Journal articles on the topic 'Refugees, palestinian arab – fiction'
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1
Amin, Ammara, Ali Usman Saleem, and Asma Haseeb Qazi. "Subversion and Exclusive Identity in Palestinian Fiction by Women." Global Regional Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-ii).16.
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Palestinian fiction by women subverts and challenges the existing gender paradigms and traditional patriarchal norms in the Arab culture. This paper explores Huzama Habayeb's novel Velvet with the theoretical backing of Julia Kristeva's concept of abjection, thus maintaining that a critical focus on the nexus between distinctive performativity and exclusive identities offers an alternative stance to the oppressive patriarchy in the Arab world. With the recent refugee crisis in the Muslim world, these narratives become extremely important and relevant, offering a space where issues of gender, identity, patriarchy, and religion erupt and coincide. Unveiling the construct of the female gender as only a set of performative norms instead of being an existentialist reality offers distinctive gender configurations and a site of exclusive identity for women. The paper establishes that Palestinian fiction by women has become a site for women's actualization where they defy and resist male hegemony.
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Romirowsky. "Arab-Palestinian Refugees." Israel Studies 24, no. 2 (2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.24.2.08.
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Meejeong Hong. "Palestinian Refugees in the Arab World." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 10, no. 1 (March 2008): 55–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2008.10.1.55.
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Karsh, Efraim. "How many Palestinian Arab refugees were there?" Israel Affairs 17, no. 2 (April 2011): 224–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2011.547276.
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Goldstein, Yossi. "Ben-Gurion and the Palestinian Refugees." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350104.
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A prominent aspect of the Jewish-Arab conflict over Palestine has been the Palestinian ‘catastrophe’ or ‘Nakba’—the displacement of some 750,000 Palestinians during Israel’s War of Independence. David Ben-Gurion, the Yishuv’s pre-state leader and Israel’s first prime minister, was an influential figure in this process. This article investigates Ben-Gurion’s attitude toward the Palestinian refugee problem, highlighting its dynamic nature and its linkage to military developments. Contrary to the conclusions of previous research, only after the Arab states’ invasion and the war’s expansion in late May and early June 1948 did Ben-Gurion decide to oppose the refugees’ return. Undeterred by his own ethical misgivings and international efforts to secure repatriation, his view was reinforced over time, as Israel’s victories on the battlefield became unequivocal.
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Esber, Rosemarie M. "Rewriting The History of 1948: The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Question Revisited." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 1 (May 2005): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.1.55.
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The existence of Palestinian refugees remains an unresolved grievance at the heart of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and a major obstacle to peace. This paper places the Palestinian exodus in historiographical context, elucidates the arguments that have characterised the debate over the Palestinian refugees since their creation, and presents new research. The incorporation of the Palestinian viewpoint and British contemporary perspectives from oral histories and the documentary record demonstrate that the creation of the Palestinian refugees during the civil war period lay in the convergence of chaotic civil conflict, the British inaction to suppress the escalating violence, and Zionist offensive operations aimed at forcing out the Arab population.
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Almassri, Juliana J. J. "Forced Migration: The 1948 Palestinian Refugees." Hadtudományi Szemle 16, no. 1 (June 29, 2023): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2023.1.1.
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During the 1948 Palestine war, more than 700,000 Palestinian Arabs fled or were expelled from their homes, accounting for roughly half of prewar Palestine’s Arab population. The exodus was a central component of the Palestinian society’s cracks, disempowerment and displacement, known as the Nakba, during which between 400 and 600 Palestinian villages were damaged and others were exposed to the Hebraization of Palestinian place names, and it also relates to the wider period of the conflict itself and the subsequent oppression up to the present day. The main aim of this research is to define the causes of the 1948 Palestinian exodus, which led to the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem. It also seeks to show the ways that the Nakba has influenced Palestinian history. This study explores the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, a UN (United Nations) agency that supports Palestinian refugees’ relief and human development.
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El-Natour, Souheil. "The Palestinians in Lebanon: New Restrictions on Property Ownership." Holy Land Studies 2, no. 1 (September 2003): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2003.0010.
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It is estimated that there are some 373,440 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, comprising some 10 per cent of the total refugee population registered by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). Despite the efforts of UNRWA in the health and educational fields their fate is, perhaps, the most uncertain and tragic of all the Palestinian refugees, considering the extent of their suffering, their deprivation of human rights, and the absence of any international, Arab or Palestinian body to care for them. This article investigates the new legal restrictions imposed on property-ownership by Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, which adds further to their miserable conditions.
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Chen, Tianshe. "Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries and Their Impacts." Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 3, no. 3 (September 2009): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2009.12023136.
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Khalil, A. "Socioeconomic Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries." International Journal of Refugee Law 23, no. 4 (October 30, 2011): 680–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/eer027.
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Nasser Eddin, Nof, and Nof Nasser-Eddin. "Palestinian Refugees: A Gendered Perspective." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 3, no. 1 (September 17, 2015): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v3i1.127.
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This article argues that the situation of Palestinian refugees is still relevant till this day. There are around five million refugees living in neighbouring Arab countries, such as Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and Egypt, as well as neighbouring areas in Palestine itself, like the West Bank and Gaza Strip, under very precarious conditions. Their situation is extremely unstable as any changes in the region can influence them directly.
The need to address this issue is particularly important because Palestinian refugees (as well as internally displaced Palestinians) have been both historically and politically marginalised. In particular, I will argue for a need to gender the debate around the Palestinian refugees, because the distinct experience of women Palestinian refugees has been overlooked within this context. Most literature has focused on the Palestinian refugees as a holistic population, which assumes all refugees share the same struggle. However, understanding the position of women within the context of the refugees and the unique struggles they face is essential to understanding their particular experiences as refugees and in highlighting their differential needs; this is why a feminist perspective is needed within the field of refugee studies.
