Academic literature on the topic 'Refugees South Australia'

Asylum seekers and refugees generally have poorer health than the broader Australian population. However, these groups experience a range of barriers to accessing universal health services. Generalist and specialist refugee health services have been established in Australia to improve the health of humanitarian migrant groups. This article describes a refugee health service established in a high-settlement region of Melbourne, Australia, and explores clients’ experiences with the service. Client feedback was captured through interviews (n=18) and surveys (n=159). Participants reported high levels of satisfaction with the service, and highlighted the value in having trusting relationships with staff, access to bicultural workers, onsite interpreting services and integrated care. The findings indicate that it is possible to engage asylum seekers and refugees through healthcare delivery that is responsive to the unique needs of this priority population.

As a result of the turmoil in Cambodia during the 1970s, traditional Cambodian society was fundamentally altered: Cambodians were uprooted, and after the Vietnamese invasion in 1978, thousands fled to camps on the Thai-Cambodian border, where many sought and were selected for resettlement in other countries. Approximately 12,000 Cambodians were accepted for resettlement in Australia as refugees in the period 1975-85, with approximately 2,500 settling in South Australia. The emigrants to South Australia were youthful, with 51% of all arrivals in the period 1979-85 aged 19 years or less (Stevens). Since this period when refugees first arrived in Australia from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, the social adaptation of refugee youth has been little researched. Generally, young people have been but one of the age groups included in large-scale surveys or in-depth studies, such as those by Wendy Poussard, Nancy Viviani, and others, that focused on the early stages of resettlement. The research that has focused on refugee youth has concentrated on educational achievement (Spearritt and Colman; Kelly and Bennoun; Chan; Mundy) or mental health status and adjustment (Krupinski and Burrows). At a time of ongoing debate about the size and nature of the immigrant intake, and concern that the resulting cultural diversity may foster ethnic conflicts and endanger social cohesion, this lack of research on the social aspects of the settlement process young refugees from Southeast Asia undertake is a significant omission.

Over 750000 refugees have resettled in Australia since 1945. Despite complex health needs related to prior traumatic experiences and the challenges of resettlement in a foreign country, refugees experience poor access to primary care. Health and settlement service providers describe numerous cultural, communication, financial and health literacy barriers. This study aimed to investigate the acceptability of general practitioner (GP) services and understand what aspects of acceptability are relevant for Afghan refugees in south-eastern Melbourne. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with two Afghan community leaders and 16 Dari- or English-speaking Afghan refugees who accessed GP services. Two distinct narratives emerged – those of recently arrived refugees and established refugees (living in Australia for 3 years or longer). Transecting these narratives, participants indicated the importance of: (1) a preference for detailed clinical assessments, diagnostic investigations and the provision of prescriptions at the first consultation; (2) ‘refugee-friendly’ staff; and (3) integrated, ‘one-stop-shop’ GP clinic features. The value of acceptable personal characteristics evolved over time – GP acceptability was less a consideration for recently arrived, compared with more, established refugees. The findings reinforce the importance of tailoring healthcare delivery to the evolving needs and healthcare expectations of newly arrived and established refugees respectively.

The aim of this study is to compare the prevalence of chronic disease risk factors in humanitarian arrivals to Sydney, New South Wales (NSW) with the Australian Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations aged 35–44 years. Data on risk factors collected from 237 refugees presenting to the NSW Refugee Health Service (RHS) from January 2015 to August 2016 were retrospectively analysed and compared with data from the Australian Health Surveys, 2011–13 for the Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australian populations. This study found significantly higher levels of triglycerides (z=3; 95% CI, 0.16–0.26); hypertension (z=3.2; 95% CI, 0.17–0.29); and smoking (z=3.5; 95% CI, 0.27–0.33) in refugees compared with the general Australian population. The Indigenous population had significantly higher levels of triglycerides (z=4; 95% CI, 0.16–0.26); body mass indexes (BMIs) (z=3.3; 95% CI 0.58–0.72); and smoking (z=5.4; 95 CI 0.27–0.33) compared with refugees. Based on the study findings, screening for chronic disease risk factors from age 35 years may be warranted in all humanitarian arrivals to Australia, along with dietary and lifestyle advice.

