Journal articles: 'Rape victims Victoria Attitudes'

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Egan, Rachel, and Janet Clare Wilson. "Rape Victims' Attitudes to Rape Myth Acceptance." Psychiatry, Psychology and Law 19, no. 3 (June 2012): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13218719.2011.585128.

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Boakye, Kofi E. "Attitudes Toward Rape and Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 24, no. 10 (February 27, 2009): 1633–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260509331493.

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Nagel, Barbara, Hisako Matsuo, Kevin P. McIntyre, and Nancy Morrison. "Attitudes Toward Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 20, no. 6 (June 2005): 725–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260505276072.

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Perenc, Lidia, Justyna Podgórska-Bednarz, Agnieszka Guzik, and Mariusz Drużbicki. "Selected Correlates of Attitudes towards Rape Victims among Polish Medical Students." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 10 (May 12, 2022): 5896. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19105896.

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Sexual violence against women, including rape, is a serious public health issue in many countries. Rape victims often meet health professionals in medical institutions for a range of health problems. The aim of this research was investigation of attitudes towards rape victims among medical students. Methods: The study sample consisted of 1183 university students who represented various medical disciplines. The average age of the respondents was 23.3 years. The Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale (ARVS) was used in this study. Results: Higher scores in men indicate that they held less sympathetic attitudes towards rape victims than women (61.6 vs. 52.6, p = 0.0000). Given the univariate interaction, social environment, and religious commitment did not significantly differentiate the respondents in this respect. Students of the medical faculty obtained the lowest results (medicine 49.7 vs. midwifery and nursing: 54.1, other fields: 54.4, p = 0.0008), showing much understanding and empathy for rape victims. Conclusions: The surveyed medical students presented moderately positive attitudes towards rape victims, among them men somewhat negative than women who made more pro-victim judgments. Among all medical field of study, medicine was distinguished by higher empathy. Religion and social environment independently do not differentiate respondents in this respect.

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Duff, Simon, and Amy Tostevin. "Effects of gender, rape myth acceptance, and perpetrator occupation on perceptions of rape." Journal of Criminal Psychology 5, no. 4 (November 2, 2015): 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcp-12-2014-0019.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of gender-stereotypical beliefs and associated factors (gender, level of rape myth acceptance (RMA), and occupation) on public attitudes towards rape victims with the aim of establishing whether participant and perpetrator characteristics have effects on individuals’ attitudes towards rape victims. With regards to participants, gender, age, occupation, and the extent to which an individual endorses rape myths were investigated. The authors also considered whether participants’ attitudes were influenced by the occupation of a rapist as described in a vignette looking at occupations deemed to be stereotypically male or female. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 185 individuals participated in the study and were randomly assigned to one of three conditions based on the rapist’s occupation (stereotypically male occupation, gender-neutral occupation or stereotypically female occupation). Participants completed an online survey consisting of a RMA questionnaire, read a short vignette depicting a rape scenario (where they were also informed of the perpetrator’s occupation) and completed a further questionnaire on their attitudes towards rape victims. Results were examined by regression. Findings – The results indicate that both participant occupation and level of RMA significantly contributed to attitudes towards rape victims, however, a statistically significant effect for rapist occupation was not found. Originality/value – Findings are discussed in terms of implications for individuals working within services supporting victims of rape and the potential consequences of holding stereotypical beliefs for rape victims and perpetrators. It is important that research identifies those factors that might bias decision making in the legal system and thus impact upon outcomes for victims and offenders.

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Javaid, Aliraza. "Male Rape Myths: Understanding and Explaining Social Attitudes Surrounding Male Rape." Masculinities & Social Change 4, no. 3 (October 21, 2015): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/mcs.2015.1579.

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<p>This paper provides a critical review of the literature surrounding male rape, aimed at exploring how male rape myths shape society’s responses and attitudes to male victims of rape and integrates the literature from a theory driven perspective. In doing so, this theoretical paper reveals information relating to the barriers to recognition of male rape. These barriers are male rape myths that prevent male rape victims from coming forward and seeking the support that they merit. There has been a lack of research on male rape myths, although some research has documented such myths to be present in practice. These myths could be harmful because they may influence societies’ opinions of male rape victims, so this could affect the treatment and responses toward such victims. To understand and explain such myths so some attempt can be made at eradicating them, this paper will explore common male rape myths that seem to be prevalent in Western society. This paper will examine male rape myths in the areas of media, incarcerated settings, and the wider community, focusing on England and Wales, UK. This is important to do to recognise which myths are harmful and are facilitating the under-reporting of male rape. This paper will help raise awareness of male rape myths and not only attempt to tackle them, but also encourage male rape victims to come forward to report and seek the help that they merit. It will also address the gaps in the literature and areas ripe for research, so further empirical research can be conducted on male rape, highlighting ideas for future research and providing guidance in areas most needed in research on male rape. </p>

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BEST, CONNIE L., BONNIE S. DANSKY, and DEAN G. KILPATRICK. "Medical Students' Attitudes About Female Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 7, no. 2 (June 1992): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626092007002004.

