Journal articles: 'Rape victims Victoria Psychology'

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Benedek, Ellissa. "Rape and Rape Victims." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 36, no. 6 (June 1991): 536. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/029862.

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Kahn, Arnold S., Virginia Andreoli Mathie, and Cyndee Torgler. "Rape Scripts and Rape Acknowledgment." Psychology of Women Quarterly 18, no. 1 (March 1994): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1994.tb00296.x.

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Past research has indicated that nearly half of college-aged women who experience forced, nonconsensual sexual intercourse, do not label their experience as rape. We found evidence that these unacknowledged rape victims possess more violent, stranger rape scripts than do acknowledged rape victims, who are more likely to have an acquaintance rape script. The difference in rape scripts between acknowledged and unacknowledged rape victims was not due to different demographics or actual rape experience. However, unacknowledged victims did have a sexual history which involved less force than did acknowledged victims. Apparently, most unacknowledged victims do not define their rape experience as rape because they have a rape script of a violent, stranger, blitz rape which does not match their experience of being raped in a less forceful manner by someone with whom they were acquainted. The extent to which their less forceful sexual histories is related to their more violent rape scripts remains to be investigated.

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Boakye, Kofi E. "Attitudes Toward Rape and Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 24, no. 10 (February 27, 2009): 1633–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260509331493.

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MURPHY, SHANE M., ANGELYNNE E. AMICK-McMULLAN, DEAN G. KILPATRICK, MARY E. HASKETT, LOIS J. VERONEN, CONNIE L. BEST, and BENJAMIN E. SAUNDERS. "Rape Victims' Self-Esteem." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 3, no. 4 (December 1988): 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626088003004001.

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FOA, EDNA B., BARBARA OLASOV ROTHBAUM, and GAIL S. STEKETEE. "Treatment of Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 8, no. 2 (June 1993): 256–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626093008002006.

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Frieze, Irene Hanson. "Rape Victims and Community Responses to Rape." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 34, no. 1 (January 1989): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/027543.

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Nagel, Barbara, Hisako Matsuo, Kevin P. McIntyre, and Nancy Morrison. "Attitudes Toward Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 20, no. 6 (June 2005): 725–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260505276072.

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Resnick, Heidi, Jeannine Monnier, Brenda Seals, Melisa Holmes, Madhabika Nayak, Joan Walsh, Terri L. Weaver, Ron Acierno, and Dean G. Kilpatrick. "Rape-Related HIV Risk Concerns Among Recent Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 17, no. 7 (July 2002): 746–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260502017007003.

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Levine-MacCombie, Joyce, and Mary P. Koss. "Acquaintance Rape: Effective Avoidance Strategies." Psychology of Women Quarterly 10, no. 4 (December 1986): 311–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1986.tb00756.x.

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To date, research on effective rape avoidance strategies has involved media-recruited, acknowledged rape victims and avoiders, most of whom were assaulted by total strangers. In the present study, rape avoidance research was extended to a sample of acquaintance rape victims and avoiders who were located by a self-report survey that identified women who both do and do not conceptualize their assaults as rape. The study's goal was to determine whether acknowledged rape victims, unacknowledged rape victims, and rape avoiders could be discriminated by situational variables including the response strategies used in the assault. Victims and avoiders were significantly discriminated. Compared to rape victims, avoiders (1) were less likely to have experienced passive or internalizing emotions at the time of the assault, (2) perceived the assault as less violent, and (3) were more likely to have utilized active response strategies (i.e., running away and screaming). The results suggest that the major findings of existing research on stranger rape avoidance are generalizable to acquaintance rape. However, concerns are expressed over methodological limitations of research on rape avoidance from the victim's perspective.

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Egan, Rachel, and Janet Clare Wilson. "Rape Victims' Attitudes to Rape Myth Acceptance." Psychiatry, Psychology and Law 19, no. 3 (June 2012): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13218719.2011.585128.

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MARHOEFER-DVORAK, SUSAN, PATRICIA A. RESICK, CATHERINE KOTSIS HUTTER, and STEVEN A. GIRELLI. "Single- Versus Multiple-Incident Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 3, no. 2 (June 1988): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626088003002002.

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Pascale, Melissa, and David Lester. "The Blame Attributed to Rape Victims." Psychological Reports 84, no. 3 (June 1999): 880. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1999.84.3.880.

