases of Tunisia, Morocco, and Egypt." In Societies and Political Orders in Transition, 233–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05475-5_13.
Full text