Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Reform and Opening-up'

A multi-mechanism framework under a multi-scale method proposed by Wei (1999) is appropriate to analyze the development conditions of Northeast China. In detail, the three mechanisms are decentralization, marketization and globalization, and the three scales are at the interregional, interprovincial and intra-provincial levels. Decentralization after 1978 in China has led to a weaker central state and stronger local governments, both of which have had important implications for regional development. Challenges from local governments have undermined the control of the central government over regional development. However, powerful local governments have helped Chinese governments to embed in local economies. This has been beneficial to develop and form diversified local economies in the Northeast region. But their over-embeddedness in the economic development target has led to an overlook of local government’s responsibilities in maintaining social justice and protecting and assisting the disadvantaged groups, increasing inter-provincial competition and subsequent local protectionism. Marketization reforms in China have generated a regional biased effect on older declining regions including Northeast China. Privatization or the restructure of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) has led to losses of skilled labor and valuable intellectual properties, such as product brands and major manufacturing equipment in Northeast China. Moreover, the formation of an integrated domestic market in China after 1978 has created a more advantageous condition for southern provinces, not for northeastern provinces, because of the closer distance with domestic and overseas markets of southern provinces, and market protectionism conducted by some southern local governments through disguised subsidies to local enterprises or government procurement contracts only for local enterprises. Foreign investment and trade, two major forms of globalization, also have had influences on regional development in China. In detail, international trade has generated border effects, for example the newly formed economic centers alongside the border with leading western European countries in the central and east European transition countries, and also the prosperous economy in coastal China. Foreign investment’s effects on regional development have been influenced by several factors, including the particular selected locations of foreign investors, and also the attitudes or reactions from local players such as governments, labor unions and other actors.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Geography, Department of<br>Graduate