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Javaid, Aliraza. "Making the invisible visible: (un)meeting male rape victims’ needs in the third sector." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 9, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-08-2016-0248.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the voluntary sector meets male rape victims’ needs in England, UK. The author’s contribution represents an attempt to piece together some of the voluntary sector’s responses to male rape victims in England, UK and examine whether they meet male rape victims’ needs. Design/methodology/approach The author draws on data collected from semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires with male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers (n=70). Findings The findings reveal nuanced themes that have been overlooked in the existing literature of male rape: first, male rape victims are not given a choice of their voluntary agency practitioner (regarding gender) to serve them; second, there is no specific training on male rape in voluntary agencies; third, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector means that many male rape victims’ needs are unmet; and finally, there is ageism and discrimination in some voluntary agencies, whereby male rape victims are prioritised in terms of their age. Research limitations/implications Methodologically, the author’s sample size was not considerably large (n=70), making it difficult to generalise the findings to all voluntary agency practitioners in a British context. Practical implications At a time of scarce funding and scant resources for the third sector, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector could mean that male rape victims may not receive proper care and treatment. Budget cuts in the third sector are problematic, in that voluntary agencies may be unable to get access to robust training programs for male rape or to resources that can help shape and develop the ways in which they serve male rape victims. The needs of male rape victims, therefore, are unlikely to be met at the local, regional and national levels. Social implications Some practitioners are misinformed about male rape and do not have the tools to be able to adequately and efficiently handle male rape victims. Not only can their lack of understanding of male rape worsen male rape victims’ trauma through inappropriate ways of handling them, but also the practitioners may implicitly reinforce male rape myths, such as “male rape is solely a homosexual issue” or “men cannot be raped”. Originality/value Whilst previous contributions have recognised the third sector’s responses to female rape victims, little work has been done to identify their treatment of male rape victims. The author attempts to fill some of this lacuna. In particular, The author draws attention to some of the issues and dilemmas that arise when voluntary agencies provide services for male victims of rape. The author’s concern is that many male rape victims’ needs may be neglected or ignored because of the rise in neoliberalism, as there appears to be a financial meltdown in the voluntary sector.

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BEST, CONNIE L., BONNIE S. DANSKY, and DEAN G. KILPATRICK. "Medical Students' Attitudes About Female Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 7, no. 2 (June 1992): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626092007002004.

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Littleton, Heather, Amie Grills, Marlee Layh, and Kelly Rudolph. "Unacknowledged Rape and Re-Victimization Risk." Psychology of Women Quarterly 41, no. 4 (July 27, 2017): 437–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361684317720187.

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The majority of college women who experience rape do not conceptualize their experience as a victimization, that is, they are unacknowledged victims. There is some initial evidence that unacknowledged victims are at elevated re-victimization risk relative to acknowledged victims. In the current study, we sought to identify mediators of the association between acknowledgment of rape and re-victimization in a sample of 319 college rape victims; 187 (58.6%) participants completed a 2-month follow-up study. We examined regular drinking, number of sexual partners, and continuing a relationship with the assailant as potential mediators of the relation between acknowledgment and re-victimization. At follow-up, unacknowledged victims reported higher rates of new attempted (16.2%) and completed rape (11.9%), relative to acknowledged victims (attempted: 7.9%; completed: 3.0%). Number of sexual partners mediated the relation between acknowledgment and attempted rape. Both number of partners and regular drinking mediated the relation between acknowledgment and completed rape. Thus, not acknowledging rape may be associated with re-victimization in part because unacknowledged victims may be more likely to engage in behaviors that increase vulnerability. We believe there is a need for longitudinal, theoretically grounded research examining risky behaviors, victimization, and acknowledgment status over time to delineate the relations among these variables. Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available on PWQ' s website at http://journals.sagepub.com/page/pwq/suppl/index

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Campbell, Rebecca. "The psychological impact of rape victims." American Psychologist 63, no. 8 (2008): 702–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.63.8.702.

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Collings, Steven J. "Provision of Antiretroviral Prophylaxis to Child Rape Victims in South Africa: HIV Status and Delayed Reporting." Psychological Reports 96, no. 1 (February 2005): 17–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.96.1.17-18.