AbstractThis qualitative study highlights the experiences of ten Serbian refugees who migrated to South Australia from former Yugoslavia as a result of the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s. Multiple semi-structured interviews were employed to examine participants' experiences before, during and after the conflicts. Eight stages of the refugee journey were identified: prewar peaceful co-existence, outbreak of war, fleeing towards refuge in Serbian-held territory, realisation that the pre-war life cannot be regained, dissatisfaction with the family's transition situation, decision and application to emigrate, migration and resettlement in Australia, and adaptation to life in Australia. A number of factors were found to influence each stage of the refugee journey (e.g., social, practical and health challenges, age, and negative Serbian stereotypes). From these findings, three adaptation patterns — active integration, passive integration, and segregation — were identified as specific to the participants in the current study.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to measure the levels of psychological distress in adults entering Western Australia (WA) as refugees through the Australian Humanitarian Programme. To determine if the introduction of mental health screening instruments impacts on the level of referrals for further psychological/psychiatric assessment and treatment. Design/methodology/approach – Participants were 300 consecutive consenting refugee adults attending the Humanitarian Entrant Health Service in Perth, WA. This service is government funded for the general health screening of refugees. The Kessler-10 (K10) and the World Health Organisation’s post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) screener were the principal outcome measures used. Findings – Refugees had a high rate of current probable PTSD (17.2 per cent) as measured with the PTSD screener and mean K10 scores were significantly higher than general population norms. The K10 showed high accuracy for discriminating those with or without probable PTSD. Being married and having more children increased the risk of probable PTSD. In regard to region of origin, refugees from Western and Southern Asia had significantly higher scores on both screeners followed by those from Africa with those from South-Eastern Asia having the lowest scores. Referral rate for psychiatric/psychological treatment was 18 per cent compared to 4.2 per cent in the year prior to the study. Practical implications – This study demonstrates increased psychological distress including a high rate of probable PTSD in a recently arrived multi-ethnic refugee population and also demonstrates significant variations based on region of origin. In addition, it supports the feasibility of using brief screening instruments to improve identification and referral of refugees with significant psychological distress in the context of a comprehensive general medical review. Originality/value – This was an Australian study conducted in a non-psychiatric setting. The outcomes of this study pertain to refugee mental health assessed in a general health setting. The implications of the study findings are of far reaching relevance, inclusive of primary care doctors and general physicians as well as mental health clinicians. In particular the authors note that the findings of this study are to the authors’ knowledge unique in the refugee mental health literature as the participants are recently arrived refugees from diverse ethnic groups.

Settlement presents a significant challenge for refugees compared to other migrants, given the forced, and often traumatic, nature of their resettlement, but despite this, many refugees arrive in Australia with the tools to positively face new challenges in their settlement and as a result have a very high chance of making a good life for themselves in Australia. This paper discusses the ways community media production can be utilised to investigate solutions to the resettlement challenges faced by young people of refugee background. It draws on findings from a pilot research project that involved young people with refugee experience in media and radio production, as well as broadcasting on an internet radio station at the University of South Australia. The findings suggest, preliminarily at least, that participation in community media can have a beneficial effect on a young persons settlement experience, in line with perceptions of what constitutes successful resettlement.

This essay explores the encounters through which individuals and their communities are territorialized and deterritorialized. Thinking through Henri Bergson's lines of ascent and descent, this article looks at migration and seeking refuge. It makes links between the colonization of New South Wales, Australia, and its people in the late 1700s, and the treatment of present-day refugees caught indefinitely in Australian offshore detention centers. It draws on stories of the author's own territorialization as a child and seeks new ways of understanding encounters with difference, and movement across borders.