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Rich, Karen, and Patrick Seffrin. "Police Interviews of Sexual Assault Reporters: Do Attitudes Matter?" Violence and Victims 27, no. 2 (2012): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.27.2.263.

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Sexual assault is underreported in the United States. Survivors are often reluctant to make police reports for various reasons; one is fear of revictimization by criminal justice professionals. Conversely, police officers often lack skills for interviewing crime victims. Posttraumatic stress reactions among victims can exacerbate the problem. Although some victims prefer female interviewers, it is not known whether they are more skilled. A sample of 429 police officers completed a written survey testing their rape myth acceptance and knowledge of how to interview rape reporters. A significant relationship between rape myth acceptance and interviewing skill was discovered. Although officer gender was related to interviewing skill, the effect was mediated by rape myth acceptance. Specific officer behaviors related to high rape myth acceptance were identified. Implications for selection of police to conduct victim interviews were discussed.

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Rumney, Philip N. S., and Charnelle van der Bijl. "Rape, Attitudes, and Law Enforcement in South Africa." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 4 (2010): 826–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.4.826.

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This article examines the nature of social attitudes toward adult rape in South Africa and the ways in which they may influence the response of criminal justice professionals to cases of rape. Tis article draws on a small study of law students who completed a questionnaire that sought to examine specific beliefs regarding rape victims and their behavior during and following rape. Te questionnaire examines issues that do not appear to have been explored within attitude surveys thus far in South Africa. Te findings from this survey, along with the wider research literature on attitudes toward rape, suggest that rape myths and stereotypes are widespread in South African society and that they are also shared by some criminal justice professionals. Te article also notes some encouraging trends in South Africa. In particular, the judiciary has shown clear disapproval of the institutional failure to protect victims of rape and sexual assault. Te judiciary has also explicitly rejected myths pertaining to the behavior of rape victims, which will be discussed in this article. Although these trends are encouraging, there remains a clear need to address the problem of rape myths and stereotypes both in the general population and within the criminal justice system.

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Gotovac, Sandra, and Shelagh Towson. "Perceptions of Sexual Assault Victims/Survivors: The Influence of Sexual History and Body Weight." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-12-00168.

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The intersection between a woman’s body weight and sexual history and the victim blaming attitudes of future health care providers was investigated. University undergraduate students (N = 91) enrolled in programs associated with the provision of health care read 1 of 4 patient files of a woman reporting a rape as well as 2 distracter files. Results showed that, for overweight rape victims/survivors, study participants’ antifat attitudes were correlated with victim blaming attitudes. Male participants held the attacker significantly less responsible than did female participants if the victim/survivor had several previous sexual partners. Findings suggest that body weight should be considered as a contributing factor in attitudes toward rape victims/survivors, and the gender of the health care provider can be a factor in the post-assault treatment of overweight rape victims/survivors.

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Hetu, Vibha. "Reflections on the society’s reaction towards rape victims in Delhi City." Temida 17, no. 3 (2014): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1403003h.

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In general, most people display stronger beliefs in ?aggravated rape? or ?real rape?; including victims of such rape cases who often identify themselves as ?rape victims? than the victims of ?simple rape?, where none of the aggravating circumstances are present. Despite myths to the contrary these ?simple rape? cases in fact make up the majority of cases. This article considers the implications of ?real rape? and demonstrates how notions about what a ?typical rape? should be, in the form of rape myths, directly impact on societal attitudes towards rape victims and how the media continue to reinforce and perpetuate the notion of real rape through their selective reporting of ?serial rape?, ?stranger rape? or especially ?violent rapes?.

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Gari, Aikaterini, George Georgouleas, Artemis Giotsa, and Eleni Anna Stathopoulou. "Greek students’ attitudes toward rape." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 16, no. 2 (October 15, 2020): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.23809.

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Literature on sexual harassment and violence against women describes a variety of myths and stereotypes regarding partial or total responsibility of rape victims and their “enjoyment” of sexual violence. Rape stigma and rape myths are aspects of generalized attitudes toward victims of rape and rapists, while it seems that sexual violence remains a taboo in today’s western societies. This study explores Greek university students’ attitudes towards rape. A questionnaire created for the purpose of this study was administered to 950 Greek students at the University of Athens and at the University of Ioannina, divided into three groups: a group of students from the Faculty of Law, a group from Departments orientated to Humanistic and Social Sciences and a group of students from other Faculties and Departments of Applied Sciences. Factor analysis revealed four factors: “Rape victim’s responsibility”, “Defining the concept of rape”, “Rape motivation” and “Rapist’s characteristics”. In line with previous research findings, the results indicated that women were less accepting of conservative attitudestowards rape than men; they also seemed to reject attitudes of “blaming the victim” more, and to hold negative views of rapists. Additionally, the results showed that students of rural origin retain more conservative attitudes with respect to the victim’s responsibility and the rapist’s characteristics than students of urban origin. Finally, students in Law Departments seemed to have accepted more moderate attitudes than the other two groups of students; they mostly disagree with conservative attitudes regarding victim’s responsibilities along with the Social Science students, but they agree more with Applied Sciences students in defining rape.