This article is based on a feminist journey drawing on research interviews with female Palestinian refugees in camps in Jordan, and with Syrian Palestinian women in Turkey, Jordan and Europe.
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Bahhur, Riad. "SUSAN SLYOMOVICS, The Object of Memory: Arab and Jew Narrate the Palestinian Village (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998). Pp. 319. $19.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 631–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801304075.
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Susan Slyomovics's Object of Memory explores the ways in which Arabs and Jews (primarily Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews) narrate the Palestinian village, focusing on the pre-1948 Palestinian village of Ein Houd, located in the Carmel Mountains south of the city of Haifa. The Palestinian inhabitants of Ein Houd were displaced during the 1948 war and prevented by the Israeli government from returning to their homes there. Most of them became internal refugees, designated “present absentees” under Israeli law. Others became refugees in surrounding Arab states and in the part of Palestine that became known as the West Bank. Their properties were confiscated by Israel under the Absentee Property Law.
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Masalha, Nur. "From Propaganda to Scholarship: Dr Joseph Schechtman and the Origins of Israeli Polemics on the Palestinian Refugees." Holy Land Studies 2, no. 2 (March 2004): 188–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2004.0006.
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In 1948 an official ‘Transfer Committee’ was appointed by the Israeli Cabinet to plan the Palestinian refugees' resettlement in the Arab states. Apart from doing everything possible to reduce the Arab population in Israel, the Transfer Committee sought to amplify and consolidate the demographic transformation of Palestine by: preventing the Palestinian refugees from returning to their homes; the destruction of Arab villages; settlement of Jews in Arab villages and towns; and launching a propaganda campaign to discourage Arab return. One of the Transfer Committee's initiatives was to invite Dr Joseph Schechtman, a right-wing Zionist Revisionist leader and expert on ‘population transfer’, to join its efforts. In 1952 Schechtman published a propagandists work entitled The Arab Refugee Problem. Since then Schechtman would become the single most influential propagator of the Zionist myth of ‘voluntary’ exodus in 1948. This article examines the leading role played by Schechtman in promoting Israeli propaganda and politics of denial. Relying on newly-discovered Israeli archival documents, the article deals with little known and new aspects of the secret history of the post-1948 period.
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Esber, Rosemarie M., Matthew C. Hogan, and Philip Mattar. "Don Peretz 1922–2017." Review of Middle East Studies 51, no. 2 (August 2017): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2017.79.
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Robson, Laura. "Proto-Refugees? Palestinian Arabs and the Concept of Statelessness before 1948." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601005.
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The Palestine mandate was built around the assumption that the League of Nations and the British mandatory government would preside over a gradual demographic and political transformation there, creating a European Jewish settler majority to replace the Palestinian Arab one and allowing for the eventual emergence of a Jewish nation-state. This process required a corresponding de-nationalisation of the incumbent Arab population – a project that formally began with the language of the mandate and continued through the mechanisms of governance set by the British mandate state and the League of Nations throughout the mandate period. Through new legal, economic and political mechanisms, the mandate system coalesced around a project of producing Palestinian Arab statelessness that made notable use of a simultaneously emerging language of refugeedom elsewhere in the Middle East and Eastern Europe. This paper explores the use of refugee-related discourse and institutions to produce this deliberate de-nationalisation of Palestinian Arabs during the mandate period, arguing that the League of Nations put into place conditions and categories of statelessness for Palestinians that set them up as ‘proto-refugees’ long before the physical expulsions of 1948 and set the stage for an international acceptance of their refugee status as a long-established and essentially permanent condition.
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Sammy, Rashid. "The Emergence and Evolution of Palestinian Nationalism." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i2.1.
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Palestinian nationalism refers to the idea that supports the formation of an Arab Palestinian state with respect to British Mandate of Palestine. In order to test the applicability of the Palestinian nationalism growth, examination of print sources is carried out with respect to Zionism. Its emergence dates after 1967 in the Ottoman loyalty. 1967 onwards marked distinctive Palestinian nationalism, which was at loggerheads with the Israeli state right from the start. Yet, there were differences in how Palestinian nationalism functioned and evolved with respect to the Israeli Arabs and the Palestinian refugees. As a conclusion, a separate Palestinian nationalism took place chiefly to cater to the Zionism issue.
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Shiblak, Abbas. "Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries." Journal of Palestine Studies 25, no. 3 (1996): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538257.
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Shiblak, Abbas. "Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries." Journal of Palestine Studies 25, no. 3 (April 1996): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1996.25.3.00p01237.
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Bin Zakariah, Muhamad Hasrul. "Britain and the Arab-Israel Conflict: Questioning the Motives Behind Continued Aid to 1967 Palestinian Refugees." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 5, no. 1 (July 16, 2008): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v5i1.31.
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British involvement in Middle East politics can be traced to long before the First World War when its economic and strategic interests appeared to be the main reason for the involvement. The emergence of the newly created Israeli state, following the Balfour Declaration, marked the beginning of the Palestinian refugee crisis. Between 1948 and 1956, historical liability and obligation forced the British to be involved in providing humanitarian aid to the Palestinian refugees. British involvement in the Suez Crisis later in 1956, was a tragedy for British influence in the Middle East. Many scholars concluded that the 1956 campaign marked “the end of British empire in the Middle East” and the beginning of the cold war, American-Soviet rivalry that left Britain marginalised. Even prominent Middle East scholars such as Michael Ben Oren, in his book Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of Modern Middle East, did not give attention to the British role and involvement in the 1967 crisis. However, the British efforts to regain Arab trust whilst preserving its economic and strategic interests in the Middle East persuaded Britain to remain involved with the Palestinian refugee crisis. None of these scholars have tried to analyse the motives behind continued British involvement in humanitarian aid for Palestinian refugees – the crisis which lingers long after the end of the British Empire in the Middle East. This paper discusses this topic with a focus on refugees from the 1967 war and attempts to explain the reasons for continuation of British aid from an historical perspective. This research was based on historical document analysis and the extraction of archival sources from The National Archive (TNA) in London.