L’intégration internationale des marchés boursiers chinois s’est particulièrement intensifiée suite au développement rapide de l’économie chinoise au début des années 2000.Les bourses de Shanghai et de Shenzhen sont aujourd’hui des centres financiers mondiaux alors qu’au début des années 1990 elles étaient initialement très segmentées et fermées à l’investissement étrangers. L’émergence des places boursières chinoises continentales soulève ainsi de nombreuses questions sur les réformes implémentées et les conséquences sur leur degré d’intégration international. Cette thèse étudie les conséquences de ce processus d’ouverture sur l’évolution des relations entre les marchés chinois et les principales places mondiales. Le Chapitre 1 présente le processus de réformes d’ouverture de l’économie et de sphère financière chinoise. L’objectif étant de contextualiser ce long processus afin d’identifier les réformes majeures et structurantes du système financier actuel. Nous retenons que le processus d’ouverture n’est pas instantané et ne suit pas un plan préétablit. Au contraire, il est progressif, graduel et non homogène dans ses applications. Cette caractéristique se concrétise par une série de réformes structurantes majeures instaurées dans le courant des années 2000 pour servir une nouveau paradigme économique orienté vers le commerce international. L’investissement étranger bien qu’initialement très contrôlé et cantonné à certaines classes d’action verra un assouplissement progressif des restrictions à mesure que le système financiers et bancaire continental monte en compétences. A cet effet, la place hongkongaise, par son statut particulier et son système libéral, constitue une pierre angulaire à des mesures plus souples sur l’investissement étranger dans les places continentales. Le Chapitre 2 est une analyse centrée sur l’évolutions des relations entre les marchés boursiers chinois continentaux et la bourse d’Hong Kong. L’objectif est d’apprécier les effets des différentes réformes d’ouverture sur les relations entre les marchés chinois continentaux (Shanghai et Shenzhen) et le marché de Hong Kong entre 1993-2017. Une approche temps-fréquences par ondelettes est employée pour étudier l’intensité des comouvements entre les indices de Shanghai, de Shenzhen et d’Hong Kong au cours du temps et pour différents cycles (court, moyen et long) tout en indiquant la prédominance d’un indice sur un autre. Les résultats montrent que le niveau de corrélation à long et à court terme entre les marchés continentaux et Hong Kong a augmenté tendanciellement à des rythmes différents. Il ressort cependant que l'influence des marchés continentaux sur Hong Kong augmente après la réforme, mais Hong Kong les affecte toujours fortement, en particulier en période de crise et à long terme. Alors que le chapitre 2 porte sur le rôle d’Hong Kong, le Chapitre 3 étudie finalement l’évolution des relations entre la place de Shanghai et les principaux marchés mondiaux. Nous portons une attention particulière à l’évolution de la corrélation entre les différents indices afin d’analyser les conséquences des assouplissements des restrictions à l’investissement étrangers. Nous recourrons aux modèles GARCH multivariée (DCC-GARCH) pour calculer un coefficient de corrélation dynamique ainsi qu’un paramètre de sensibilités entre différents indices retenus. Il apparait que les marchés continentaux chinois sont plus étroitement reliés aux marchés boursiers hongkongais et japonais après 2007, confirmant le rôle clé de Hong Kong et du Japon comme puissance financière régionale. Des évolutions similaires, mais avec une intensité moins importante, sont notables pour la corrélation Shanghai-Royaume-Unis et Shanghai-Europe. Nous notons un résultat différent concernant les liens avec l’indice américain. La corrélation est plus stable et ne présente pas de rupture notable en 2007, ce qui tend à confirmer un rôle précurseur dans le processus d’intégration en tant que leader mondial<br>The international integration of China's stock markets has particularly intensified following the rapid development of the Chinese economy in the early 2000s. The Shanghai and Shenzhen stock exchanges are now global financial centers, whereas in the early 1990s they were initially highly segmented and closed to foreign investment. The emergence of mainland Chinese stock exchanges thus raises many questions about the reforms implemented and the consequences on their degree of international integration. This thesis studies the consequences of this process of opening up on the evolution of relations between Chinese markets and the main world markets.Chapter 1 presents the process of reforms to open up China's economy and financial sphere. The objective is to contextualize this long process in order to identify major and structuring reforms of the current financial system. We retain that the opening process is not instantaneous and does not follow a pre-established plan. On the contrary, it is progressive, gradual and not homogeneous in its applications. This characteristic is reflected in a series of major structural reforms introduced in the 2000s to serve a new economic paradigm oriented towards international trade. Foreign investment, although initially highly controlled and confined to certain share classes, will see a gradual easing of restrictions as the continental financial and banking system gains its skills. To this end, Hong Kong, by its special status and its liberal system, is a cornerstone for more flexible measures on foreign investment in continental places.Chapter 2 is an analysis focusing on the changing relationship between mainland Chinese stock markets and the Hong Kong stock exchange. The objective is to assess the effects of the various opening-up reforms on relations between mainland Chinese markets (Shanghai and Shenzhen) and the Hong Kong market between 1993-2017. A wavelet time-frequency approach is used to study the intensity of co-movements between the Shanghai, Shenzhen and Hong Kong indices over time and for different cycles (short, medium and long) while indicating the predominance of one index over another. The results show that the level of long- and short-term correlation between mainland markets and Hong Kong has tended to increase at different rates. It appears, however, that the influence of mainland markets on Hong Kong increases after the reform, but Hong Kong still affects them strongly, especially in times of crisis and in the long term.While Chapter 2 deals with the role of Hong Kong, Chapter 3 finally examines the evolution of relations between Shanghai and the world's major markets. We pay particular attention to the evolution of the correlation between the different indices in order to analyse the consequences of the easing of foreign investment restrictions. We use multivariate GARCH models (DCC-GARCH) to calculate a dynamic correlation coefficient as well as a sensitivity parameter between different selected indices. It appears that China's mainland markets are more closely linked to Hong Kong and Japanese stock markets after 2007, confirming Hong Kong and Japan's key role as regional financial powerhouses. Similar developments, but with less intensity, are notable for the Shanghai-UK and Shanghai-Europe correlation. We note a different result regarding the links with the US index. The correlation is more stable and does not show a significant break in 2007, which tends to confirm a pioneering role in the integration process as a world leader