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In a sample of 780 South African child victims of rape (girls under the age of 18 years; age M = 10.5 yr., SD = 4.8), 10% did not qualify for antiretroviral prophylaxis because HIV status at presentation was positive and a further 34.1% did not qualify because the rape was reported more than 72 hours after the alleged offense. Regression analyses indicated that child rape victims who reported that they had been sexually active prior to the rape constitute a particularly high risk group for HIV infection and suggest primary and secondary prevention programs should be designed to decrease sexual activity among children and to encourage more immediate reporting of rape among younger children, children who are not sexually active, and children who are incestuously abused.

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Koss, Mary P., and Barry R. Burkhart. "A Conceptual Analysis of Rape Victimization: Long-Term Effects and Implications for Treatment." Psychology of Women Quarterly 13, no. 1 (March 1989): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1989.tb00983.x.

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Recent prevalence studies have suggested that 15–22% of women have been raped at some point in their lives, many by close acquaintances, although few victims seek assistance services or professional psychotherapy immediately post-assault. Surveys have revealed that 31–48% of rape victims eventually sought professional psychotherapy, often years after the actual assault. These observations suggest that the primary role of clinicians in the treatment of rape victims is the identification and handling of chronic, post-traumatic responses to a nonrecent experience. However, it is concluded that most of the existing literature on rape treatment addresses only the target symptoms that represent the immediate response to rape. In this article, contemporary theoretical and empirical discussions of stress, cognitive appraisal, cognitive adaptation, and coping are used to conceptualize the long-term impact of rape and the process of resolution. Directions for future research on the clinical treatment of rape are suggested.

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MACRAE, C. NEIL, and JOHN W. SHEPHERD. "Sex Differences in the Perception of Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 4, no. 3 (September 1989): 278–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626089004003002.

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Kahn, Arnold S., Jennifer Jackson, Christine Kully, Kelly Badger, and Jessica Halvorsen. "Calling it Rape: Differences in Experiences of Women Who do or do not Label their Sexual Assault as Rape." Psychology of Women Quarterly 27, no. 3 (September 2003): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1471-6402.00103.

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Past research had found that one-half or more of all women who have had an experience that might meet the definition of rape do not label themselves rape victims. The present study examined the actual rape experiences of 33 women who labeled their assault experience as rape and 56 women who did not label their assault experience as rape through questionnaires and open-ended descriptions of what happened during their assault. Quantitative findings replicated past research, finding that acknowledged victims, compared to unacknowledged victims, were older, knew their assailant less well, experienced more forceful assaults, and had stronger negative emotional reactions to the experience. Qualitative analysis revealed that women were mostly likely to acknowledge their experience as rape when the assailant was not their boyfriend and they woke up with a man penetrating them or the assailant used force and dominated them to obtain intercourse. Women assaulted as children also acknowledged their experience as rape. However, when the assault involved a boyfriend, or if the woman was severely impaired by alcohol or drugs, or if the act involved oral or digital sex, the women were unlikely to label their situations as constituting rape.

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Foa, Edna B., Ulrike Feske, Tamera B. Murdock, Michael J. Kozak, and Paul R. McCarthy. "Processing of threat-related information in rape victims." Journal of Abnormal Psychology 100, no. 2 (1991): 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0021-843x.100.2.156.

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Reitz-Krueger, Cristina L., Sadie J. Mummert, and Sara M. Troupe. "Real men can't get raped: an examination of gendered rape myths and sexual assault among undergraduates." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 9, no. 4 (October 9, 2017): 314–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-06-2017-0303.

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Purpose While awareness of sexual assaults on college campuses has increased, the majority of efforts to address it are focused on female victims. The relative neglect of male victims may be due in part to problematic rape myths that suggest men cannot be sexually assaulted, especially by women. The purpose of this paper is to compare rates of different types of sexual assault between male and female undergraduates, and explore the relationship between acceptance of traditional rape myths focused on female victims, and rape myths surrounding male victims. Design/methodology/approach Students at a mid-sized university in Pennsylvania (n=526) answered an online questionnaire about their own experiences of sexual assault since coming to college, as well as their endorsement of male and female rape myths. Findings While women experienced more sexual assault overall, men were just as likely to have experienced rape (i.e. forced penetration) or attempted rape. Acceptance of male and female rape myths was significantly correlated and men were more likely than women to endorse both. Participants were also more likely to endorse female than male rape myths. Research limitations/implications By analyzing sexual assaults in terms of distinct behaviors instead of one composite score, the authors can get a more nuanced picture of how men and women experience assault. Practical implications Campus-based efforts to address sexual assault need to be aware that male students also experience assault and that myths surrounding men as victims may impede their ability to access services. Originality/value This paper contributes to our knowledge of a relatively understudied topic: undergraduate male victims of sexual assault.

