Academic literature on the topic 'Referendum Norway'
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Journal articles on the topic "Referendum Norway"
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Pettersen, Per Arnt, Anders Todal Jenssen, and Ola Listhaug. "The 1994 EU Referendum in Norway: Continuity and Change." Scandinavian Political Studies 19, no. 3 (September 1996): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1996.tb00393.x.
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Jahn, Detlef, and Ann‐Sofie Storsved. "Legitimacy through referendum? The nearly successful domino‐strategy of the Eu‐referendums in Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway." West European Politics 18, no. 4 (October 1995): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425105.
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Stewart, Don. "Democratic Sovereignty." Dialogue 27, no. 4 (1988): 579–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300020230.
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It is nearly ten years since Quebec held its referendum on Sovereignty Association and time, perhaps, for a retrospective. There were winners and losers in 1980, but the real winner may have been the idea that sovereignty may be established democratically. Governments, of course, are quick to agree that people have the right to determine their sovereignty democratically—so long as this takes place in the State of Nature invented by Hobbes for just such august occasions. Only thrice to my knowledge, however, have governments actually allowed anything even remotely close to a social contract, once in Norway in 1905, once in Wales in 1979 and again in Quebec in 1980.
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Ikonomou, Haakon Andreas. "1994 – a temporal and scalar exploration of a Norwegian climax." Culture Unbound 13, no. 1 (July 27, 2021): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.3377.
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This article explores ‘1994’ as a cultural-historical ‘moment’ in order to tease out the layered manifestation of ‘Norway’ in a globalizing world. With offset in the oral testimonies, news coverage, reports, analysis and memories of people experiencing and contextualizing the two events of the Lillehammer Winter Olympics and the Norwegian referendum on membership in the EU, the article pursues their meaning along several temporalities and on multiple spatial scales. The argument is that ‘1994’ marked a symbolic climax and watershed moment for Norwegian (cultural) patriotism and the dispersion of what ‘Norway’ meant in a national, Nordic, European and global context. But the climax’s meaning were fragmented across time and space, and the monolithic moment has increasingly come to be filled with silences, anxieties and frustrations. Indeed, the Norwegian climax of 1994 dissolved in commercialism, mediatized fragmentation, Europeanization and globalization. The recognition that neither the ‘uniqueness’ of the ‘best Olympic Winter Games ever’ nor the ideational and historical significance of the Norwegian ‘no’ was received as intended by the sender, makes their temporal manifestations in the national context all the more significant: The simultaneous resurrection and burying of these twin events of the 1994-climax can thus be understood as a significant catalyst of Norway’s cultural and political myopia through a period of hasty, tumultuous and increasingly troublesome globalization.
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Dion, Stéphane. "Why is Secession Difficult in Well-Established Democracies? Lessons from Quebec." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000466.
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Secession, defined as ‘formal withdrawal from a central authority by a member unit’, has been particularly rare in democracies. In fact, there has never been a single case of secession in democracies if we consider only the well-established ones, that is, those with at least ten consecutive years of universal suffrage. The cases most often mentioned happened only a few years after the introduction or significant expansion of universal suffrage: Norway and Sweden in 1905, Iceland and Denmark in 1918, Ireland and the United Kingdom in 1922. What is more, one would hesitate before calling the first two cases real secessions, since the ties between the political entities involved were very loose at the outset. Secessionists never managed to split a well-established democracy through a referendum or an electoral victory. We must conclude that it is very hard for them to achieve and maintain the magic number of 50 per cent support. My aim is to explain why this is the case.
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Kerridge, Martin. "The Impact of Brexit on the Transport Industry." Logistics and Transport 40, no. 4 (2018): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26411/83-1734-2015-4-40-5-18.