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Peteet, Julie. "PROBLEMATIZING A PALESTINIAN DIASPORA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 4 (October 30, 2007): 627–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807071115.
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The year 1948 marks the beginning of al-ghurba (exile or diaspora) and al-nakba (disaster or calamity), words intensely resonant in the Palestinian lexicon. After this decisive date, one can affix “pre-” or “post-” as markers of an apocalyptic moment. In this cultural and political orbit, a new spatial world took shape. Violently crafted and maintained borders that locked Palestinians in and kept them out became features of quotidian life. In 1948, through a combination of expulsion and flight, around 750,000 Palestinians became refugees in neighboring Arab countries. About 100,000 Palestinians remained in their homeland. The core issue, however, is not conditions of departure but denial of an internationally recognized right of return, as elaborated in United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194.
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Krylov, A. V. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PROTEST THE PALESTINIAN SOCIETY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-180-197.
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This article, perhaps for the first time in Russian scientific and historical literature raises the question of the nature and character of the social protest in the Arab Palestinian society. Even before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, the Arab population of Palestine entered an active stage of forming national consciousness and identity, which was parallel to the development of pan-Arab national liberation movement. Mass demonstrations of Palestinians in 1920, 1929 and 1936-1939 suggest that the main cause of the protest was the colonial policy of Great Britain, expressed in support the Zionist movement and, as a consequence – the impossibility for the leading Palestinian clans to realize their political ambitions. Taking into account the fact that the Palestinians have shown exceptional tenacity and will in the struggle for national independence, the international community has supported the UN decision to create on the territory of mandated Palestine two States – one Arab and one Jewish. However, due to the Arab-Israeli conflict and other well-known geopolitical reasons, the state of Palestine has not been created till now. Today the Palestinians are divided into four segments: refugees living outside of Palestine in other countries, the Arab population of Israel, the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In this article the author analyses the situation of the Palestinians on the territory of the historical Palestine and typical forms of protest and discontent in the Palestinian community at present. The article argues that the protest in the Palestinian society, as in the past, has a distinct anti-Israel and anti-Zionist orientation.
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Givoni, Michal. "The Nakba in a Livestream: Empathic Encounters and the Solidarity of Shared Precariousness." International Political Sociology 14, no. 4 (April 26, 2020): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaa012.
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Abstract Since the summer of 2015, hundreds of Arab Palestinians from Israel have joined the massive number of volunteers who flocked to Greece and other locations in Europe to assist refugees from Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and other countries. Based on their stories about their experiences of volunteering, this essay examines how the affective regime of humanitarian action in crises mutates when such action is practiced by ordinary people who are living through their own protracted political crisis. Focusing on the empathy that Palestinian volunteers have practiced in their encounters with refugees, I show that the Palestinian relief actions and the solidarity of shared precariousness they embody challenge the premises of Western humanitarianism but also complicate the picture sketched by studies on “other humanitarianisms” from beyond the Western and universalist frame. I claim that empathy—one of the main humanitarian resources the Palestinian helpers have mobilized—has prompted a composite sense of affinity in which the similarities between the helpers and the refugees were both stressed and qualified. This affinity, as I further show, draws not just on the helpers’ traumatic memories and cultural and ethnic affiliations but also on their fears of the future.
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Boullata, Kamal. "Artists Re-Member Palestine in Beirut." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 4 (2003): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.4.22.
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The following article examines the work of seven visual artists of the first generation of Palestinian refugees whose careers unfolded in Beirut, at thetime the cultural center of the Arab world and "the metropolis of Arab modernity." The two groups of refugee artists - those from the camps and those who became part of Beirut's elite artistic scene - produced works very different in approach and spirit, but which all bore the stamp of their experience of Palestine. While examining the works of these artists in the context of their lives, the paper also highlights the sometimes explicit, sometimes hidden presence of Palestine.
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Shafer Raviv, Omri. "Studying an Occupied Society: Social Research, Modernization Theory and the Early Israeli Occupation, 1967–8." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 1 (August 21, 2018): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418785688.
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In the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip from Jordan and Egypt, and established a long-lasting military regime over their Palestinian population. In this article, recently declassified sources and published reports were used to demonstrate how the Israeli government initiated and funded academic research on Palestinian society to gain reliable, useful knowledge to inform its policies. The Israeli leadership was most specifically concerned with pacification of the occupied population, the Arab/Jewish demographic balance, and the status of the 1948 Palestinian refugees. By early 1968, the research team had produced a series of policy-oriented reports on Palestinian society, covering such subjects as employment, education, nationalism, migration, and general values. The team used surveys, questionnaires, and observations, with modernization theory providing the theoretical framework for analyzing their empirical findings and formulating policy recommendations. As the Israeli team had studied a population under military occupation, their recommendations differed from those reached by their US peers who studied traditional populations in the context of the Cold War. Israeli civil and military officials had great interest in this new knowledge, rendering social research an ongoing practice for the Israeli occupation regime in the years to come.
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Mann, Itamar. "Disentangling Displacements: Historical Justice for Mizrahim and Palestinians in Israel." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 21, no. 2 (July 28, 2020): 427–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2020-0020.