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Damrosch, Shirley Petchel. "How Perceived Carelessness and Time of Attack Affect Nursing Students' Attributions about Rape Victims." Psychological Reports 56, no. 2 (April 1985): 531–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1985.56.2.531.

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Senior baccalaureate nursing students ( N = 180) read an account about a rape victim depicted as having driven to a drugstore on a legitimate errand. There were six versions of the rape, in which the victim either locked or failed to lock her car door (carelessness manipulation) and in which the rape occurred at 5:00 p.m., 9:00 p.m., or midnight. Subjects reading the Unlocked version (as compared to those getting the Locked version) regarded the victim as more likely to be predisposed to get into situations like rape, liked and identified with the victim significantly less, and viewed her as more careless and responsible for the rape. Time of attack also significantly affected attributions about predisposition to get into situations like rape, carelessness, and responsibility, with the victim rated most negatively in the midnight version.

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Koss, Mary P., Thomas E. Dinero, Cynthia A. Seibel, and Susan L. Cox. "Stranger and Acquaintance Rape: Are There Differences In the Victim's Experience?" Psychology of Women Quarterly 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00924.x.

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Most published research on the victim–offender relationship has been based on small samples that consisted mainly of women who were raped by nonintimate and nonromantic acquaintances, who viewed their experience as rape, and/or who were seeking treatment. In the present study, 489 rape victims were located among a national sample of 3, 187 female college students by a self-report survey that avoided reliance on helpseekers. Two sets of comparisons were performed. First, the experiences reported by victims of stranger rape ( n = 52) were compared with those of victims of acquaintance rape ( n = 416). Then, the experiences of women assaulted by different types of acquaintances were compared including nonromantic acquaintances ( n = 122), casual dates ( n = 103), steady dates ( n = 147), and spouses or other family members ( n = 44). Rapes by acquaintances, compared with strangers, were more likely to involve a single offender and multiple episodes, were less likely to be seen as rape or to be revealed to anyone, and were similar in terms of the victim's resistance. In general, acquaintance rapes were rated as less violent than stranger rapes. The exception was rapes by husbands or other family members which were rated equally violent to stranger rapes but were much less likely to occur in a context of drinking or other drug use. In spite of these different crime characteristics, virtually no differences were found among any of the groups in their levels of psychological symptoms. A significant feature of these data is that they have tapped the experiences of unreported and unacknowledged rape victims, a group that is potentially much larger than the group of identified victims.

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Johnson, James D. "The effect of rape type and information admissibility on perceptions of rape victims." Sex Roles 30, no. 11-12 (June 1994): 781–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01544231.

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ULLMAN, SARAH E. "Does Offender Violence Escalate When Rape Victims Fight Back?" Journal of Interpersonal Violence 13, no. 2 (April 1998): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626098013002001.

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Wasco, Sharon M., and Rebecca Campbell. "Emotional Reactions of Rape Victim Advocates: A Multiple Case Study of Anger and Fear." Psychology of Women Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 2002): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1471-6402.00050.

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This research explores the emotional reactions of a rarely studied group of women who work closely with survivors of sexual violence: rape victim advocates. Women who assist rape victims in obtaining medical, criminal justice, and mental health services were interviewed about their experiences, and qualitative analysis was used to delineate the situational context of the advocates' emotional reactions. Results indicate that respondents experienced anger and fear in response to both individual (e.g., a perpetrator's menacing glare) and environmental (e.g., community denial of a problem) cues. Additionally, some experienced rape victim advocates perceived their emotional reactions to be an important part of their work with rape victims. These findings suggest that intense emotional reactions, previously conceptualized within a vicarious trauma framework, may at times serve as resources for women working with rape survivors.

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Gylys, Julius A., and John R. McNamara. "Acceptance of Rape Myths among Prosecuting Attorneys." Psychological Reports 79, no. 1 (August 1996): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1996.79.1.15.

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Surveys containing a measurement of acceptance of rape myths were mailed to 310 prosecuting attorneys from 87 counties in Ohio. Among the 182 (58.7%) participants who responded, self-reported acceptance of rape myths was low. Males endorsed rape myths more strongly than females, but the sex differences were small in magnitude. No demographic variables were significant in predicting the acceptance of rape myths in a regression analysis. The current findings are informative because they provide the only direct measure of prosecutors' attitudes towards rape victims that have been reported in the past 15 years.