Depuis la fondation de la République populaire de Chine en 1949 jusqu'à la période postérieure à 1990 suivant la Réforme et l'Ouverture, la Chine a connu des transformations politiques, économiques et culturelles significatives. En tant que groupe spécial, les Chinois d'outre-mer ont été profondément affectés par ce processus. Cette thèse, basée sur des perspectives politiques et des documents gouvernementaux déclassifiés, étudie l'histoire des immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France (principalement de Wenzhou et Qingtian), tentant de révéler les politiques chinoises à l'égard des Chinois d'outre-mer et les conditions sociales auxquelles ces immigrants ont été confrontés au cours de différentes périodes historiques.La communauté des immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France a commencé à se former à la fin du XIXe siècle, restant relativement petite et maintenant des liens étroits avec leurs villes natales. Après la fondation de la République populaire de Chine, le refroidissement des relations sino-françaises a rendu difficile le retour de ces immigrants chez eux, beaucoup étant dissuadés par la propagande et les obstructions du Kuomintang. Les mouvements politiques internes tels que la Réforme agraire et le Grand Bond en avant ont davantage porté atteinte aux droits des Chinois d'outre-mer, entravant leur retour.Cependant, l'atteinte aux droits des Chinois d'outre-mer n'était pas constante tout au long de ces mouvements politiques. Dans les premières années de la République populaire, les politiques chinoises oscillaient entre « gauche » et « droite ». Les Chinois d'outre-mer, en raison de leur statut économique spécial, étaient souvent vus comme un remède aux récessions économiques causées par des mouvements politiques extrémistes de gauche. Des institutions telles que le Conseil des Affaires d'État et la Commission des Affaires des Chinois d'Outre-mer ont saisi ces occasions pour mettre en œuvre des politiques protégeant les droits des Chinois d'outre-mer, attirant certains immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France à rentrer chez eux pour rendre visite à leurs proches. Ils ont également mené une série de travaux de front uni à travers les médias et les associations chinoises en France, engageant des luttes fréquentes et intenses avec le Kuomintang, soulignant le lien indissociable entre les immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France et les tendances politiques plus larges de la Chine. Avec le réchauffement des relations diplomatiques sino-françaises et l'établissement de relations diplomatiques en 1964, la tendance des immigrants chinois en France à rentrer chez eux pour rendre visite a augmenté, et l'influence du Kuomintang dans la communauté chinoise française a diminué. Pendant la Révolution culturelle, les droits des Chinois d'outre-mer ont de nouveau été gravement violés. Cependant, il convient de noter qu'après 1970, sous la direction de Zhou Enlai et l'incident de Lin Biao, l'impact sur les immigrants chinois du sud du Zhejiang en France a progressivement diminué à mesure que la situation politique en Chine s'apaisait, et leurs droits ont été restaurés plus tôt que ce que suggèrent les conclusions universitaires existantes.Après la Réforme et l'Ouverture, le gouvernement chinois a mis l'accent sur le rôle des Chinois d'outre-mer dans le développement économique, assouplissant progressivement les politiques d'entrée et de sortie et encourageant les investissements des Chinois d'outre-mer. Cependant, la mise en œuvre de ces politiques n'a pas été sans heurts, connaissant des revers avec les directives du gouvernement central souvent confrontées à la résistance au niveau local. Des changements significatifs à Wenzhou n'ont eu lieu qu'après 1984. Le grand flux de personnes a également conduit naturellement à des problèmes d'immigration illégale. [...]<br>From the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 to the post-1990 period following the Reform and Opening-up, China underwent significant political, economic, and cultural transformations. As a special group, overseas Chinese were deeply affected during this process. This thesis, based on policy perspectives and declassified government documents, studies the history of Southern Zhejiang Chinese immigrants in France (primarily from Wenzhou and Qingtian), attempting to reveal the Chinese overseas Chinese policies and social conditions faced by these immigrants during different historical periods. The Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrant community in France began to form at the end of the 19th century, remaining relatively small and maintaining close ties with their hometowns. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the cooling of Sino-French relations made it difficult for these immigrants to return home, with many deterred by the propaganda and obstructions from the Kuomintang. Domestic political movements such as Land Reform and the Great Leap Forward further infringed on the rights of overseas Chinese, impeding their return. However, the infringement on overseas Chinese rights was not constant throughout these political movements. In the early years of the People’s Republic, China’s policies oscillated between “left” and “right.” Overseas Chinese, due to their special economic status, were often seen as a remedy for economic downturns caused by extreme leftist political movements. Institutions like the State Council and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission took these opportunities to implement policies protecting the rights of overseas Chinese, attracting some Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants in France to return home to visit relatives. They also carried out a series of united front work through media and Chinese associations in France, engaging in frequent and intense struggles with the Kuomintang, highlighting the inseparable link between the Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants in France and China’s broader political trends. With the warming of Sino-French diplomatic relations and the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1964, the trend of Chinese immigrants in France returning home to visit increased, and the influence of the Kuomintang in the French Chinese community diminished. During the Cultural Revolution, the rights of overseas Chinese were again severely violated. However, it is worth noting that after 1970, with Zhou Enlai’s leadership and the Lin Biao incident, the impact on Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants in France gradually diminished as the political situation in China eased, and their rights were restored earlier than existing scholarly conclusions suggest. After the Reform and Opening-up, the Chinese government emphasised the role of overseas Chinese in economic development, gradually relaxing entry and exit policies and encouraging investment from overseas Chinese. However, the implementation of these policies was not smooth, experiencing setbacks with central government directives often facing resistance at the local level. Significant changes in Wenzhou only occurred after 1984. The large outflow of people also naturally led to issues of illegal immigration. Today, the hundreds of thousands of Chinese living in France maintain close ties with their hometowns, a connection deeply rooted in the historical and demographic characteristics of Zhejiang Southern Chinese immigrants. This thesis highlights their experiences during different historical periods, revealing their significant and complex role in China’s modernization process. The study aims to use this group with “overseas relations” as a mirror to reflect on China’s historical progress from 1949 to the post-Reform and Opening-up era