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AbstractIsrael’s discursive strategy for legitimizing the displacement of Palestinians in 1948 involved describing it as part of a regional “population exchange.” This argument contributed to three critical characteristics of Israeli citizenship. First, it solidified an understanding of citizenship as a negation of persecution and a haven for would-be Jewish refugees. Second, it tied Mizrahi claims against states across the Middle East to Palestinian claims against Israel. Israel thus exploited Mizrahi refugee rights for its geostrategic interests—a fight against the claims of Palestinian refugees. This had detrimental material consequences for both groups. Third, this strategy contributed to the construction of Palestinians as an “exchangeable remainder” and a demographic threat that could potentially pose a risk to the Jewish majority. Ultimately, Israel irrevocably entangled the displacement histories of three groups: Ashkenazi Jews, Mizrahi Jews, and Arab Palestinians. This Gordian knot remains with us today, and is reflected in a stratified Israeli society. But the vision that this symposium suggests we consider, that of “historical justice,” demands that it be undone. This Article therefore offers a way in which the refugee histories could perhaps one day be disentangled: a program of reparations for the Mizrahi and Palestinian citizens of Israel.
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Abou Rached, Ruth. "Jonathan Wright on translating Arab and Iraqi literature, interview by Ruth Abou Rached." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00083_7.
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Jonathan Wright is a British journalist and literary translator, known for bringing many works of Arab fiction to new audiences via translation for the past fifteen years. His recent works, however, seem more connected to Iraq: in addition to The Iraqi Christ by Hassan Blasim and Frankenstein in Baghdad by Ahmed Saadawi, he has translated The Book of Collateral Damage by Sinan Antoon (Yale University Press, 2020) and God 99 by Blasim (Comma Press, 2020). Jonathan is currently working on a semi-biographical novella by Iraqi writer Ali Bader and on works by Palestinian activist and fiction writer Ghassan Kanafani yet to be translated or retranslated, into English. In this interview, Ruth Abou Rached and Jonathan Wright discuss the experiences of Wright translating Iraqi and Arabic fiction and Wright offers his thoughts and recommendations.
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Fischbach, Michael R. "Palestinian Refugee Compensation and Israeli Counterclaims for Jewish Property in Arab Countries." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 1 (2008): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.38.1.6.
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Unlike its demands for Holocaust reparations, Israel's compensation claims for properties that Jews left behind in the Arab world have aimed not to provide individual financial reparations, but rather to counter and offset Palestinian refugees' claims for restitution and the right of return. In U.S.-sponsored negotiations in 2000, Israel announced it would drop its counterclaim policy and agreed with the Palestinians that individual compensation would be paid out to all sides from an international fund. More recently, however, a new counterclaim strategy has emerged, based not on financial reparations, but rather on an argument that a fair population and property exchange occurred in 1948. By pursuing this strategy, Israel and international Jewish organizations risk exacerbating tensions between European Jews who have received Holocaust reparations, and Arab Jews angry that their claims are held hostage to diplomatic expediency.
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Piselli, Kathyanne. "Samira Azzam: Author's Works and Vision." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 1 (February 1988): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800057524.
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The loss of Palestine and the resulting dispersal of Palestinian refugees has had a profound impact on the development of Arabic literature. If independence and revolution in most Arab lands served to catapult poets and writers into new literary themes and forms, the psychological jolt of defeat combined with the sudden physical presence of refugees who could not help but witness that defeat helped decisively to move writers away from earlier romantic themes and flowery language in favor of themes and styles considered to be more realistic. The 1950s and 1960s in particular were times of concern for social realism, and among the educated class there was a growing impatience with art that did not treat the important changes that shook the Arabs at the time.
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Sultana, Summer, Sabir Ijaz, and Mubasshar Hassan Jafri. "UNIVERSAL HUMAN RIGHTS DECLARATION: RIGHT TO RETURN OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i2.7.
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For over last 70 years, the concept of "return" attained primary focus for the national narrative of Palestinian struggle against devastating conditions, categorized as (i) eviction from ancestral homeland, (ii) diffusion in all aspects and (iii) reconstitution of national unity. However, the very idea create fears among Israelis regarding their authority of whole Zionist enterprise, as well as demographic stability of Arab-Jewish ventures, with regards to the return of large number of Palestinians to their own places or any other part in Palestine. Discrimination in opposition to Palestinians is no longer perpetrated fully by Israeli state, but common to its society, as well. Our article is an answer to the complicated question: Can refugees along with other displaced victims ever claim their right in entering Israel and Palestine, since this State includes Gaza and West Bank territories? Various articles have made an attempt to clarify the matter through some internal laws and have also interpreted the rights mentioned in ‘International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights’, particularly while clarifying the idea evolved from the typical term: 'his own country’. The article focuses on the viable first point, specifically on the claim as a right of the Diasporas return to the formerly called ‘Palestine’. Various resources are utilised for the purpose of the research. This includes books, scholarly researched articles and newspapers etc. The study is analytical in nature and based on qualitative research method. Most of the literature used for the article is Secondary. The conclusion drawn in precise manner is that the intentions are blended in repeated violations of human rights, along with ethnic and religious refining and various innumerable deficiencies, and try to become regularly involved in sensitive issues. This turned out to be disheartening for the people living there as no efforts are made for a truthful resolution.
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Al Husseini, Jalal. "UNRWA and the Refugees: A Difficult but Lasting Marriage." Journal of Palestine Studies 40, no. 1 (2010): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2010.xl.1.006.
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Over the last sixty years, UNRWA's relationship to the Palestinian refugees it serves has undergone profound changes. Faced with the difficult task of adapting a humanitarian regime to a highly politicized environment, the agency has had to thread its way through the diverse and sometimes conflicting expectations of the international donor states, the Arab host countries, and the refugees themselves, who from the start were deeply suspicious of UNRWA's mandate as inimical to the right of return. Against this background, the article traces the evolution of the agency's role from service and relief provider to virtual mouthpiece for the refugees on the international stage and, on an administrative level, from a disciplinary regime to emphasis on community participation and finally to the embrace of a developmental agenda. Although UNRWA's presence, originally seen as temporary, seems likely to endure, the article argues that financial and political constraints are likely to thwart its new agenda.