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Sleath, Emma, and Ray Bull. "A Brief Report on Rape Myth Acceptance: Differences Between Police Officers, Law Students, and Psychology Students in the United Kingdom." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-13-00035.

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A common perception is that police officers hold very negative attitudes about rape victims. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to establish whether police officers do accept stereotypical rape myths at a higher level compared to members of other populations. There were 3 comparison samples, composed of police officers, law students, and psychology students, that completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale. Male and female police officers accepted “she lied” myths at a higher level than the student samples. Student samples were found to accept 2 types of rape myths (“she asked for it” and “he didn’t meant to”) at a higher level compared to police officers. No significant differences were found in the other 4 subfactors. Therefore, the pattern of results suggests that police officers do not adhere to stereotypical myths about rape victims more than do other populations.

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Peterson, Zoë D., and Charlene L. Muehlenhard. "A Match-and-Motivation Model of How Women Label Their Nonconsensual Sexual Experiences." Psychology of Women Quarterly 35, no. 4 (November 11, 2011): 558–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361684311410210.

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Many rape victims are unacknowledged rape victims—they report an experience meeting researchers’ operational definitions of rape but do not label their experience as rape. The purpose of this study was to investigate women’s decisions about whether to label their experiences as rape. Participants were 77 college women (predominantly White; mean age = 19.23) who had experienced rape according to the study’s operational definition. The researchers used open-ended questionnaires and interviews to explore participants’ explanations for labeling or not labeling their experience as rape. Explanations were related to match—whether the incident matched their rape script (e.g., whether the man fit their image of a rapist; whether they fought back)—and to motivation—the perceived consequences of using the label (e.g., discomfort with thinking of the perpetrator as a rapist; feeling less self-blame vs. feeling less control or more traumatized). Over time, participants were more likely to label their experience as rape. Results suggested that individuals differ in the meanings that they ascribe to the label rape. For some individuals, labeling their experience as rape may be adaptive; for others, it may be unhelpful or even harmful. Researchers, clinicians, and advocates should use caution in imposing their own preferred labels on other women’s experiences.

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Koziey, Paul W., and Gordon L. McLeod. "Visual-kinesthetic dissociation in treatment of victims of rape." Professional Psychology: Research and Practice 18, no. 3 (June 1987): 276–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0735-7028.18.3.276.

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Brady, Eileen C., Joan C. Chrisler, D. Christine Hosdale, Dana M. Osowiecki, and Tracy A. Veal. "Date Rape: Expectations, Avoidance Strategies, and Attitudes toward Victims." Journal of Social Psychology 131, no. 3 (June 1991): 427–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1991.9713868.

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Cohen, Pamela. "Review of Treatment of Rape Victims: Facilitating Psychosocial Adjustment." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 37, no. 4 (April 1992): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/032044.

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Rich, Karen. "Trauma-Informed Police Responses to Rape Victims." Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma 28, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10926771.2018.1540448.

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DeJong, William. "Rape and Physical Attractiveness: Judgments concerning Likelihood of Victimization." Psychological Reports 85, no. 1 (August 1999): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1999.85.1.32.

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Subjects in two studies were shown portraits of 32 young women who varied widely in physical attractiveness. Subjects were told that half of these women had been victims of a crime and half had not. Their job was to sort the portraits correctly into those two categories. In both studies, attractive women were more often categorized as victims of rape. In Study 2, attractive women were not more likely to be categorized as having been beaten and robbed. Correlation analyses showed that the association between physical attractiveness and presumed criminal victimization was significantly higher for rape than for being beaten and robbed.

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Koss, Mary P., Kevin M. Swartout, Elise C. Lopez, Raina V. Lamade, Elizabeth J. Anderson, Carolyn L. Brennan, and Robert A. Prentky. "The Scope of Rape Victimization and Perpetration Among National Samples of College Students Across 30 years." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 37, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2021): NP25—NP47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08862605211050103.