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By referendum on 23 June 2016, voters in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland voted narrowly to leave the EU. The vote was called for party political reasons, as the ruling Conservative party was divided on the issue of continued EU membership, and the Government expected that a national pro-EU popular vote would silence those who wanted to leave. When the result turned out to be the opposite of what the Government expected, the Prime Minister resigned, despite an earlier pledge that he would abide by and implement the result. The new Prime Minister – who had voted to remain in the EU – repeated the pledge, even though the referendum had been an advisory, not a binding, one. The subsequent period has been spent in trying to achieve an agreement that minimises the adverse socio-economic consequences, to both sides, of a UK departure from the EU, prior to the declared leaving date of 29 March 2019. This paper examines likely effects of Brexit on the transport industry. It starts by explaining the meaning of Brexit, the timetable for UK exit, and some of the possible reasons why the referendum vote turned out as it did. (There has been a surprising lack of research into this subject, and none was undertaken by the UK Government in the aftermath of the vote.) The paper then considers the possible trade and commercial alternatives that the UK has to EU membership. ‘Norway’ or ‘Canada’ (or Canada Plus) arrangements were part of the internal discussion in the UK in the period after the referendum (which had not included a question on alternatives). A UK Government insistence (‘red line’) that the UK would no longer be subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice, which interprets EU law, limited the options available to the UK. The possible consequences to the UK, if it leaves the EU without a mutually acceptable withdrawal agreement, are then considered. Having set the background to this possible event, the paper then looks at how it may affect the transport industry. All modes of transport, other than inland waterway transport which has no direct connection between the UK and other EU countries, are examined. In each case new agreements will be needed to avoid serious disruption in the event of a ‘no-deal’ Brexit that removes the UK from the single market and customs union, with the UK then being regarded as a third country for trade and transport links. The final part of the paper examines the likely effect of Brexit on the economies of the UK and the remainder of the EU (and hence transport demand). It finds that Ireland may be the most affected EU country, but that the economy of the remaining EU-27 as a whole will suffer as a result of Brexit. After Ireland, the UK economy will be hit hardest, and we may never know if that is a result that the ‘leave’ voters in 2016 expected or not.
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Seibicke, Helena, and Asimina Michailidou. "The Challenges of Reconstructing Citizen-Driven EU Contestation in the Digital Media Sphere." Politics and Governance 10, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i1.4674.
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This article reflects on the discursive representation, legal, and practical challenges of locating, classifying, and publishing citizens’ views of the EU in digital media discourse. We start with the discursive representation challenge of locating and identifying citizens’ voices in social and news media discourse. The second set of challenges pertains to the legal, regulatory framework guiding research ethics on personal data but also cuts across the academic debate on what constitutes “public” discourse in the digital public sphere. The third set of challenges are practical but of no less consequence. Here we bring in the issue of marketisation of the public sphere and of the digital commons, and how these processes affect the ethics but also the feasibility and reliability of digital public sphere analysis. Thereby we illustrate that barriers to content analysis can make data collection practically challenging, feeding dilemmas with data reliability and research ethics. These methodological and empirical challenges are illustrated and unpacked with examples from the Benchmark project, which analysed the extent to which citizens drive EU contestation on social and digital news media. Our study focuses on UK public discourse on a possible European Economic Area solution, and the reactions such discourse may have triggered in two EU-associated countries, Norway and Switzerland, in the post-Brexit referendum period 2016–2019. We thus take a broad European perspective of EU contestation that is not strictly confined within the EU public sphere(s). The case study illustrates the research process and the emerging empirical challenges and concludes with reflections and practical suggestions for future research projects.
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Koller, Veronika, and Marlene Miglbauer. "What Drives the Right-Wing Populist Vote? Topics, Motivations and Representations in an Online Vox Pop with Voters for the Alternative für Deutschland." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 67, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2019-0024.
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Abstract In a recent study (Miglbauer, Marlene and Veronika Koller (2019). “‘The British People have Spoken’: Voter Motivations and Identities in Vox Pops on the British EU Referendum.” Veronika Koller, Susanne Kopf and Marlene Miglbauer, eds. Discourses of Brexit. Abingdon: Routledge, 86–103.), we investigated vox pops (short for ‘vox populi,’ i.e. ‘voice of the people’) with self-declared Leave voters in the run-up to the 2016 British EU referendum. The study presented here complements this research with a comparative perspective, exploring the motivations expressed by voters for the German right-wing populist party AfD (Alternative für Deutschland). On the day of the 2017 general election, the German news website Zeit online (ZON) invited its readers to say why they voted AfD. Although the AfD voter profile and the ZON readership profile are noticeably different, the question elicited 468 replies numbering a total of around 59,000 words, which we compiled into a corpus. Working with corpus analysis software AntConc 3.4.1w, we first prised out topics and motivations by analysing this collection of online vox pops for word frequencies as well as collocates and concordances for selected lexical units, before manually grouping the different lexemes into ten topics. In a second step, we manually analysed the data for social actor representation (van Leeuwen, Theo (2008). Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and appraisal (Martin, James R. and Peter R. R. White (2005). Appraisal in English. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.). The results of the analysis show that next to previously documented motivations for right-wing populist votes – e.g. in-group bias and rejection of the Other as morally deficient (Heinisch, Reinhard (2008). “Austria: The Structure and Agency of Austrian Populism.” Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, eds. Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 67–83.) –, the group of AfD voters represented in the written vox pop have specific additional reasons, namely a focus on German chancellor Merkel as an ‘anti-hero’ and a belief of being victimised by the media. An additional, unexpected finding was that a number of posters to the dedicated comment forum explicitly distance themselves from perceived stereotypes of right-wing populist voters. Our findings therefore also problematise previously identified characteristics of right-wing populist discourse as anti-elitist and anti-intellectual (Wodak, Ruth (2015b). The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. Los Angeles: SAGE.) and call into question the support from workers, and associated fears of wage pressure and competition for welfare benefits, as one of the main factors in the success of right-wing populism (Oesch, Daniel (2008). “Explaining Workers’ Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland.” International Political Science Review 29.3, 349–373.).