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Khalaf, Issa. "The Effect of Socioeconomic Change on Arab Societal Collapse in Mandate Palestine." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1997): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064175.
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Between December 1947 and the first four months of 1948, the fabric of a centuries-old Palestinian Arab society unraveled with astounding rapidity, producing 750,000 refugees. The collapse occurred within the context of widespread socioeconomic disruption and dislocation among peasants and migrant and urban workers. The eroding socioeconomic foundation severely weakened this lower stratum's defense against Zionist settlement, colonial state policies, and military pressures. Beginning in late Ottoman times and throughout the British Mandate period (1918–48), the agrarian social economy had been slowly undermined by the urban landowning class and oppressive tax and land-tenure systems. Peasant dispossession, begun in the 19th century and aggravated by Zionist land-buying in the 20th, created a significant landless rural population that was increasingly dependent on wage labor in scattered rural locations and in the cities. During the British Mandate, as Palestine was rapidly incorporated into the world market, communal harmony and social integration were further strained by urban–rural and peasant–landowner tensions, disjointed urban–working–class development, unemployment, and overcrowding. As a result, by the late 1940s Palestinian Arab society was on the brink of disintegration.
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Sayigh, Rosemary. "Becoming Pro-Palestinian: A ‘Self-History’." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 22, no. 2 (October 2023): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2023.0312.
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Since the revolt of early oral historians such as Ronald Fraser and Alessandro Portelli against the state-based practice of classical history, it has become commonplace to adopt oral history theory and methods to record the experiences of subaltern groups excluded from mainstream history. Such excluded groups are many, among them workers, ethnic minorities, and the peoples of colonised countries such as Palestine. At the time of the expulsion of the majority of Palestinians from their country in 1948 there was little support for them in world public opinion. But over time, international solidarity has grown to a point where it constitutes a serious concern for the Israeli state, as Israeli violence towards the Palestinians under its control draws increasing criticism from the international community. I write here to trace the trajectory of someone who tried to join a kibbutz in 1951 but who found herself instead teaching in the Arab world, and from there discovering the Palestinian cause through oral history work with Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. This ‘self-history’ may serve an historical purpose through illustrating how opinion towards an important contemporary political issue may change in an individual case.
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MUSTAFA, KHADER N., MOHAMMED HAMMOUDEH, and MUHAMMAD ASIM KHAN. "HLA-B27 Prevalence in Arab Populations and Among Patients with Ankylosing Spondylitis: Table 1." Journal of Rheumatology 39, no. 8 (July 1, 2012): 1675–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3899/jrheum.120403.
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Objective.To investigate prevalence of HLA-B27 among general Arab populations and among patients with ankylosing spondylitis (AS), and to review published data.Methods.The prevalence of HLA-B27 was studied among 2579 unrelated healthy Jordanians, almost equally divided among Palestinian refugees and natives of Jordan, reflecting the general population of Jordan. The prevalence of HLA-B27 was also studied among 129 patients with AS, 70 from Jordan, and the remaining 59 from Qatar. HLA typing was performed by standard 2-stage micro-lymphocytotoxicity method. We also reviewed published English language studies of HLA-B27 in Arab patients with AS and general populations retrieved through Medline and cross-reference search.Results.We observed that the general prevalence of HLA-B27 among Jordanians is 2.4%; while the reported prevalence ranges between 2% and 5% among major Arab populations. The prevalence of HLA-B27 among patients with AS is 71% in Jordan and 73% in Qatar, while the reported prevalence from pooled published data from various Arab populations is 64%.Conclusion.From these data one can conclude that HLA-B27 is present in about 2% to 5% among major Arab populations and that its prevalence in Arab patients with AS is closer to 70%.
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Makhoul, Jihad, Ann Taket, Michael Khoury, and Tamar Kabakian-Khasholian. "Insights into theorizing social exclusion and inequities: A perspective from the Arab World." Journal of Social Inclusion 10, no. 1 (September 13, 2019): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36251/josi160.
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Objective: To explore the influence of the global structural determinants and theirpathways of action on health disparities and social exclusion, drawing on findings fromresearch with four different population groups in an Arab context. We use a socioecologicalframework to categorise these determinants into levels to allow an in-depthlook into their pathways of action on social exclusion and inequalities.Methods: We use findings from an ethnographic study on Palestinian and Iraqirefugees in Lebanon; a qualitative research study on women’s needs for labour supportin three public hospitals in Egypt, Lebanon and Syria; and counselling experiences withuniversity scholarship recipients in Lebanon. These findings were revisited using asocial exclusion lens.Results: Global forces, such as modernism, inequitable foreign policies of resettlementcountries, over-medicalization of health care, modern educational systems and armedconflicts fueled by global vested interests interact to cause and exacerbate socialexclusion. Palestinian refugees relate their experiences of discrimination in what isperceived to be a hostile society to policies reducing their education and employmentopportunities. Delays in processing resettlement applications of Iraqi refugees and thelack of power over the choice of resettlement countries are a source of reported stressand anxiety. Over-medicalization of maternity care disrupts the traditional ways ofgiving birth surrounded with family through policies and practices restricting labourcompanionship, resulting in the isolation and silencing of women during childbirth.Scholarship students reported inadvertent exclusion from their families, societies andcolleagues. Scrutiny of the findings and re-examination of the data reveals theimportance of global structural determinants in explaining the patterns of exclusionreported for the population groups observed.Conclusion: Expanding the ecological framework of determinants of social exclusion atthe level of wider social/structural determinants is necessary to improve ourunderstanding of social exclusion in impoverished and war affected places around theworld.