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Basile, Kathleen C. "Attitudes Toward Wife Rape: Effects of Social Background and Victim Status." Violence and Victims 17, no. 3 (June 2002): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/vivi.17.3.341.33659.

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The current literature on wife rape is minimal compared to the published research in areas such as wife battering or date rape, and most of the existent work on attitudes toward wife rape is dated and/or focuses on limited samples (i.e., college populations). Using data from a nationally representative telephone survey, this study examined national attitudes toward wife rape using the following measures: perceptions of the occurrence of wife rape, perceptions of the frequency of wife rape, and perceptions of three rape scenarios. Respondent sex, education, age, race, and female victim status were predictors. Findings reveal that older, non-white respondents were less likely to believe wife rape occurs. Males and the more educated were less likely to believe it occurs frequently. Older and less educated respondents were less likely to believe forced sex scenarios between a husband and wife constitute wife rape. Among women, non-victims of forced sex were significantly less likely than current victims to believe that wife rape occurs.

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Javaid, Aliraza. "Masculinities, sexualities and identities: Understanding HIV positive and HIV negative male rape victims." International Sociology 32, no. 3 (March 18, 2017): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917696387.

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This empirical article focuses on how HIV intersects with male rape, and how the virus challenges and weakens male rape victims’ sense of masculinity. Drawing on hegemonic masculinity to elucidate the different ways in which men as victims of rape cope with their disease, the article argues that male victims handle the effects of rape themselves to keep their masculinity intact. Drawing on interviews with HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims ( N = 15), it is argued that male victims of rape not only often struggle to manage their HIV status in a social sphere, but also may suffer contradictions in relation to embodying hegemonic masculinity. In addition to such struggles, male rape victims sometimes attract victim blaming attitudes, such as ‘he asked for it’, indicating that male rape victims are blamed for both contracting HIV and for being raped. HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims question their masculinity while stigma develops through social relations with other people, particularly other men. Male rape myths are present in western society. This article seeks to open up a dialogue surrounding the salient issues associated with male rape, including HIV and male rape myths, while attempting to eliminate such harmful myths. It is important to tackle male rape myths because they can contribute to the underreporting of male rape and can compound male rape victims’ reluctance to seek help for their HIV, emotional and psychological suffering.

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Haywood, Holly, and Eric Swank. "Rape Myths Among Appalachian College Students." Violence and Victims 23, no. 3 (June 2008): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.23.3.373.

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Rape myths regularly admonish victims for supposedly provoking the violence done against them. While rape attitudes have been studied in national and urban samples, the support of rape myths in rural populations is seldom investigated. Furthermore, the few empirical studies on sexual coercion in Appalachia are mostly descriptive and rarely compare the sentiments of Appalachians and non-Appalachians. To address this gap, this study surveyed 512 college students at a public university in Eastern Kentucky. In testing an Appalachian distinctiveness question, this study revealed that Appalachian students were less likely to criticize rape victims. Students were also less inclined to condemn rape victims when they were victims themselves, came from egalitarian families, stayed in college longer, rejected modern sexism, and felt little animosity toward women.

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Strain, Megan L., Jericho M. Hockett, and Donald A. Saucier. "Precursors to Rape: Pressuring Behaviors and Rape Proclivity." Violence and Victims 30, no. 2 (2015): 322–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-13-00051.

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We developed measures assessing personal and normative attitudes toward two types of behaviors that are symptomatic of rape culture. We conceptualize sexual violence as existing on a continuum and argue that two types of behaviors may be potential antecedents to (and consequences of) sexual violence: attempts to pressure, which mimic the power dynamics of rape in a less aggressive fashion, and benevolent dating behaviors, which are accepted dating scripts in which men initiate action. We examined individuals’ acceptance of these behaviors in relation to their attitudes toward rape victims and among men to rape proclivity. This initial work suggests that these constructs and measures may be useful to investigate in future research.

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Anderson, Michelle J. "Diminishing the Legal Impact of Negative Social Attitudes Toward Acquaintance Rape Victims." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 4 (2010): 644–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.4.644.

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Rape law often condemns females who are not chaste and excuses males who act with sexual entitlement. Rape law has been a significant site for the valorization of female chastity and constraint, on the one hand, and male prowess and freedom, on the other. It continues to reflect the sexism of a culture resistant to ceding male control over sexuality. Legal reform of rape law over the past forty years has greatly helped those who experience stranger rape that includes violence extrinsic to the rape itself. However, this generation of reform did not sufficiently help those whose experiences are more common: those raped by acquaintances without extrinsic violence. To tackle this larger problem, the law must undergo another generation of renewal, one that works affirmatively to diminish the legal impact of negative social attitudes toward acquaintance rape victims. Tis article proposes a range of legal reforms to that end.

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Brady, Eileen C., Joan C. Chrisler, D. Christine Hosdale, Dana M. Osowiecki, and Tracy A. Veal. "Date Rape: Expectations, Avoidance Strategies, and Attitudes toward Victims." Journal of Social Psychology 131, no. 3 (June 1991): 427–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1991.9713868.