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Nordlund, Sturla. "Public Attitudes and the Norwegian Alcohol Monopoly." Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 15, no. 4 (August 1998): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/145507259801500405.
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This article presents data that describes the changing public attitudes towards the Norwegian alcohol monopoly during its whole existence starting from 1922. The description of the change in attitudes up to the first decades after World War II is solely based on results from local referendums, which were very common in Norway until 1989 when the right to claim such referendums was rescinded from the Alcohol Act. For the years from 1962 onwards survey data are also available, and the results in the article are mainly based on such data. It is shown that attitudes were quite favourable towards restrictive alcohol policy, and relatively stable, up to the early 1950s. From then on public attitudes towards alcohol policy measures have become gradually more liberal. Especially the attitudes towards the alcohol monopoly as a system have changed during the 1990s, and a growing majority seems at present to be in favour of privatising the sale of wine. It is argued that some of the change is a result of the new possibilities, and the more challenging argumentation, that was brought up during the EU debate in 1993–1994. So far there is no sign of a turning point in the liberal trend in popular attitudes.
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Bjørklund, Tor. "Old and New Patterns: The 'No' Majority in the 1972 and 1994 EC/EU Referendums in Norway." Acta Sociologica 40, no. 2 (April 1997): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169939704000202.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Referendum Norway"
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Nunes, Jorge Miguel Marcelino. "Banco de horas: Análise de um regime singular." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/20779.
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Desde que foi introduzido pelo legislador um regime de banco de horas, a doutrina e jurisprudência têm discutido inúmeras questões de grande relevância prática, tendo o leque dessas questões sido amplificado em 2019, aquando da aprovação de um regime de banco de horas instituído por referendo.
Através da presente dissertação de mestrado, pretendemos analisar algumas das questões já colocadas e procurar soluções para os novos problemas determinados pelas recentes alterações legislativas, nunca perdendo de vista que, pese embora este mecanismo de flexibilização dos tempos de trabalho vise, essencialmente, a prossecução dos interesses de gestão do empregador, também os do trabalhador devem ser acautelados. Adicionalmente, para uma melhor compressão do regime atualmente em vigor, tentar-se-á percorrer, sinteticamente, a evolução do banco de horas em Portugal e comparar este regime com outros similares, vigentes noutros ordenamentos jurídicos.
Deste modo, o objetivo essencial deste trabalho corresponde a uma análise do banco de horas, enquanto mecanismo singular de flexibilização dos tempos de trabalho.Since a bank of hour’s regime was introduced by the legislator, the doctrine and jurisprudence have been debating innumerous questions of great practical relevance, having those questions been increased since 2019, when a bank of hours by referendum was implemented. In the current dissertation, we intend to analyze some of the questions that have already been debated and find solutions for the new problems determined by the recent legislative changes, never losing sight that, even though this mechanism of time flexibility prosecutes, mainly, the employer’s interests, the employee’s must also be taken into account. Additionally, in order to better understand this regime, we will try to go through its evolution in Portugal and compare it with other instruments that are similar, in other legal orders. In this way, the main goal of this thesis is to analyze the bank of hours, as a singular mechanism of time flexibility.