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Ghanayim, Mahmud. "A magic journey: the admission of Palestinian fiction in Israel to the Arab world." Arabic & Middle Eastern Literature 1, no. 2 (July 1998): 205–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13666169808718205.
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Sandberg, Haim. "Expropriations of Private Land of Arab Citizens in Israel: An Empirical Analysis of the Regular Course of Business." Israel Law Review 43, no. 3 (2010): 590–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000893.
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A fairly common premise in academic research about Israel is that the State of Israel has expropriated large tracts of land from Arabs, whether citizens or Palestinian refugees. This premise does not distinguish between the taking of property, which was expropriated from Arab refugees during the War of Independence, and the expropriation of land during the State's “regular course of business.” Blurring the distinction between land belonging to refugees and land belonging to citizens creates the impression that the State of Israel has expropriated large tracts of land as a regular “course of business.” This research isolates and clarifies the extent of “regular” expropriations on the national level according to the Lands (Acquisition for Public Purposes) Ordinance 1943—the main and permanent tool for large scale expropriations in Israel It shows that the common premise about expropriation of Arab citizens ‘land is highly exaggerated. The Arab population's share in the burden of expropriation was fairly small in absolute terms and is not significantly greater than the Jewish population's share.While a quantitative analysis of the expropriations cannot in itself produce a conclusion about harmful and unjustified influences of the expropriations on Arab citizens, a quantitative analysis of each expropriation may produce information on which to make such a conclusion. Moreover, arguing against all expropriation of lands—which actually results in the transfer of resources from Arabs to Jews, irrespective of its scope and circumstances—may entail an a priori negation of Israel's right to use land resources and police powers to answer real public needs of the Jewish majority and can entail an a priori negation of the nature of Israel as a Jewish and democratic State—rather than a legitimate criticism on the merits of each expropriation.
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KARAM, JOHN TOFIK. "On the Trail and Trial of a Palestinian Diaspora: Mapping South America in the Arab–Israeli Conflict, 1967–1972." Journal of Latin American Studies 45, no. 4 (November 2013): 751–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x13001156.
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AbstractCentred around a May 1970 shooting at the Israeli embassy in Asunción, this article traces a chain of actions and reactions that began with Israel's victory in the Six-Day War in June 1967 and ended after the June 1972 verdict of a Paraguayan court regarding two Palestinians. Situated among Israeli officials, Palestinian refugees and Syrian-Lebanese elites, authoritarian Paraguay was not only encompassed by but also accommodated the post-1967 Arab–Israeli conflict, revealing the connection between the ‘areas’ of South America and the Middle East through ideas about relocating Palestinians as well as their actual displacement.
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Khalil, Asem. "Palestinians to Citizens." Middle East Law and Governance 6, no. 3 (December 5, 2014): 204–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00603001.
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In this paper, I first argue that, since the British mandate, citizenship regulations in Palestine contributed to dispossession of the rights of Palestinians, thus laying the seeds of the Palestinian refugee problem and its eventual consolidation. I then argue that citizenship regulations in host countries were exclusionary towards refugees in general, and Palestinians in particular, making it impossible for Palestinians to integrate in host societies. The so-called “Arab Spring” did not bring about any change in that sense. Finally, I argue that the narrative of statehood, although often separated from that of the “right of return”, constitutes but one narrative, and one from a completely different angle than the narrative of a “right of return”, where the ‘just solution’ creates the possibility of establishing a homeland for Palestinians where they, and in particular the stateless refugees, can be converted into full citizens. What was part of the problem for refugees is presented as part of the solution. This discussion is very important in today’s Palestine, which was just recently accepted by the un General Assembly as a non-member observer state. The importance of that move is the official Palestinian insistence on the need for a state on the 1967 borders, and the willingness to accept the formula of a two-state solution. Discussion related to citizenship and refugee status, and the right of return, are all back at the center of political and legal discussions.
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Shibib, Khalid. "From Higher Education in Historic Palestine towards a Pan-Palestinian Higher Education." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 21–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.3.21.
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The fiercely waged, century-long conflict on the ground of historic Palestine between the Jews, who from the mid-nineteenth century have mainly immigrated from Europe, and the Arab Palestinians, who live there—and have been living there for centuries/thousands of years—primarily started in the educational field. With the establishment of the Technion Institute in 1912, the Political Zionist movement started to develop a higher education system (HES) that could deliver the human capital needed for the building of a prosperous state, one built on the occupation and expropriation of Palestinian land and material property, on the expulsion of the people who lived there, on a system of apartheid, and, at long last, on the denial and destruction of the Palestinian identity. It was only sixty years later that a Palestinian response in the field of higher education was in a position to start with the establishment of Hebron University in 1971, followed by over fifty other Palestinian higher education institutes (HEIs). Despite current numerical parity in the population of around 6.5 million each (The New Arab 2018) and the number of HEIs (over fifty each) on the ground of historic Palestine, a devastating multi-sectorial power discrepancy exists in favor of the visions of Political Zionism. The power discrepancy and the irreconcilable narratives developed on both sides render peaceful compromises impossible. Through bibliographic research, this paper provides an outsider’s general snapshot of the current state of higher education in Palestine in order to explore its relation to conflict narratives, to power gap, and to major political events. It presents ideas for an intra-Palestinian, just as a regional and a global, discourse on how the still weak Palestinian HES in the Occupied Palestinian Territory could be improved to further strengthen Palestinian economic and scientific progress. It reflects on how to expand into a pan-Palestinian HES that, in addition, targets Palestinian refugees and diaspora Palestinians from all over the world, as well as Palestinians living in Israel. Beyond this demographic expansion, this essay suggests an academic engagement with the strengthening of historic Palestinian identity and the restitution of its cultural Druze and Jewish components, which were lost during the last century of conflict. This strengthened renewed multi-religious (now multilingual) Palestinian identity can also offer a long-term perspective for a peaceful solution, a perspective which cannot be offered by the exclusive Political Zionism.