The majority of South Sudanese-Australians arrived in Australia, and other host countries outside Africa, after spending a greater part of their lives in refugee camps or conflict-affected areas. In addition, refugees are often not able to return to their home countries because the causes of their departure (wars, insecurity, hunger) continue to apply in their country of origin. The purpose of this paper is to examine some of the mental health and wellbeing issues some South Sudanese-Australians experience as a result of settlement difficulties and their earlier experience of conflict. The study looks at experiences of resettlement and settlement difficulties, and, more importantly, mental health and wellbeing issues in the wake of the aforesaid challenges. The data was collected from a qualitative method which comprised a series of semi-structured, one-on-one interviews with a total of 20 South Sudanese-Australians living in Melbourne. There were 11 males and nine females, with ages ranging from 18 to 64 years, who volunteered to participate in this study. Findings indicated that, as with many other people from refugee backgrounds, South Sudanese-Australians face a range of settlement-related challenges, and a host of post-resettlement adaptation experiences such as limited change of gender roles, language proficiency, unemployment, host society unacceptance or intolerance, constrained recreational opportunities, lack of community connectedness and overall mental health and general wellbeing issues. Experiencing conflict can be traumatic and refuge in neighbouring countries that are socio-culturally different can be challenging. In conclusion, these issues can not only be troublesome on a day-to-day basis, but also adversely affect the long-term mental health and wellbeing of refugees.

Reforms to the Australian health system aim to ensure that services are accessible, clinically and culturally appropriate, timely and affordable. During the reform consultation process there were urgent calls from stakeholders to specifically consider the health needs of the thousands of refugees who settle here each year, but little is known about what is needed from the refugee perspective. Access to health services is a basic requirement of achieving the quality use of medicines, as outlined in Australia’s National Medicines Policy. This study aimed to identify the barriers to accessing primary health care services and explore medicine-related issues as experienced by refugee women in South Australia. Thirty-six women participated in focus groups with accredited and community interpreters and participants were from Sudan, Burundi, Congo, Burma, Afghanistan and Bhutan who spoke English (as a second language), Chin, Matu, Dari and Nepali. The main barrier to accessing primary health care and understanding GPs and pharmacists was not being able to speak or comprehend English. Interpreter services were used inconsistently or not at all. To implement the health reforms and achieve the quality use of medicines, refugees, support organisations, GPs, pharmacists and their staff require education, training and support.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 259-270) Based on 18-months fieldwork, 1997-1999, in various organisations, social clubs and radio programs that were constructed by participants and 'outsiders' as an expression of a local migrant community. Attempts to answer and challenge what it means to be a Latin American in Adelaide and in what sense Latin American migrants and refugees in Adelaide can be spoken about as members of an 'ethnic/migrant community' in relation to the official multiculturalism discourse and popular representations of migrants in Australia.

This project was funded by the Department for Families and Communities A collaboration between Ibrahim Sefer, newly arrived boys and girls aged between 4 and 14 years from Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Backgrounds and the Migrant Health Service (Adelaide Central Community Health Service).