碩士<br>國防大學<br>戰略研究所<br>99<br>Since the reform and opening up of China in 1978, it celebrated the rapid economic development, uprising living standards, and growing socio-economic scale. Its rapid development is followed by energy demand growth. Since energy being the global military strategic material that influences international political, economic and military situations, China has faced this difficulty with an active approach by joining the competition fully in the international oil resources redistribution in order to find the maximum benefit in its future development. This research aims to examine if its energy security strategy planning can strike a balance between green energy and environmental protection, and the economic development, hence, promote social progress. Furthermore, the energy issue might also affect the special cross-strait relations and political changes that might affect Taiwan's future development. It remains to be seen how China becomes a world superpower under the pressure of energy security strategy.

碩士<br>淡江大學<br>中國大陸研究所碩士班<br>104<br>Shanghai Pilot Free Trade Zone, referred to as the Shanghai free trade zone, which was formally established in September,2013. After those operations for more than a year, it has expanded its area, continued to promote its institutional investment, business, finance and other fields of innovation and the establishment of institutional framework and the international trade of convergence, in order to achieve the convenience of trade ,it’s not only to attract foreign investment to set up factories, development of export processing enterprises, but also to allow foreign investors to establish larger commercial enterprises, financial institutions etc. and promote integrated regional economic development. This study would like to know about how Shanghai FTA attracts foreign investment in the financial system and the reform of trade facilitation policy, takes advantage of the channel region, and it doesn’t have to go through customs procedures, and give special preferential tax and regulatory policy, and the financial reform associated with positive and negative effects, and takes the negative list system, understand its implications to establish the background and objectives of the reform, attract foreign investment opportunities and financial reform analysis and discussion its implementation effects, challenges and prospects.

Over the past 40 years of reforming and opening up, China's economy, politics, and culture have undergone earth-shaking changes, particularly the rapid pace of development of the economy. However, with the rapid pace of development of the economy, the country has exposed many social problems. Among them, I think the most serious is the unequal allocation of resources. Therefore, in order to analyze the specific current situation of China's resource allocation fairness and to understand the difficulties in this aspect, this dissertation uses the collected data of the elementary and junior high school education resources allocation between urban and rural areas during 2014-2017 and takes the Theil index as a method of calculation, from the results, it can be seen that there is an irrational phenomenon in the distribution of educational resources in urban and rural areas, and the phenomenon of inequality has increased year by year. In the dissertation, of those reasons that cause the inequality of resource allocation, the factors of government and of market be chosen to put into the analyzation. Finally, this dissertation explores how the government and the market allocate public resources reasonably, effectively, and equitably to improve overall social equality and narrow the gap between urban and rural development, so as to promote overall social development in an all-round way.<br>Nos últimos 40 anos de reforma e abertura, a economia, a política e a cultura da China passaram dramaticamente por mudanças grandes, especialmente o avanço do desenvolvimento econômico. No entanto, o país expôs muitos problemas sociais com o desenvolvimento da economia. Entre eles, penso que o mais sério é a contradição social devido injustiça da distribuição de recursos. Portanto, de modo que analisa o status específico da imparcialidade na distribuição de recursos da China, com respeito às dificuldades de compreensão, este artigo utiliza os dados coletados dos recursos do ensino fundamental e médio alocados entre 2014 e 2017, no âmbito das áreas urbanas e rurais, por método de cálculo de desigualdade, os resultados mostram que há fenômeno irracional na distribuição dos recursos educacionais urbanos e rurais, e a desigualdade está intensificada ano a ano. Na análise das causas da desigualdade de recursos, este dissertação localiza-se nos fatores governamentais e fatores de mercado. Em fim, de acordo com causas, este dissertação explora como o governo e o mercado devem distribuir recursos públicos de forma razoável, eficaz e equitativa, e melhorar o nível geral de equidade da sociedade e diminuir a brecha entre o desenvolvimento urbano e rural, promovendo assim o desenvolvimento geral da sociedade.