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O’Neal, Eryn Nicole, and Brittany E. Hayes. "“A Rape Is a Rape, Regardless of What the Victim Was Doing at the Time”: Detective Views on How “Problematic” Victims Affect Sexual Assault Case Processing." Criminal Justice Review 45, no. 1 (April 15, 2019): 26–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734016819842639.

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Research finds that “problematic” victim behaviors—for example, alcohol consumption—influence sexual assault case outcomes. Questions remain, however, regarding officer perceptions of what constitutes a problematic victim and how these victims complicate case processing. Indeed, most case processing research has relied on quantitative methods and inquiry into officer attitudes has primarily relied on the use of vignettes. Using data from in-depth interviews with 52 Los Angeles Police Department sex crimes detectives, we examine attitudes toward problematic victims. Overall, we aim to determine whether rape culture beliefs and efforts to operate in a “downstream orientation” influence detective views regarding victims who have been deemed problematic.

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Koon-Magnin, Sarah, Stacy Hoskins Haynes, and R. Barry Ruback. "Condemnation of Statutory Rape Based on Respondent Race, Perpetrator Race, and Victim Race." Violence and Victims 34, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 414–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-16-00217.

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Race impacts perceptions of crimes, perpetrators, and victims. Although statutory rape generally receives little empirical or media attention, it has important implications for victims and offenders across the United States and appears to be enforced in a haphazard way. This study used a between-subjects experimental survey design at two universities (n = 1,370) to assess the impact of respondent race, perpetrator race, and victim race on attitudes toward statutory rape. Results of a repeated measures analysis of variance indicated that respondents viewed both White victims and their perpetrators as bad, blameworthy, deserving of punishment, harmed, and likely to commit crime in the future, judgments suggesting that the respondents take this sexual activity seriously. In contrast, analyses revealed that respondents were significantly less concerned about Black victims than White victims. Consistent with the liberation hypothesis, these differences in attitudes may contribute to the law being enforced inconsistently, providing differential access to justice based on a variable that is not legally relevant.

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Ward, Colleen. "The Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Scale: Construction, Validation, and Cross-Cultural Applicability." Psychology of Women Quarterly 12, no. 2 (June 1988): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00932.x.

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The paper describes the construction of a 25-item Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale (ARVS) designed to assess favorable and unfavorable attitudes with particular emphasis on victim blame, credibility, deservingness, denigration, and trivialization. Normative data are presented as well as the results of various psychometric analyses based on four independent studies and a variety of samples including university students, doctors, lawyers, social workers, psychologists, and police in Singapore, and university students in the United States. These analyses confirm the ARVS's reliability, validity and cross-cultural suitability. As attitudes toward rape victims have been implicated in the quality of victim care in legal, medical, and social spheres, it is proposed that the ARVS provides a valuable tool for applied research in victimology.

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Sheldon, Jane P., and Sandra L. Parent. "Clergy's Attitudes and Attributions of Blame Toward Female Rape Victims." Violence Against Women 8, no. 2 (February 2002): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10778010222183026.

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WHITE, BRADLEY H., and SHARON E. ROBINSON KURPIUS. "Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Effects of Gender and Professional Status." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 14, no. 9 (September 1999): 989–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626099014009006.

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Muram, D., R. Hellman, and B. Cassinello. "Prevalence of negative attitudes among police officers toward rape victims." Adolescent and Pediatric Gynecology 8, no. 2 (1995): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0932-8610(19)80131-7.

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Watts, Ashley L., Shauna M. Bowes, Robert D. Latzman, and Scott O. Lilienfeld. "Psychopathic traits predict harsh attitudes toward rape victims among undergraduates." Personality and Individual Differences 106 (February 2017): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.10.022.

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Darves-Bornoz, JM, JP Lépine, M. Choquet, C. Berger, A. Degiovanni, and P. Gaillard. "Predictive factors of chronic Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder in rape victims." European Psychiatry 13, no. 6 (September 1998): 281–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(98)80045-x.

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SummaryThis study aimed to investigate the psychological disorders following rape as well as the course of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), and to determine clinical factors predictive of chronic PTSD. Seventy-three rape victims were observed in a systematic follow-up study over 1 year following rape using structured interview schedules. The frequency of PTSD was massive. The early disorders predicting PTSD 1 year after rape included somatoform and dissociative disorders, agoraphobia and specific phobias as well as depressive and gender identity disorders and alcohol abuse. Through stepwise logistic regressions, the following were found to be good models of prediction of chronic PTSD 1 year after rape: for the characteristics of the traumas, intrafamily rape, being physically assaulted outside rape, and added physical violence during rape; for the early psychological and behavioural attitudes, low self-esteem, permanent feelings of emptiness and running away; and for early mental disorders, agoraphobia and depressive disorders. Finally, among all these predictive factors, added physical violence during rape, low self-esteem, permanent feelings of emptiness and agoraphobia were shown to constitute a strong model of predictors. People presenting features such as the predictive factors of chronic PTSD found in the study should be asked about a history of rape and symptoms of PTSD.