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Research Questions: Rape prevention practice and policy have roots in data from 1985. This study uses 2015 national data to project recent prevalence, assesses whether rates now differ from those of 30 years ago, and disaggregates 2015 prevalence into rape of alcohol incapacitated victims, rapes combining both alcohol and physical tactics, and violent rape. Methods: Cross-sectional analyses were conducted comparing two national samples. The first was collected in 1984-85 (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987); the second was collected 30 years later in 2014-2015. Both surveys used in-person administration and measurement by the most current version at the time of the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES). Prevalence rates were compared using Bayesian binomial tests. Results: In 2015, 33.4% (1 in 3) of women reported experiencing rape or attempted rape and 12.7% of men reported perpetration (1 in 8). Using Jeffreys' label for effect size of the Bayes binomial (1961), both results are “decisively” greater than expected given the 1985 benchmarks of 27.9% for victimization and 7.7% for perpetration. Victimization when incapacitated characterized approximately 75% of incidents in 2015 up from 50% in 1985. Cautions apply as cross-sectional data does not establish causality and the recent data set involved the revised SES. Conclusions: Across 30 years, neither containment nor reduction of rape was demonstrated and the increasingly prominent association with alcohol was apparent. Among the men who disclosed raping, 9 of 10 incidents were alcohol-involved. Prevention focus might profitably be directed to constraining alcohol environments and policies that facilitate rape of incapacitated persons and on misconduct responses that are proportional to the harm caused to rape victims, thereby raising the perceived risks of perpetration.

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Collings, Steven J. "Barriers to Rape Reporting among White South African Women." South African Journal of Psychology 17, no. 1 (March 1987): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124638701700104.

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This study was designed to investigate the reasons why many rape victims fail to report their victimization to public agencies. The study sample comprised 54 victims of unreported rape (38 Afrikaans-speaking white females and 16 English-speaking white females) who had responded to media appeals. In line with recent conceptualizations of crime victim decision making, barriers to reporting were examined at three levels of abstraction: the intrapersonal level (victim immaturity, victim guilt, or self-blame); the interpersonal level (fear of rapist retaliation, fear of further victimization by family and friends); and the institutional level (fear of victimization by the police or the criminal justice system). Interpersonal barriers were found to constitute effective barriers to reporting in 34 cases (63%), institutional barriers in 20 cases (37%), and intrapersonal barriers in 12 cases (22%). Analysis of the relationship between victim characteristics, rape circumstances, and reporting barriers revealed that the importance of reporting barriers can be predicted to a significant extent by selected rape-descriptive variables. The study findings are discussed in terms of their practical and methodological implications.

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WHATLEY, MARK A., and RONALD E. RIGGIO. "Gender Differences in Attributions of Blame for Male Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 8, no. 4 (December 1993): 502–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626093008004005.

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WHITE, BRADLEY H., and SHARON E. ROBINSON KURPIUS. "Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Effects of Gender and Professional Status." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 14, no. 9 (September 1999): 989–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626099014009006.

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Branscombe, Nyla R., Michael J. A. Wohl, Susan Owen, Julie A. Allison, and Ahogni N'gbala. "Counterfactual Thinking, Blame Assignment, and Well-Being in Rape Victims." Basic and Applied Social Psychology 25, no. 4 (December 2003): 265–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15324834basp2504_1.

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Branscombe, Nyla R., and Julie A. Weir. "Resistance as Stereotype-Inconsistency: Consequences for Judgments of Rape Victims." Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology 11, no. 1 (March 1992): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jscp.1992.11.1.80.

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Conoscenti, Lauren M., and Richard J. McNally. "Health complaints in acknowledged and unacknowledged rape victims." Journal of Anxiety Disorders 20, no. 3 (January 2006): 372–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.janxdis.2005.03.001.

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43

Burge, Sandra K. "Post-traumatic stress disorder in victims of rape." Journal of Traumatic Stress 1, no. 2 (April 1988): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jts.2490010207.

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Abbey, Antonia, A. Monique Clinton, Pam McAuslan, Tina Zawacki, and Philip O. Buck. "Alcohol-Involved Rapes: Are They More Violent?" Psychology of Women Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 2002): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1471-6402.00048.

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Alcohol's psychological, cognitive, and motor effects contribute to rape. Based on theory and past research, we hypothesized that there would be a curvilinear relationship between the quantity of alcohol consumed by perpetrators and how aggressively they behaved. Moderate levels of intoxication encourage aggressiveness; however, extreme levels severely inhibit cognitive and motor capacity. We also hypothesized that victims' alcohol consumption would have a curvilinear relationship to their resistance. These hypotheses were examined with data from 132 college women who had been the victims of attempted or completed rape. Although there was a curvilinear result for perpetrators, the slope of the curve suggested that aggressiveness was worst when no alcohol or the highest levels of alcohol were consumed. There was a negative linear relationship between victims' alcohol consumption and resistance. Difficulties associated with accurately assessing degree of intoxication from survey data are discussed and suggestions are made for improving alcohol measurement in rape research.