Books on the topic "Referendum Norway"
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Folkeavstemningen 1994 om norsk medlemskap i EU: The 1994 referendum on Norwegian membership of the EU (Norges offisielle statistikk = Official statistics of Norway). Statistisk sentralbyra, 1995.
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Balances Constitucionales - Edición 2021. Editorial UTMACH, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.48190/9789942241467.
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La Constitución de Montecristi ha superado la barrera de la primera década, suerte con la que no corrió la Constitución del 98 y muchas otras que han pasado por la vida republicana del Ecuador. Una Norma Constitucional que, como podemos recordar, se construyó fuertemente influenciada por las demandas de los movimientos sociales, necesita de una veeduría permanente por la sociedad y, por supuesto, por la academia. El ambicioso texto constitucional que fue aprobado por una abrumadora mayoría mediante referendum, inclinó su balanza hacia el respeto a los derechos y abría paso al Estado Constitucional de Derechos y Justicia, permitiendo que la Constitución se convierta, como nunca antes, en norma viva para el ejercicio del derecho interno.
Book chapters on the topic "Referendum Norway"
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Wyller, Thomas Chr. "Norway: six exceptions to the rule." In The Referendum Experience in Europe, 139–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24796-7_9.
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Almlid, Geir K. "Successful EC Negotiations—Unsuccessful Referendum, 1970–1972." In Britain and Norway in Europe Since 1945, 105–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61473-7_5.
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Fonn, Birgitte Kjos. "It’s the Economy, Stupid: Coverage of the British EU Referendum in Norway." In Reporting the Road to Brexit, 189–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73682-2_11.
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Fossum, John Erik, and Guri Rosén. "Referendums: Norway 1972 and 1994." In The Palgrave Handbook of European Referendums, 449–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55803-1_21.
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Bryden, John, Lesley Riddoch, and Ottar Brox. "Conclusions." In Northern Neighbours. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696208.003.0014.
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This chapter draws together the major arguments and insights presented in the preceding chapters. Drawing on Adam Smith’s and Karl Polanyi, they consider ideas about the role of the state in democratic societies, arguing that democratic government is the only institution that can truly manage public and semi-public goods, including natural resources, education, health, money and individual security, in the legitimate interest of all, while ensuring freedom, equity and justice. The cases of the two neighbouring countries, Scotland and Norway, have been used to analyse and understand the very different trajectories the two countries have taken over the past two centuries. Norway’s political independence, gained in 1814, combined with a general approaches to politics, institutions, natural resources and property rights, industrialization, that all emphasize or support decentralisation, have given Norway an advantage over Scotland in achieving democratic governance. Scotland’s longstanding subordinate status within the British Empire, which largely disenfranchised the Scots and left them without the necessary government support in the areas of industry and oil and gas, local governance and decentralized development, health care, housing and urban poverty, have contributed to Scotland’s disadvantage. When the book was completed, the results of the referendum on independence were unknown. However, the editors did consider that the referendum might fail, and noted that Scotland would in this event still enter a constitutional stage much like Norway did in 1814. At the time, few considered the issue of Brexit, and its consequences for Scotland. For both of these reasons, the future of Scottish politics remains a key issue, underpinning the importance of this book.
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Tierney, Stephen. "After the Scottish Independence Referendum." In Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions, 275–91. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836544.003.0015.
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This chapter examines the independence referendum in Scotland, held on September 18, 2014, and its implications for the federal direction of the United Kingdom. The referendum saw 55 percent of Scots say “No” to the question: “Should Scotland be an Independent Country?”. Despite this result, the referendum has sparked a further process of decentralization. The chapter first describes the context that led to the Scottish independence referendum, focusing in particular on the success of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in the parliamentary elections of May 2011 and why the referendum emerged from—and was organized within—the normal contours of constitutional democracy. It then considers the period of constitutional engagement and the outcome of the referendum before concluding with an analysis of some of the lessons that can be drawn from it with regard to constitutional change and the issue of secession.
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Mitchell, James. "The Unexpected Campaign." In Scotland's Referendum and the Media. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696581.003.0001.
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This chapter analyzes the campaign from a political science perspective. It considers the asymmetry of the opposing campaigns in terms of resource, also noting the operation of positive and negative campaigning, and the relationship of constitutional and ‘normal’ politics over the period. It notes major framing tendencies, and tracks the presence of opportunist interventions. It concludes with discussion of the revival of Scottish democracy catalyzed by the referendum.