碩士<br>淡江大學<br>大陸研究所<br>88<br>Mainland China has reaped impressive economic gain after its reform and opening-up. However, unemployment issues continued to worsen. Due to the fact that the unemployment problems affects millions of households and social stability, solving the issue has became the yardstick and ultimate test of the successfulness of reform and opening-up. The focus of this thesis is to examine and analyze the causes and characteristics of Mainland China’s unemployment, factors affecting employment growth, and the difficulties and paradoxical situation of the issue. Using theories regarding unemployment and human labor, examine Mainland China’s current strategies and policies, and suggest a balanced route towards economic growth and efficient human resource management. The thesis has five chapters and subdivides into fourteen sections. Chapter One introduces the motives and purposes of the thesis, the methods used and the extent of the research. Chapter Two focuses on theories regarding unemployment issues and human labor, including unemployment types, usual recommended solutions, agricultural labor transfer, labor demands, human resources and economic growth. This chapter provides the academic background on the basic nature and factors of unemployment issue. Chapter Three describes the unemployment situation after Mainland China’s reform and opening-up, its causes and characteristics, elements affecting employment growth and the difficulties the solutions face and, inadvertently, cause. Chapter Four summarizes Mainland China’s current policies and strategies, the opinions of economics experts and specialists, the changes in economics environment and human resources. Based on the above mentioned, evaluates Mainland China’s policies in solving the unemployment problems. Chapter Five is the author’s research results based on his analysis. Outlines of the author’s research results are as follows: 1. Implement reasonable employment policy and properly handles the relationship between economic growth and employment. 2. The efficient usage of human labor should be prior concern when making industry development policies. 3. Maintain the advantage of cheap human labor. 4. Fully realized the mechanism of labor market and promote the order of human labor flow. 5. Complete the privatization of the economies as the major body of the market, gradually remove the inefficient nation-run enterprises. 6. Replacing government investment with private investment to become the major market developing force. 7. Inter-connect industries, region and urban development planning in order to reap the best results in efficient application of human labor. 8. Investing in human resources is the prior objective in continual economic growth and solving unemployment problems.

碩士<br>國防大學<br>戰略研究所<br>102<br>Since the opening up of reform of Communist Party of China, with the rapid growth of the economy, all sorts of corruption had gradually spread . Although the growth of rapid economic, the corruption caused by imperfect economic system followed. It has a serious negative impact on political, social and economic . Communist Party of China has entered the peak of corruption,and the corruption has caused serious problems . This study is based on a variety of the causes of corruption analysis, all kinds of corruption against the current Communist Party of China, major cases ,the investigate existing anti-corruption organization, laws and regulations. In conclusion, we except this study can be applied by authorities and be the foundation of research in corruption of Communist Party of China.

碩士<br>國立交通大學<br>科技法律研究所<br>98<br>Following China's economic reform and opening up, its service industry are gradually developing and adapting to the market economy. So far, China’s service industry has transformed from traditional-services-based structure to traditional-and-modern-services-based structure. Being the member of WTO, China's service industry is increasingly opening. The amount of foreign direct investment is surging and the export capacity of services is strengthening as well. Foreign investment into the service sectors usually closely followed the establishment of law system. To develop service industry, it is, in particular, required to build the comprehensive law environment. Before 1992, China has enforced many regulations to declare the opening up of the service industry. Between 1993 and 2000, China has established the initial law system of service industry. After 2001 when China was admitted to WTO, by making a number of laws, the extent of service sectors’ opening up was much wider and deeper. Although China has determined to make law system obey international regulations set up by WTO, there are still some fields of service that are not ruled by law. Even some regulations lack detailed procedures or standards for enforcement. However, the ambiguity, opacity and conflict of law system are inevitable as China's economic transformation. After 2006, China should continue to push forward the reform of monopoly services and loosen the restriction on market access step by step. How to make the existing legal system of service industry more transparent and abide by international rules, and reduce the legacy of the past planned economy are still remain goals for the government of China to accomplish.