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LeMaire, Kelly L., Debra L. Oswald, and Brenda L. Russell. "Labeling Sexual Victimization Experiences: The Role of Sexism, Rape Myth Acceptance, and Tolerance for Sexual Harassment." Violence and Victims 31, no. 2 (2016): 332–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-13-00148.

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This study investigated whether attitudinal variables, such as benevolent and hostile sexism toward men and women, female rape myth acceptance, and tolerance of sexual harassment are related to women labeling their sexual assault experiences as rape. In a sample of 276 female college students, 71 (25.7%) reported at least one experience that met the operational definition of rape, although only 46.5% of those women labeled the experience “rape.” Benevolent sexism, tolerance of sexual harassment, and rape myth acceptance, but not hostile sexism, significantly predicted labeling of previous sexual assault experiences by the victims. Specifically, those with more benevolent sexist attitudes toward both men and women, greater rape myth acceptance, and more tolerant attitudes of sexual harassment were less likely to label their past sexual assault experience as rape. The results are discussed for their clinical and theoretical implications.

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Bendixen, Mons, Marit Henriksen, and Reidun Kvitvik Nøstdahl. "Attitudes toward rape and attribution of responsibility to rape victims in a Norwegian community sample." Nordic Psychology 66, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 168–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19012276.2014.931813.

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Sleath, Emma, and Ray Bull. "A Brief Report on Rape Myth Acceptance: Differences Between Police Officers, Law Students, and Psychology Students in the United Kingdom." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-13-00035.

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A common perception is that police officers hold very negative attitudes about rape victims. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to establish whether police officers do accept stereotypical rape myths at a higher level compared to members of other populations. There were 3 comparison samples, composed of police officers, law students, and psychology students, that completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale. Male and female police officers accepted “she lied” myths at a higher level than the student samples. Student samples were found to accept 2 types of rape myths (“she asked for it” and “he didn’t meant to”) at a higher level compared to police officers. No significant differences were found in the other 4 subfactors. Therefore, the pattern of results suggests that police officers do not adhere to stereotypical myths about rape victims more than do other populations.

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Rimmer, Beth, and Philip Birch. "Exploring factors affecting attitudes towards rape survivors: the role of sexuality and religiosity." Journal of Forensic Practice 21, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfp-01-2019-0004.

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Purpose Contemporaneously, the crime of rape has experienced an increase in reporting. The majority of rape survivors continue to experience, however, extensive victimisation due to biased attitudes held by many people and organisations within the general population. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In a quantitative study with a sample of 176 participants, this research aimed to explore sexuality and religiosity as factors that affect attitudes towards survivors of rape. Findings Results indicated that negative attitudes towards rape survivors could be predicted by rape myth acceptance. While the sexuality of the victim affected attitudes towards rape survivors and negative attitudes towards survivors were also found to be predicted by high religiosity scores, analyses concluded that both males and females perceived gay male victims with more negative attitudes in comparison to lesbian rape survivors. Male participants demonstrated, overall, more negative attitudes towards rape survivors than their female counterparts. In sum, sexuality and religiosity were concluded to be crucial factors in explaining blame attributions. Practical implications This study indicates: (1) the effect of social correlates other than gender on rape myths; (2) the effect sexuality has on the perception of rape myths; and (3) the effect religiosity has on the perception of rape myths. This study also reveals implications for the reporting, prosecution and conviction of rape cases that may be subject to bias and discrimination due to victim characteristics other than gender. Originality/value Attitudes towards rape survivors based on social correlates other than gender have received little attention within existing literature and research. This paper adds to this discussion by considering the affects of sexuality and religiosity which have implications for the reporting of such a crime.

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Gylys, Julius A., and John R. McNamara. "Acceptance of Rape Myths among Prosecuting Attorneys." Psychological Reports 79, no. 1 (August 1996): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1996.79.1.15.

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Surveys containing a measurement of acceptance of rape myths were mailed to 310 prosecuting attorneys from 87 counties in Ohio. Among the 182 (58.7%) participants who responded, self-reported acceptance of rape myths was low. Males endorsed rape myths more strongly than females, but the sex differences were small in magnitude. No demographic variables were significant in predicting the acceptance of rape myths in a regression analysis. The current findings are informative because they provide the only direct measure of prosecutors' attitudes towards rape victims that have been reported in the past 15 years.

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Elklit, Ask. "Attitudes toward Rape Victims - an Empirical Study of the Attitudes of Danish Website Visitors." Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 3, no. 1 (January 2002): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/140438502762467218.

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Abdul Hamid, Haezreena Begum Binti. "Exploring Victim Blaming Attitudes in Cases of Rape and Sexual Violence: The Relationship with Patriarchy." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 6, no. 11 (November 10, 2021): 273–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v6i11.1147.