When species compete for resources, in a stable homogeneous environment, there are two possible outcomes. The first is that one species will out-compete the other and exclude it from the environment. This is known as the competitive exclusion principle. The second is that both species will manage to coexist. Coexistence can only occur if the species’ niches are differentiated such that interspecific competition is minimised, or eliminated. This outcome is known as resource partitioning. Two closely related Australian skink species of the Egernia genus, Egernia multiscutata and Egernia whitii, are abundant and sympatric on Wedge Island in South Australia’s Spencer Gulf. The species are morphologically very similar and appear to have very similar life histories and habitat requirements. Ostensibly, they would compete for limiting resources in this environment. This thesis is the first investigation into resource partitioning in this previously unstudied model organism. I report the results of multi-faceted investigations into the coexistence of the skinks, E. multiscutata and E. whitii on Wedge Island and the evidence for, and mechanisms of, any facultative resource partitioning between them. Study methods involved a transect survey of most of Wedge Island to determine the species’ distributions and any evidence for resource partitioning; a morphological comparison to investigate any potential competitive advantages of either species; a habitat choice experiment to establish retreat-site preferences in the absence of interspecific interference; and, a series of staged dyadic encounter experiments to investigate interspecific competitive interactions. Resource partitioning was evidenced by differential distributions of the species among substrates containing the elements required for permanent refuge shelters. This partitioning was not mediated by avoidance of particular substrates but by the presence of the opponent species, combined with attraction to suitable substrates. Asymmetries in some morphological characters were found to confer a potential competitive advantage to E. multiscutata in agonistic encounters with E. whitii. Both species were found to have the same refuge site preferences when interference competition was experimentally removed. This result was not concordant with observed resource partitioning in the field and suggests that the habitat choices of both species are modified by the presence of the opponent species. Analyses of staged dyadic encounter experiments showed that E. multiscutata was more likely to gain greater access to a contested habitat resource and more likely to exclude E. whitii from the resource than vice-versa. Nevertheless, the outcome of competitive interactions was not completely deterministic and there was some tolerance of co-habitation. E. multiscutata’s competitive advantage was attributable largely to its greater mass and head dimensions relative to snout to vent length. However, differential behavioural responses to the threat of larger opponent size also played an important part in resource partitioning between the species.

This thesis is a study of the processes by which domestic violence, as framed by Australian feminists from the early 1970s, was inserted into the policy agenda of governments, and developed into a comprehensive body of policy. The thesis covers the period between 1970 and 1985. Acknowledging the federal nature of the Australian polity, it examines these processes that unfolded within both the Australian Commonwealth government and the government of New South Wales. The thesis provides a political history of domestic violence policy making in the identified period. It shows that policy responses to women escaping violent partners included both immediate measures (such as protection and justice strategies) and more long-term measures to attempt to secure the conditions for women�s financial, legal and personal autonomy. The elements found to have been most significant in shaping the development of such policies were the roles and identities of the participant players, including the driving role of the women suffering partner violence; the lack of contest in the early stages of policy achievement with established professionals in related fields; the uniquely �hybrid� role and positioning of refuge feminists; and the degree of integration and continuity which characterised the domestic violence policy process. The thesis also investigates the relationship between domestic violence policy making and the broader women�s policy enterprise. It demonstrates the care with which those involved avoided the dangers of sensationalism and tokenism while striving for an appropriate policy response. The thesis pays particular attention to the circumstances in which feminists in the early 1970s experienced their �discovery� of domestic violence. It demonstrates the significance of social and economic circumstances in shaping the political options of feminists in the thesis period and those preceding it, and the extent to which policy possibilities are shaped by representations of the nature and functions of policy itself. Finally, the thesis investigates the relationship between the strategic processes undertaken and the policy outcomes produced, finding that policies achieved in the thesis period complemented and in some ways transcended accepted policy practice in the relevant period.