The dissertation contributes to both development economics and the new institutional economics. It mainly concerns long-run economic analysis. We argued and showed that pure neoclassical models without considering institutional factors cannot correctly analyze the real economic development, esp. for a transitional economy. Meanwhile, we showed that more neoclassical analytical skills can be incorporated into institutional analysis. The marginal analysis, for example, is successfully adopted in this dissertation dealing with the concepts like transaction cost and rent which often appear in the new institutional economics. The combination of both analytical frames can generate more explaining power on the real economy. The dissertation discusses the relationship between economic growth and income/wealth distribution. Several views on the problem of growth-inequality nexus have been established: firstly, we confirmed that institutional arrangements are crucial for economic performance. A good institutional arrangement will benefit both economic growth and income/wealth distribution in the long run; secondly, we enhanced some of the former neoclassical viewpoints on wealth inequality evolution during growth, arguing that the crucial roles of rent distribution and more equal dissemination of education should be noted for achieving “common prosperity”; finally, we pointed out that inequality has a negative relationship with economic growth in the long run. To the opposite, equality takes a positive effect on sustainable growth, especially for a transitional economy experiencing the tertiarisation process. This dissertation is a comprehensive study on the growth-inequality nexus based on the economic performance of P. R. China since reform and opening up in 1979. Thus the dissertation is also a contribution to the understanding of the so-called “China’s Economic Miracle”. The dissertation challenges the prevalent optimistic perspective on China’s sustainable growth and provides counterarguments. The analysis also leads to suggestions for China’s future reform which will help the economy overcome the “middle-income trap” problem. The dissertation’s content is summarized as follows: in Chapter 1 we summarized the basic characteristics of economic growth and income/wealth inequality during this period of China as a background introduction of the study. Then we made an empirical research in Chapter 2 on explaining China’s income inequality since 1990s with institutional analysis, pointing out that the tertiarisation process plays a crucial role for both income/wealth distribution and sustainable economic growth. We argued that there are mainly three institutional arrangements in China blocking the process of tertiarisation: China’s political and cultural institutions which make this country a very high rent-seeking economy, the double-track economic system and the dual-sector economy dividing into rural and urban sectors. In Chapter 3 we built three models to deepen our analysis. In the 1st model we extended the Ramsey-Cass-Koopmans growth model to explain how inequality evolves with two representative agents representing “inside institution” (“tizhinei”) and “outside institution” (“tizhiwai”) economies in China. The 2nd model shows that the double-track economic system should be transferred into a single-track one in order to maximize the output. We finally established a generalized model and proved that in a rent-seeking economy excluding labor wage, when the rent distribution is more equal, the wealth distribution will be also more equal in the long run. We turned to build a new theoretical frame based on a newly defined “transaction cost” in Chapter 4 in order to present another angle to look at both the short-run and long-run economic size changes. We put forward the concept of “unit transaction cost” and explored its relationship with economic growth. The analysis in this chapter confirms and deepens the arguments of the new institutional economics on economic growth. In Chapter 5, we extended our analysis on rent-seeking space and discussed the effect of inequality on economic growth from the perspective of rent. Combining the arguments of Chapter 2, the negative long-run relationship between income/wealth inequality and economic growth is established. Finally, we discussed the conclusions and implications of the dissertation in Chapter 6. We argued that one doctrine of Marxism that the economic base determines the superstructure is strongly doubtful in the short run if we treat 30 years’ development as a short-run historical view.

碩士<br>東海大學<br>社會學系<br>100<br>This thesis tries to discuss the urban and rural society changes, which happened around ”Reform and Opening up Policy” through a literary view point of Lu Yao. Issues including: 1. what kind of impact of spiritual civilization and cultural changes did China society face. 2. How did economic and politic institutions build before Reform and Opening up Policy keep influencing the society? 3. I try to build a historical view system of Reform and Opening up Policy through literature, and reconsider the possibility of sociological and historical understanding through literature. First of all, I build a basic image of China administrative system, Hukou (household registration) system, and agricultural production institution changes after 1949. Second, what kind of predicament Rusticated youth, cadre, and Female confronted in a new society? Also, how did Lu Yao expect these people’s lives in the future? Third, what kind of crisis did spiritual civilization and culture that rural area faced due to the change of collective institution? In the end, I reconsider the relationship of literature-history-present society.