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Munem, Bahia M., and Sônia Cristina Hamid. "Diasporic Palestinian Communities in Brazil and Hierarchies of Belonging." Revista Territórios e Fronteiras 13, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.22228/rt-f.v13i2.1050.
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In this article, we examine the historical migration of Palestinians to Brazil, while also exploring the resettlement of a group of just over 100 Palestinian refugees in the country. We seek to focus on this group to attend to specificities in the migratory designations of immigrant and refugee and the complex ways these are activated, their gendered-class formation and distinctions, and important nuances in the overarching category “Arab” (or “turco” or “Sírio-Libanês”) in which differences are subsumed and particularities flattened. Neste artigo, examinamos a histórica migração de palestinos para o Brasil e exploramos o reassentamento de um grupo de pouco mais de 100 refugiados palestinos no país. Focamos nestes grupos com o intuito de entender as especificidades das designações migratórias de imigrantes e refugiados e o modo como são acionadas; suas formações e distinções de classe e gênero; e as nuances existentes na abrangente categoria “árabe” (“turco” ou “sírio-libanês”), a partir da qual as diferenças e particularidades dos grupos não são consideradas.
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Munem, Bahia M., and Sônia Cristina Hamid. "Diasporic Palestinian Communities in Brazil and Hierarchies of Belonging." Revista Territórios e Fronteiras 13, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 192–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.22228/rtf.v13i2.1050.
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In this article, we examine the historical migration of Palestinians to Brazil, while also exploring the resettlement of a group of just over 100 Palestinian refugees in the country. We seek to focus on this group to attend to specificities in the migratory designations of immigrant and refugee and the complex ways these are activated, their gendered-class formation and distinctions, and important nuances in the overarching category “Arab” (or “turco” or “Sírio-Libanês”) in which differences are subsumed and particularities flattened. Neste artigo, examinamos a histórica migração de palestinos para o Brasil e exploramos o reassentamento de um grupo de pouco mais de 100 refugiados palestinos no país. Focamos nestes grupos com o intuito de entender as especificidades das designações migratórias de imigrantes e refugiados e o modo como são acionadas; suas formações e distinções de classe e gênero; e as nuances existentes na abrangente categoria “árabe” (“turco” ou “sírio-libanês”), a partir da qual as diferenças e particularidades dos grupos não são consideradas.
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Neimneh, Shadi S. "The Symbolism of the Sun in Ghassan Kanafani's Fiction: A Political Critique." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 5, no. 3 (July 7, 2017): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.5n.3p.67.
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This article explores the symbolism of the sun in Ghassan Kanafani's fiction, in particular his novella Men in the Sun (originally written and published in Arabic under the title Rijal fi al-Shams). The article argues that the sun is a naturalistic emblem standing for the harsh realities encountered by Palestinian refugees. Hence, it is employed as a political metaphor representing the "hellish" life of exiled Palestinians. In this light, the metaphorical employment of the motif of the sun serves the protest message of Kanafani's postcolonial literature of resistance. It is part of a larger project of employing gritty, harsh realism to depict a wretched world of agony, loneliness, despair, and helplessness. In Kanafani’s fiction, the sun directly figures pain, alienation and suffering, rather than hope, light, and renewal as commonly viewed in literary and mythical depictions. Instead of embodying light and birth, the sun figures loss and death in Kanafani’s fictional world. Therefore, it gives Kanafani’s fiction a mythical dimension when this fiction is viewed in its entirety. At the individual level of singular pieces, the sun underscores the realistic weight of such pieces, adding to their ideological, political and historical value. In Men in the Sun, the sun as a dominant symbol functions contra abstract metaphorical language by making the brutal realities of exile and suffering more concrete, more immediate, and more perceptible for the reader. Thus, it is a pessimistic symbol for Kanafani used to create realistic portraits of Palestinian life rather than an optimistic one as traditionally viewed.
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Robson, Laura. "REFUGEES AND THE CASE FOR INTERNATIONAL AUTHORITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND THE UNITED NATIONS RELIEF AND WORKS AGENCY FOR PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN THE NEAR EAST COMPARED." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 4 (October 16, 2017): 625–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000629.
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AbstractIn the immediate aftermath of World War I, the newly formed League of Nations saw Middle Eastern refugees—particularly displaced Armenians and Assyrians scattered in camps across the Eastern Mediterranean—as venues for working out new forms of internationalism. In the late 1940s, following the British abandonment of the Palestine Mandate and the subsequent Zionist expulsion of most of the Palestinian Arab population, the new United Nations revived this concept of a refugee crisis requiring international intervention. This paper examines the parallel ways in which advocates for both the nascent League of Nations and the United Nations made use of mass refugee flows to formulate arguments for new, highly visible, and essentially permanent iterations of international authority across the Middle East.
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O’Mahony, Anthony. "The Vatican, Palestinian Christians, Israel, and Jerusalem: Religion, Politics, Diplomacy, and Holy Places, 1945–1950." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 358–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014534.
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The years 1945–9 were a time of profound political and social transformation for Palestine. Few other periods in its history match these changes, which left no community unaffected. The overwhelming Palestinian-Arab Christian and Muslim community was reduced from a majority to a minority, subject to the rule of a staunchly nationalistic Jewish and Zionist state. The events of 1948–9 were particularly devastating. A large number of Palestinians became refugees, including approximately fifty to seventy per cent of the Palestinian Christian population. Nearly half of the Christian community of Jerusalem had lived and had their businesses in the more modern and developed western sector of the city until Israeli occupation; their property was sequestered after they fled or were compelled to leave. Most of them were forced to seek refuge in the Old City, in monasteries and other Church buildings. Many others were forced to flee elsewhere, some leaving the former Mandate territory altogether.