ABSTRACT Social relationships, habitat utilisation and life history characteristics provide a framework which enables the survival of populations in fluctuating ecological conditions. An understanding of behavioural ecology is critical to the implementation of Natural Resource Management strategies if they are to succeed in their conservation efforts during the emergence of climate change. Egernia whitii from Wedge Island in the Spencer Gulf of South Australia were used as a model system to investigate the interaction of life history traits, scat piling behaviour and chemosensory communication in social lizards. Juveniles typically took ¡Ý 3 years to reach sexual maturity and the results of skeletochronological studies suggested longevity of ¡Ý 13 years. Combined with a mean litter size of 2.2, a pregnancy rate estimated at 75% of eligible females during short-term studies, and highly stable groups, this information suggests several life history features. Prolonged juvenile development and adult longevity may be prerequisite to the development of parental care. Parental care may, in turn, be the determining factor that facilitates the formation of small family groups. In E. whitii parental care takes the form of foetal and neonatal provisioning and tolerance of juveniles by small family or social groups within established resource areas. Presumably, resident juveniles also benefit from adult territorialism. Research on birds suggests that low adult mortality predisposes cooperative breeding or social grouping in birds, and life history traits and ecological factors appear to act together to facilitate cooperative systems. E. whitii practice scat piling both individually and in small groups. Social benefits arising from signalling could confer both cooperative and competitive benefits. Permanent territorial markers have the potential to benefit conspecifics, congenerics and other species. The high incidence of a skink species (E. whitii) refuging with a gecko species (N. milii) on Wedge Island provides an example of interspecific cooperation. The diurnal refuge of the nocturnal gecko is a useful transient shelter for the diurnal skink. Scat piling may release a species ¡®signature¡¯ for each group that allows mutual recognition. Scat piling also facilitates intraspecific scent marking by individual members, which has the potential to indicate relatedness, or social or sexual status within the group. The discovery of cloacal scent marking activity is new to the Egernia genus. E. Whitii differentiate between their own scats, and conspecific and congeneric scats. They scent mark at the site of conspecific scats, and males and females differ in their response to scent cues over time. Scat piling has the potential to make information concerning the social environment available to dispersing transient and potential immigrant conspecifics, enabling settlement choices to be made. This thesis explores some of the behavioural strategies employed by E. whitii to reduce risks to individuals within groups and between groups. Scents eliciting a range of behavioural responses relevant to the formation of adaptive social groupings, reproductive activity, and juvenile protection until maturity and dispersal are likely to be present in this species. Tests confirming chemosensory cues that differentiate sex, kin and age would be an interesting addition to current knowledge. The interaction of delayed maturity, parental care, sociality, chemosensory communication and scat piling highlights the sophistication of this species¡¯ behaviour. An alternative method for permanently marking lizards was developed. Persistence, reliability and individual discrimination were demonstrated using photographic identification and the method was shown to be reliable for broad-scale application by researchers. Naturally occurring toe loss in the field provided a context against which to examine this alternative identification method and revealed the need to further investigate the consequences of routine toe clipping, as this practice appears to diminish survivorship.

Bibliography: leaves 309-330.
x, 330 leaves : map ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1996

Political imprisonment originated in the mid-nineteenth century, as European states turned away from the use of exile (to places such as Australia or Siberia) and increasingly placed opponents in state prisons for lengthy periods. At the same time, opposition movements became more organized around coherent ideologies and developed the capability of celebrating and publicizing their imprisoned comrades. This era would see the first concentration camps, the first genocides, and the first civilian refugees. It is not surprising that political prisoners would take their place on stage at the same time. The Fenian movement in Ireland, the socialists in the Russian Empire (especially in Poland), the British suffragettes, and Gandhi’s satyagraha resisters in British South Africa are the primary examples used.

Transforming Ethnomusicology aims to deepen and broaden the dialogue about social engagement within the discipline of ethnomusicology. It draws upon a very wide array of perspectives that stem from different ethnocultural contexts, philosophical histories, and cultural situations. Volume I begins with overviews of ethical praxis and collaboration in different countries and institutions. Some of the following studies reflect on the challenges that ethnomusicologists have faced and the strategies they have adopted when working in situations as diverse and challenging as the courtrooms of America, the refugee camps of Kenya, the post-earthquake urban context of Haiti, and war-torn South Sudan. Other studies reflect on community activism and the complexities of sustaining and reviving cultural traditions. The final chapter offers a new perspective on disciplinary practice and methodology by examining the power relations implicit in ethnography and the potential of shifting our position to “witnessing.” Volume II focuses on social and ecological issues and includes Indigenous perspectives from America, Australia, and South Africa. The volume as a whole recognizes the interlinking of colonial and environmental damage as institutions that failed to respect the land and its peoples. As in Chapter 1, the authors deal with the challenging circumstances of the present day where historical practices and modern neoliberal institutions threaten the creation and sustaining of musical knowledge, the memory of the land (both urban and rural), and the dignity of human life. As in Volume I, the second volume ends with a model for change, a radical rethinking of the structure of knowledge already underway in Brazil.