博士<br>東海大學<br>社會學系<br>100<br>Any existing theory cannot provide good interpretation for China's modernization. An internal interpretation to pay attention to historical context is necessary for China's reform and opening periods. From a methodological level, this article attempts to find how to do the route of China's modernization development. Dialectical materialism is an important starting point, especially an inter-relationship between Mao Zedong Thought and China’s reform and opening period. Through the third world perspective, we can find China's socialist actors that use “China dialectical materialism paradigm” as a guide rationalize a “macro-control transition development system”, and it corresponds to “the FDI export-oriented economic growth structure”. Therefore, the internal dynamics of China's modernization is “China dialectical materialism paradigm”, it is above the theoretical and practical perspective. The process of China modernization is the process to explore and try different kinds of social and economic transition methods.

碩士<br>國立暨南國際大學<br>公共行政與政策學系<br>100<br>This article is based on Historical structure theory and Political Economic analysis for the study to observe“Five-Year Economic Plan”, and try to explain what kind of role is “Plan” played in China's economic development. In this process, “Five-Year Economic Plan” as a national tool to extract resources, and it is consistent with the needs of the regime. It means that political and economic factors cause “Five-Year Economic Plan” to change, so this article emphasis on the concept of “endowments” to take the integrated architecture. Historical structure theory emphasis the endowments of actors is determined by the structural position, and actors constrained by the structure. Therefore actors will use the “endowments” to pursue resources in order to improve their position in the structure. In short, Communist Party of China faces a structure changing constantly after reform and opening up, so CPC need to adjust the role of “Plan”, in order to main the position of regime in the structure. This is the key to change the role of “Plan”, but not caused by ideology.

碩士<br>東吳大學<br>法律學系<br>105<br>Financial industry is the core of the economy. China has undergone several crucial developments such as reforming and opening up, accession to WTO, and establishment of the free trade zone, and gradually improves the financial system, legal and compliance, and financial regulation to promote a sound environment. Especially in the field of the financial system, China encourages foreign investment, improves qualification of the state-owned banks, and gets over with centralized management. Furthermore, the government allows opening up medium-size private and rural banks and establishes the Central Bank as the center and state-owned banks as the main body, shunt policy finance and commercial finance for multi-level banking system. For the measures of financial legal system, China has promulgated various preferential measures for citizen and foreigner and built up the normative system to protect securities investors, insured, and bank depositors. In the field of financial regulation, China strengthens international cooperation to import the norms of international financial regulations for their domestic system and to avoid systemic financial risk. China is the second largest economy in the world and is not only Taiwan's largest exporting country but also the main market for Taiwanese businessmen and banks. In the past thirty years, the cross-strait exchanges process from nongovernment to official contact and lead to get close in the relations of finance and economy, especially during eight years after 2008. The author as a bank practitioner ponders the progress of reforming and opening in China recently and thinks that it is worth to discuss various developing plans since the beginning of 12th five-year plan regarding its impact for the cross-strait’s finance and economy. After a detailed research for this theme, the author found that China’s financial and regulatory system still have some defects which possibly correct from our practical experience. On the contrary, Taiwan can attend its FTA, the Belt and Road, AIIB, and other macro plans to reinforce our opportunities and market deficiencies as well. The author personally expects that the cross-strait can continue to maintain good and interactive relations after the third rotation of ruling Party and create a win-win situation to promote economic development.