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This article explores the relationship between patriarchy and victim blaming in cases of rape and sexual violence. It explores how women’s dependence on, and subordination to men has been used to blame victims in cases of rape and sexual assault. The article will examine how patriarchal norms that are deeply entrenched in existing laws, traditions, religion, and social practices have been used to blame women in cases of rape. It will also explore how victim blaming attitudes have and continue to be used as a tool to absolve the perpetrator from their crimes. Using discourse analysis to examine the existing literature, the article will highlight how sexual violence are sometimes minimised and trivialised in courts and media. As well as this, the study adopts a feminist lens and critiques the imbalance of power that exist between men and women. The article will highlight how patriarchal norms have been institutionalised in all layers of social structures and contest how female victims of sexual violence are sometimes ridiculed and devalued in court. Within this finding, the construction of women’s sexuality and the limited criminal justice protection will be discussed in depth. The article concludes by arguing that patriarchal norms can be destructive and obstructive in achieving fairness and justice for victims of rape and sexual violence. Therefore, immediate steps must be taken to address victim-blaming attitudes by propagating more gender equality practices and instilling such practices in all levels of society and state institutions.

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Javaid, Aliraza. "‘Poison ivy’: Queer masculinities, sexualities, homophobia and sexual violence." European Journal of Criminology 15, no. 6 (April 5, 2018): 748–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370818764834.

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This paper critically engages with notions of sexualities and male rape, using the concepts of heteronormativity and the social construction of sexualities to make sense of male sexual victimization. It offers primary data, which were collected via qualitative interviews and qualitative questionnaires involving police officers and practitioners working in voluntary agencies ( N = 70). The theoretical framework of heteronormativity is used to elucidate the data, drawing on issues and notions of sexualities that shape the ways in which state and voluntary agencies perceive, respond to and deal with male victims of rape. The aim of this paper, then, is to explore how notions of sexualities affect British state and voluntary agencies’ understanding of male rape and their views of men as victims of rape. I argue that state and voluntary agencies see male rape solely as a homosexual issue. As a result, heterosexual male rape victims, in particular, fear that societies will see them as homosexuals potentially drawing in homophobic reactions, responses or appraisals from others because rape challenges men’s heterosexual identity and sense of self as a ‘real’ man. Owing to the myth that male rape is a homosexual issue, and owing to heteronormativity, rape between men is seen as ‘consensual’ because anal penetration is considered to be an activity for gay men. Thus, sexist, homophobic and disbelieving attitudes emerge.

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Rich, Robert F., and Robert J. Sampson. "Public Perceptions of Criminal Justice Policy: Does Victimization Make a Difference?" Violence and Victims 5, no. 2 (January 1990): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.5.2.109.

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In this paper we examine public perceptions of criminal justice policy and public attitudes toward victims. We are particularly interested in exploring the relationship between the use of social science data and the adoption of public policy affecting victims of crime. To do this we analyze a representative sample of over 450 residents of the Chicago metropolitan area in 1983. The specific issues examined include attitudes toward rape (e.g., whether caused by victim’s behavior), prosecution of marital rape, plea bargaining, sentencing of predatory offenders, and the relative importance and efficacy of rehabilitation, incapacitation, and retribution as goals of punishment. Overall, the results suggest that age and education have the most important influence on public attitudes regarding these criminal justice policies. Surprisingly, victimization status does not emerge as a salient predictor of criminal justice perceptions. We conclude with a call for greater use of social science surveys as information input into local and federal decision making on criminal justice policy.

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Javaid, Aliraza. "‘Walking on egg shells’." Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 90, no. 3 (November 18, 2016): 228–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x16677357.

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The aim of this present work is to explore police officers’ experiences and views in respect of male rape. I critically examine the role of the police, and their experiences and perceptions of handling male rape cases. This study presents detailed, in-depth, and rich data from the police in England. The findings are generated from the police, male rape counsellors, male rape therapists and voluntary agency workers. The participants were interviewed and filled out qualitative questionnaires, which were kept anonymous. I ensured that those who were interviewed did not also fill out a questionnaire, as each method addresses issues in a different form. To inform the development of the semi-structured interview schedule and the qualitative questionnaires, I drew on Abdullah-Khan (2008) in order to shape the types of questions that I asked. Overall, this study gained a sample size of 70 participants. In this paper, I solely focus on state agencies’ responses and attitudes toward male rape. From the findings, five distinct themes emerged: (1) level of communications between officers and victims; (2) perpetuation of male rape myths and stereotypes by judges and juries; (3) lack of evidence in male rape cases; (4) attrition in male rape cases; and (5) issues of consent in male rape cases. There are serious concerns in terms of how the criminal justice system deals with male rape victims, resulting not only in poor treatment of the victims, but also increasing the attrition rate and decreasing the conviction rate in male rape cases. I attempt to tackle poor police practice herein.

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Burczyk, Katherine, and Lionel Standing. "ATTITUDES TOWARDS RAPE VICTIMS: EFFECTS OF VICTIM STATUS, SEX OF VICTIM, AND SEX OF RATER." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 17, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1989.17.1.1.