Transforming Ethnomusicology aims to deepen and broaden the dialogue about social engagement within the discipline of ethnomusicology. It draws upon a wide array of perspectives that stem from different ethnocultural contexts, philosophical histories, and cultural situations. Volume I begins with overviews of ethical praxis and collaboration in different countries and institutions. Some of the following studies reflect on the challenges that ethnomusicologists have faced and the strategies they have adopted when working in situations as diverse and challenging as the courtrooms of America, the refugee camps of Kenya, the post-earthquake urban context of Haiti, and war-torn South Sudan. Other studies reflect on community activism and the complexities of sustaining and reviving cultural traditions. The final chapter offers a new perspective on disciplinary practice and methodology by examining the power relations implicit in ethnography and the potential of shifting our position to “witnessing.” Volume II focuses on social and ecological issues and includes Indigenous perspectives from America, Australia, and South Africa. The volume as a whole recognizes the interlinking of colonial and environmental damage as institutions that failed to respect the land and its peoples. As in Volume I, the authors deal with the challenging circumstances of the present day where historical practices and modern neoliberal institutions threaten the creation and sustaining of musical knowledge, the memory of the land (both urban and rural), and the dignity of human life. As in Volume I, the second volume ends with a model for change, a radical rethinking of the structure of knowledge already underway in Brazil.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Australia has unusually effective controls to deter asylum seekers as a result of its remote geography, regional hegemony, and relatively weak legal constraints. In the 1970s the government’s options were self-limited by foreign policy interests that favored asylum seekers fleeing the fallen ally of South Vietnam. By the 2000s, it had shifted toward a harsh policy built on buffers in Indonesia and Papua New Guinea, the “excisions” of particular Australian territories to restrict asylum seekers’ rights there, aggressive interceptions of visa-less travelers at sea, and offshore processing of maritime asylum seekers in other countries’ territories where most have been determined to be refugees by the UNHCR definition. The only current modest limitations on Canberra’s remote controls derive from reliance on other governments to do the work of buffering and caging and scrutiny by civil society.

This chapter details how States and regions use safe third country (STC) practices to deny protection to asylum seekers and refugees on the grounds that they have, or may have, protection in another country. The STC notion originated in Switzerland in 1979, spread throughout Europe in the 1980s, and was adopted by the European Union and countries such as Australia and Canada in the 1990s. Since then, developments in STC law and practice globally include new bilateral agreements, reforms to STC provisions in domestic and supranational legislation, and landmark decisions of superior courts. The chapter studies these changes in Europe, Australia, and North and South America, focusing in particular on the period from 2010 to 2020. It argues that there has been a dilution of STC protection standards in these four regions. The thresholds for effective protection have diminished and are lower than the minimum laid down in international treaties. Moreover, in the introduction and evolution of these STC practices, lawmakers and judges have disregarded the legal principle of international solidarity. While STC practices have long been critiqued as burden-shifting rather than -sharing, new STC law and jurisprudence exacerbates inequities between States with respect to responsibility for hosting refugees.

African students from refugee backgrounds constitute a special group in Australian schools because of their complex lives and previous schooling and life experiences that are unlike most of their non-refugee peers. This chapter draws upon findings from a collaborative, longitudinal case study that sought to understand the education and career pathways of African students from refugee backgrounds from the perspectives of African youth, educators, service providers, and South Australian African community leaders and elders. Qualitative analysis revealed six key influences that shape these pathways: previous schooling; English language skills; Australian schooling challenges and support; family support, academic achievement; and post-school preparation. This chapter presents the case study of a single student that, although unique in its circumstances, is representative of key findings from the larger study. Implications for educational practice are then described with a view to facilitating educational participation and success amongst this particular group of young people.