博士<br>中國文化大學<br>中山與中國大陸研究所中山學術組<br>101<br>Appropriately dealing with ethnic-related problems is a very important issue for any multi-ethnic nation. When any ethnic minority suffers indifference, oppression, or unreasonable treatment by its government, it will often come into contention with itself over its own rights. In the small picture, this may cause disagreements and loss of trust within that ethnic group. In the larger picture, this may cause violence and war, turbulence and strife, or even complete disintegration or breakup of a nation. Therefore, the question of how to address ethnic-related problems, and how to avoid costly ethnic conflicts, is an important issue for every multi-ethnic nation. China has been a multi-ethnic nation ever since ancient times. The ethnicities of China have undergone many changes since that time to form a very tightly-knit relationship within the nation. If we exclude the Han Chinese—being ethnically the majority of China—there are 55 ethnic minorities in China, who live scattered over China’s expanses in small communities and together represent 8.49% of the nation’s total population. China has allowed very few of these ethnic minorities autonomous control, a decision which is in line with the “unification” policy it uses as the basis for its management of these minorities. As of today, there are 155 ethnically autonomous areas: 5 autonomous regions, 30 autonomous prefectures, and 120 autonomous counties. The total area encompassed by autonomous areas counts for 64.3% of China’s total land area. The Communist Party of China tailored Soviet Union socialism to fit the Chinese mindset; they then used their new governing system to deal with specific national problems and to respond to both public sentiment and the course of history. Since that time, China has continued to reform ethnic policy. After the Chinese Economic Reforms of the late seventies, the development gap between the various ethnic minorities was becoming more prominent by the day, and so the communist government invoked various measures to improve the economy, social conditions, and governance for these peoples. To level imbalances derived from the market economy, the government gave financial subsidies, tax relief, and promoted development in Western China. These measures were intended to strengthen the economies and infrastructures of ethnic regions. The government also promoted traditional education in language and letters, and allowed for freedom in religion and folk customs in efforts to improve ethnic social conditions. Last, in terms of governance, China promoted autonomous governance among ethnic minorities and encouraged ethnic leaders to become involved. In addition, the government implemented rule of law, revised the nation’s old constitution to become the “Constitution of the People's Republic of China,” and promulgated the “Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy.” The Chinese government also encouraged the autonomous areas to set their own regulations for use as a basis of autonomous governance. They set up autonomous areas for each ethnic minority in hopes of realizing their dream of a harmonious nation, diverse, but unified. The basis of the argument in this study will be founded on modern international ethnic autonomy, theories of governance, and socialist theories of ethnic minority governance, as well as Sun Yat-sen’s thoughts on ethnicity and his maxim of balance of power. I will incorporate the following specific instances in my case study: the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture in Jilin Province, the Dali Bai Autonomous Prefecture in Yunnan Province, and the Xiangxi Tujia and Miao Autonomous Prefecture in Hunan Province. I will be analyzing these autonomous areas in terms of government, economy, and culture, and observing the conditions of governance within these ethnic communities. This will allow me to survey the formation of ethnic minority theories in China, as well as the self-governance systems used in these autonomous areas. This will also allow me to see what kind of influence China was able to exert on ethic minorities after the rapid economic expansion due to Chinese economic reform. Finally, my research will be able to discern whether the economic improvement for these areas has been an improvement for the region or for the people of the region, as when the areas’ economies improve, the impact would be felt in the development and administration of these autonomous areas. These answers will help us to understand if autonomous control by ethnic minorities in China is a temporary fix to a temporary problem, or a long-term system that will continue to develop.

碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>農業經濟學研究所<br>107<br>Food self-sufficiency rate has been the major food security measurement tool in China for a very long time period. This study uses the Global Food Security Index (GFSI) constructed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) which can be divided into three sub-indexes, namely affordability, availability, and quality and safety. To ensure the robustness of the GFSI, we use different standardization and weighting methods including the Z-score standardization and the weights calculated by the hierarchical data envelopment analysis (H-DEA) and compare with the results from the original EIU&apos;&apos;s standardization and weights. The results show that the GFSI of China has increased continuously during the past 40 years and the total score has increased by 2-3 times. Furthermore, we find that in the early stage of the reform, the score of food affordability sub-index is the highest and the most important one among the three sub-indexes. Later, the importance of food availability has declined, while quality and safety sub-index has better scores over time. Nevertheless, the affordability is the fastest growing sub-index and its score has increased about 8 times since the reform. With the technological progress in China’s agricultural system, food quality and safety sub-index has also increased about 2 times while availability has increased 57 percentage points. Furthermore, in order to analyze the relationship among trade liberalization and food security, we use the Spearman rank correlation method to calculate the correlation coefficients of food self-sufficiency rate, trade freedom index, agricultural product tariff and trade dependence. We find that China’s food self-sufficiency rate is significantly and negatively correlated with trade liberalization, while GFSI was significantly and positively correlated with trade liberalization. Therefore, we conclude that there is a positive correlation between food security and trade liberalization in China.