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Attitudes towards rape victims were investigated as a function of the rater's sex, the rated individual's sex, and victim versus non-victim status. Student subjects (72 male, 72 female) were given a disguised questionnaire, and required to rate a profiled person (John' or `Carol on 12 evaluative traits (both positive and negative) using a 7-point scale, under male profile/female profile and victim/non-victim conditions. The subjects also rated themselves on 60 sex role traits, using the Bem Sex Role Inventory. Finally, they indicated briefly their perception of the major influence controlling the rated individual's life situation. The results showed three main trends: (1) a `sympathy effect' (i.e. more positive rating of the profiled person) occurred for female victims, with both male and female raters; (2) masculine and undifferentiated raters showed a sympathy effect whereas feminine and androgynous subjects did not; (3) victims were attributed an internal locus of causality significantly more often than were non-victims, especially by male raters.

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Kassing, Leslee R., Denise Beesley, and Lisa L. Frey. "Gender Role Conflict, Homophobia, Age, and Education as Predictors of Male Rape Myth Acceptance." Journal of Mental Health Counseling 27, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17744/mehc.27.4.9wfm24f52kqgav37.

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The relationship of homophobia and gender role conflict to male rape myth acceptance was investigated using a sample of 210 adult men from a Midwestern community. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine the ability of certain variables to predict adherence to male rape myths. Those variables were homophobia; success, power, and competition attitudes; restrictive affectionate behavior between men; restrictive emotionality; and conflicts between work and family relationships. Results indicated that greater adherence to rape myths was related to homophobia and more success, power, and competitive attitudes. Additionally, older participants and participants with lower levels of education were more likely to endorse greater adherence to rape myths. Implications of this research include the necessity for more research on male rape myth acceptance, for implementation of educational programs and changes in the socialization process to help dispel these myths, and for mental health counselors to provide unbiased and gender-responsive treatment modalities to male victims who seek help.

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Rumney, Philip N. S. "Gay male rape victims: law enforcement, social attitudes and barriers to recognition." International Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 2-3 (June 2009): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980902758135.

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Anderson, Irina, and Alison Quinn. "Gender differences in medical students' attitudes towards male and female rape victims." Psychology, Health & Medicine 14, no. 1 (December 11, 2008): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13548500802241928.

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Shechory-Bitton, Mally, and Lea Jaeger. "The role of sexual orientation in differentiating between perceptions of rape myths, gender role stereotypes and social distance: The case of Israel." Temida 23, no. 1 (2020): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem2001003s.

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The purpose of the current study was to explore the relationships between Israeli gender role stereotypes, rape myths toward male and female victims, and social distance from sex crime victims and sex offenders, according to the observer?s sex and sexual orientation (gay men, lesbian women, and heterosexual men and women). The data was collected during the end of 2016 and included 401 Israeli participants. A multivariate analysis of variance, as well as series of Pearson analyses, were used to examine the differences between groups as well as to examine the correlations between research variables. Results broadly conformed to predictions, with men generally more negative than women. However, people with a same-sex orientation endorse more liberal gender role attitudes than heterosexuals. In addition, overall, participants expressed greater willingness to maintain social contacts with victims than with offenders. Nonetheless, only among heterosexuals significant negative correlations between rape myths and willingness to maintain social contacts with victims were found.

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Saunders, Daniel G., Ann B. Lynch, Marcia Grayson, and Daniel Linz. "The Inventory of Beliefs about Wife Beating: The Construction and Initial Validation of a Measure of Beliefs and Attitudes." Violence and Victims 2, no. 1 (January 1987): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.2.1.39.

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Although attitudes and beliefs about wife beating have been regarded as important for understanding the factors that cause and perpetuate woman abuse, researchers have not had adequate instruments to measure these attitudes and beliefs. This article reports on the construction of a scale of attitudes about wife beating and an assessment of the scale’s dimensionality and validity. Data were collected from 675 students, 94 residents of a mid-western city, 71 men who batter, and 70 advocates for battered women. Five reliable subscales were derived, and seven tests of validity were supported. Sympathetic attitudes toward battered women were related, as predicted, with liberal views of women’s roles and sympathetic attitudes toward rape victims. Abusers and advocates were the most dissimilar in their attitudes. Male and female students also differed significantly. Many of the results are analogous to those in studies of attitudes toward rape. Several possible uses of the measure are described.

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Clarke, Allyson K., and Karen L. Lawson. "Women’s Judgments of a Sexual Assault Scenario: The Role of Prejudicial Attitudes and Victim Weight." Violence and Victims 24, no. 2 (April 2009): 248–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.24.2.248.

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One potential barrier facing sexual assault survivors is that prejudicial attitudes and perceptions of victim appearance can influence the amount of blame, sympathy, and help that they receive from others. Using Weiner’s (1980) attribution–affect–action theory as a guide, the present study investigated the relation between observer attitudinal characteristics (rape myth acceptance [RMA] and antifat attitudes [AFA]), victim weight, and specific judgments regarding a hypothetical sexual assault case. Female undergraduate participants (N = 173) were presented with a sexual assault scenario and asked to complete a series of self-report questionnaires. Consistent with past research, attributions of victim fault were positively associated with adherence to rape myths and were higher toward thin victims than overweight victims. Further, the relation between the rater attitudinal variables and sentencing recommendations was found to be dependent on victim weight. When the victim was presented as thin, neither RMA nor AFA emerged as a predictor of sentencing recommendations. In contrast, both RMA and AFA were positively related to sentencing recommendations when the victim was presented as overweight. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.