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Barnett, Michael D., Kylie B. Sligar, and Chiachih D. C. Wang. "Religious Affiliation, Religiosity, Gender, and Rape Myth Acceptance: Feminist Theory and Rape Culture." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 8 (August 24, 2016): 1219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516665110.

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Rape myths are false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists, often prejudicial and stereotypical. Guided by feminist theory and available empirical research, this study aimed to examine the influences of gender, religious affiliation, and religiosity on rape myth acceptance of U.S. emerging adults. A sample of 653 university students aged 18 to 30 years were recruited from a large public university in the southern United States to complete the research questionnaires. Results indicated that individuals who identified as Roman Catholic or Protestant endorsed higher levels of rape myth acceptance than their atheist or agnostic counterparts. Men were found more likely to ascribe to rape myths than their female counterparts. Religiosity was positively associated with rape myth acceptance, even after controlling the effect of conservative political ideology. No significant interaction was found between gender and religious affiliation or gender and religiosity. Limitations, future research directions, and implications of the findings are discussed from the perspective of feminist theory.

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Rynd, Nancy. "Incidence of psychometric symptoms in rape victims." Journal of Sex Research 24, no. 1 (January 1988): 155–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224498809551405.

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Daly, Kathleen, and Robyn L. Holder. "State Payments to Victims of Violent Crime: Discretion and Bias in Awards for Sexual Offences." British Journal of Criminology 59, no. 5 (March 31, 2019): 1099–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azz008.

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Abstract State monetary schemes for victims of violent crime began in the 1960s and operate in 35 countries today, yet knowledge is lacking on who is applying, how decisions are reached, variation in awards and why amounts may differ. Analysing 291 sexual offence cases in Queensland, we ask whether awards differ by victim sex/gender and by societal constructs of ideal, real rape, and credible victims. We found that male child victims received higher awards than female child victims for more serious sexual offences and that awards to females aged 12 and older were affected by elements associated with real rape and credible victims. We call upon researchers and governments to pursue and expand this new area of research.

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Finkelson, Laura, and Robert Oswalt. "College Date Rape: Incidence and Reporting." Psychological Reports 77, no. 2 (October 1995): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1995.77.2.526.

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The present survey based on 70% returns ( N=140) of a random sample of 200 women at one college indicated that, although 5% had been date raped, none reported the rapes to authorities due to feelings of self-blame and embarrassment. That rapes are not reported perpetuates a self-fulfilling prophecy that rapes do not occur. A victim of rape may feel she is the only one and may be reluctant to become the exception who reports. This denial by both college authorities and victims does not encourage programs for prevention and treatment.

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FRAZIER, PATRICIA A. "A Comparative Study of Male and Female Rape Victims Seen at a Hospital-Based Rape Crisis Program." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 8, no. 1 (March 1993): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626093008001005.

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Ayala, Erin E., Brandy Kotary, and Maria Hetz. "Blame Attributions of Victims and Perpetrators: Effects of Victim Gender, Perpetrator Gender, and Relationship." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 1 (August 11, 2015): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260515599160.

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Although research has been conducted on rape myth acceptance (RMA) and other factors associated with attribution formation, researchers have not yet determined how the combination of such factors simultaneously affects levels of victim blame and perpetrator blame. The current investigation recruited 221 students from an all-women’s college to examine differences in blame attributions across RMA, victim gender, and perpetrator gender, and the relationship between the two parties (i.e., stranger vs. acquaintance). Results suggested that RMA, victim gender, and perpetrator gender account for a significant amount of variance in blame attributions for both victims and perpetrators. In sum, victim blame with female perpetrators was relatively consistent across levels of RMA, but increased substantially for male perpetrators as individuals endorsed higher levels of RMA. Perpetrator blame, however, was highest with male perpetrators when individuals endorsed low levels of RMA and lowest for male perpetrators when individuals endorsed relatively higher levels of RMA. Findings demonstrate the continued influence of RMA on blame attributions for both victims and perpetrators, and the stigma faced by male victims. More research is needed on the differing attributions of male and female victims and perpetrators, as well as differing attributions based on type of relationship. Such research will lead to a better and more thorough understanding of sexual assault and rape.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Rape victims Victoria Psychology'

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