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Tushnet, Mark, and Bojan Bugarič. "Populism in Western Europe." In Power to the People, 125–39. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197606711.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the cases of Italy, where a left-wing populist party entered a coalition government; and Austria, where a right-wing party did so. In neither case were the governments themselves anti-constitutional, nor were the constitutional reforms pursued by the parties. Populist parties can act just as “normal” political parties do, at least when they are constrained by the need to maintain a coalition. The chapter concludes with a detailed examination of the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom and its constitutional aftermath, the prorogation of Parliament, held unlawful by the Supreme Court. The referendum was badly designed, the prorogation at the limits of domestic constitutionalism, though whether it was so arbitrary as to be inconsistent with the rule of law is open to doubt.
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Baldersheim, Harald, and Lawrence E. Rose. "Consequences of Forced Municipal Mergers: Evidence from Norway." In Local Government in Europe, 39–62. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529217186.003.0003.
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In 1994, five municipalities in the Fredrikstad district of Norway were merged into one municipality. The merger was approved by the national parliament even though a majority of the elected representatives in four out of five municipalities were against the merger and a majority of voters in referenda held in all five municipalities were likewise opposed to the merger. Using data from surveys conducted both before and after the merger, this chapter investigates three sets of hypotheses regarding the effects of the merger for how residents’ experienced and viewed their local municipality. Results provide insight into the potential consequences of involuntary mergers in other settings.
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Donovan, Brian. "Gold Diggers of the Sexual Revolution." In American Gold Digger, 126–56. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660288.003.0005.
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Chapter Four considers the gold digger in the wake of the sexual revolution. The changes in sexual practices and mores that occurred during the 1960s worked to upend the conservative marital norms of the previous decade. In this context, marriage as an economic institution underwent a renewal not unlike the changes that caused the “first sexual revolution” in the early twentieth century. As more and more couples lived together without the legal bind of marriage, the alimony question assumed new forms. This chapter analyzes the legal battle between actor Lee Marvin and Michelle Triola, a conflict that reached the California Supreme Court and established the concept of “palimony,” a form of alimony available to unwed couples. Many commenters, such as writer Nora Ephron, condemned Triola as a gold digger for suing Marvin for financial support. Critics like Ephron regarded Triola’s lawsuit as a reproach of the women’s movement. Others, like Gloria Steinem and Gloria Allred, championed Triola’s cause as highlighting the inequities of modern marriage and divorce. The debate about Triola’s status as a gold digger was a referendum on larger questions surrounding women’s liberation in the 1970s.
Reports on the topic "Referendum Norway"
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Torres Marin, Alberto, and Daniela Pineda Fernandez. ¿Le cabe algún tipo de responsabilidad al mandatario que incumple la ejecución de su plan de desarrollo en Colombia? Contraloría General de Antioquia, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.58373/obscga.002.
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En los últimos años, los líderes gubernamentales han enfrentado varias denuncias por incumplimiento de los planes de desarrollo regional. Esto causa tal insatisfacción en los electores que inician de procesos de revocatorias que desgastan la figura pública del gobernante. Por ello, el presente artículo analizó la jurisprudencia y la normatividad colombiana, en materia de la responsabilidad de los mandatarios: en lo concerniente a la ejecución de los programas y proyectos enmarcados en los planes de desarrollo local, regional o nacional. La metodología aplicada consiste en un enfoque investigativo, del tipo cualitativo, por medio del rastreo y análisis de la información presente en bases de datos públicas. En específico, considerando la pérdida de confianza de los ciudadanos en las propuestas de programas de gobierno de los candidatos, se realizó un recorrido entre lo normativo y los sucesos históricos del país. Para esto, se examinó el proceso de elección popular, el voto programático, la construcción de un plan de gobierno, el cumplimiento del plan de desarrollo y la posibilidad de un referendo revocatorio. A partir de los resultados obtenidos, se evidencia que aun cuando existen procesos reglamentados para la revocatoria de los gobernantes, no hay una norma legal vigente que determine el grado de responsabilidad para aquel mandatario que incumplió su programa de gobierno por el cual fue elegido y que, más tarde, se convirtió en plan de desarrollo. Por último, se recomienda para futuras investigaciones profundizar en la necesidad de considerar a los ciudadanos como actores cruciales en el seguimiento y control del cumplimiento de los programas de desarrollo.