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Zahoor Hussain, Samiullah Khan, and Muhammad Ajmal. "A Corpus Stylistic Analysis of Abulhawa's the Blue between Sky and Water." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss4-2020(83-93).
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Palestinian literature received significance after Nakba (1948 Palestine-Israel war) and Naksa (1967 Arab-Israel war) and it laid an impact on Palestinian writers and there emerged a new form of literature called Palestinian American literature which got recognition in the 1990s internationally. After Nakba and Naksa many Palestinian families migrated to America. These Palestinians wrote literature in English that is called Palestinian-American literature. The aim of the stylistic analysis of Abulhawa's work to trace out how the writer constructs reality through lexical categories. This thesis also analyzes the work of Palestinian-American writer Abulhawa's novel, The Blue between Sky and Water, and focuses specifically on how the writer achieves her aims. At the same time, this stylistic analysis of The Blue between Sky and Water shed light on the use of Arabic words in English fiction which represent the culture and identity of the Palestinian nation. It explores the dilemma of Palestine that they become a foreigner in their native land. The researcher employed a mixed-method approach to conduct the present study. The researcher used Corpus stylistics tools to analyze the novel. The researcher traced around 6288 concrete nouns and 1634 abstract nouns from the sample respectively. The extensive use of concrete nouns showed that the main purpose of the writer was to get homeland and this piece of writing was not only art for art sake rather art for life's sake. The researcher traced out around 1400 adjectives from the sample of study.
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Al Rawi, Ahmed. "The post-colonial novels of Desmond Stewart and Ethel Mannin." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 552–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1229421.
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In presenting their characters and political ideologies, Desmond Stewart (1924–81) and Ethel Mannin (1900–84) are both unique among British fiction writers because they offered different portrayals of the post-colonial Arab world than what was mostly found in Western mainstream writings. While Stewart discussed the postcolonial era in Iraq by focusing on pan-Arab national movements that rejected the British hegemony during the monarchical period, Mannin focused on the postcolonial era which followed the British occupation and was represented in the Palestinian national movements. This paper argues that Stewart and Mannin offered a more complex and diverse view of the Arab world that was far different from many other stereotypical fictional depictions. It deals more in depth with the following novels: Stewart's Leopard in the Grass (London: W. J. Pollock, 1951) and A Stranger in Eden or The Unsuitable Englishman (New York: Signet, 1954), as well as Mannin's The Road to Beersheba (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1963) and The Night and Its Homing (London: Hutchinson, 1966).
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Ben-Meir, Alon. "THE CASE FOR AN ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN-JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION." World Affairs 185, no. 1 (February 10, 2022): 9–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00438200211066350.
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This extended article argues a case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation, proposes the central elements necessary to realize this in practice, and offers policy advice to the key players as well as to policy makers in the United States, Germany, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. After 73 years of conflict, following the Arab Spring, and the intermittent violence between Israel and the Palestinians, the Palestinians will not give up on their aspiration for statehood. Ultimately, a two-state solution remains the only viable option to end their conflict. The difference, however, between the framework for peace discussed in the 1990s and 2000s—where the focus was on establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza—versus the present time is that many new, irreversible facts have been created: the interspersing of the Israeli and Palestinian populations in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Israel; the status of Jerusalem, where both sides have a unique religious affinity; Israeli settlements in the West Bank, the majority of which will have to remain in place; the intertwined national security concerns involved; and the resettlement of/compensation for Palestinian refugees. I argue that independent Israeli and Palestinian states, therefore, can peacefully coexist and be sustained only through the establishment of an Israeli-Palestinian confederation that would subsequently be joined by Jordan, which has an intrinsic national interest in the resolution of all conflicting issues between Israel and the Palestinians. To that end, all sides will have to fully and permanently collaborate on many levels necessitated by the changing conditions on the ground, most of which can no longer be restored to the status quo ante.
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Almahallawi, Wesam, and Hasmah Zanuddin. "50 days of war on innocent civilian: Ma’an news agency coverage of Israeli and Palestinian conflict." International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, no. 4.9 (October 2, 2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i4.9.20635.
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Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a government control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader’s opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader’s opinion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capability of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days’ war from 8 July – 26 August 2014 by Ma’an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma’an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma’an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days’ war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.
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Almahallawi, Wesam, and Hasmah Zanuddin. "50 Days of War on Innocent Civilian: Ma’an News Agency Coverage of Israeli and Palestinian Conflict." International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, no. 3.21 (August 8, 2018): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i3.21.17204.
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Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a government control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader’s opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader’s opinion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capability of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days’ war from 8 July – 26 August 2014 by Ma’an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma’an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma’an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days’ war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Congressional Monitor." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 4 (2018): 159–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.4.159.
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This report summarizes the bills and resolutions pertinent to Palestine, Israel, or the broader Arab-Israeli conflict that were introduced, during the first session of the 115th Congress, which coincided with the first year of Donald Trump's presidency. Major legislative themes related to the Palestine issue are identified here, as well as initiators of specific legislation, their priorities, the range of their concerns, and their attitudes toward regional actors. The Taylor Force Act, attempts to cut funding to Palestinian refugees, and anti-BDS legislation are included. This report is part of a wider database project of the Institute for Palestine Studies, congressionalmonitor.org, which contains all relevant legislation from 2001 to the present (the 107th through the 115th Congresses) and is updated on an ongoing basis.