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Lee, Hing-chu B., and Fanny M. Cheung. "The attitudes toward rape victims scale: Reliability and validity in a chinese context." Sex Roles 24, no. 9-10 (May 1991): 599–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00288416.

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Kopunović Legetin, Sanja, Suzana Vuletić, and Stanislav Šota. "War Crimes of Rape in the Croatian War of Independence (1991 – 1995)." Nova prisutnost XVII, no. 2 (July 9, 2019): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31192/np.17.2.1.

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The Đakovo-Osijek church is one of the archdioceses in the Republic of Croatia that suffered the most during the Greater-Serbian aggression from 1991 to 1995. With the deaths that occurred during the aggression and occupation, a large part of the population, especially the Vukovar region, was exposed to physical, psychological and emotional abuse after capture. In addition to expulsion, capture, forced labour, starvation, alienation, and appropriation of property in the occupied part of the Archdiocese, torture has occurred, especially the numerous rapes by the Greater Serbian aggressor. First part of this work talks about the nature of war as the most tragic event of civilization. The paper points to the crimes that characterize the Croatian War of Independence as every other war, emphasizing especially rape as the most brutal form of crime and war strategy, with all the possible causes and consequences of rape on a person. In the second part of the paper, parts of the results of the research conducted by the Sunčica Association have been presented. The aim of the aforementioned research was to find specific attitudes, judgments, conditions and feelings of rape victims on the traumatic experience themselves, then discover and evaluate the quality of life of victims after the traumatic experience and identify the difficulties experienced by victims of traumatic experience today. Based on the research, the work in the third section presents ways of dealing with the fact of the traumatic rape experience, emphasizing the need to provide social and even more spiritual assistance, showing a wide range of pastoral opportunities for the Church’s action with the victims of war crimes of rape, always bearing in mind the need for interdisciplinary approach to this complex issue.

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Murray, Carol, Carlos Calderón, and Joaquín Bahamondes. "Modern Rape Myths: Justifying Victim and Perpetrator Blame in Sexual Violence." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 3 (January 17, 2023): 1663. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20031663.

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Rape myths are beliefs, stereotypes, and attitudes usually false, widespread, and persistent about rape, victims, and perpetrators. They aim to deny and justify men’s sexual assault against women. This study evaluates the mediating effect of modern rape myths on the relationship between gender system justification and attribution of blame to both victim and perpetrator in a fictional case of sexual violence. A total of 375 individuals residing in Chile, 255 women and 120 men, 19–81 years (M = 37.6 SD = 13.06) participated in the study. Results from a Structural Equation Model show that gender system justification is directly related to the attribution of blame to the victim, showing an indirect relationship throughout the modern rape myth. However, gender system justification and attribution of blame to the aggressor are indirectly related, being mediated by modern rape myths. The study of the relationship between the acceptance of modern rape myths, gender-specific system justification, and victim and aggressor blame for rape is a contribution to understanding beliefs justifying sexual violence against women.

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Norris, Jeanette, and Lisa A. Cubbins. "Dating, Drinking, and Rape: Effects of Victim's and Assailant's Alcohol Consumption on Judgments of Their Behavior and Traits." Psychology of Women Quarterly 16, no. 2 (June 1992): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1992.tb00248.x.

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Effects of an acquaintance rape victim's and her assailant's alcohol consumption on judgments of their behavior and traits were examined in a 2 × 2 × 2 between-subjects factorial experiment. Sixty-eight women and 64 men, 21 or older, read one of four stories in which only the victim, only the assailant, both victim and assailant, or neither victim nor assailant consumed alcohol. One individual difference trait, rape attitudes, was also measured. The interaction of victim and assailant drinking diminished the view that a rape had occurred and that the victim responded negatively, whereas it enhanced judgments of the assailant's likability and sexuality. The portrayal of only the victim drinking resulted in a more negative view of the assailant's behavior and traits. Evaluations of the victim depended on the assailant's drinking behavior rather than on her own. Implications for treatment of rape victims and establishing assailant accountability are discussed.

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Caster, Suzanne E. "Resisting rape culture: The ten concubines of 2 Samuel 15–20 and #MeToo." Review & Expositor 117, no. 2 (May 2020): 281–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637320915971.

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This article poses this question: how do readers engage sacred texts in ways that honor the work of #MeToo by combatting the normalization of sexual violence within our society, by hearing the voices of victims of sexual violence, and by holding perpetrators of sexual violence accountable? First, identify and eradicate “rape myths.” Second, promote affirmative consent. Third, practice shifting our worldview. To illustrate, this article examines a case study of ten concubines. Identification of attitudes of rape culture permeating modern biblical scholarship highlights the need for a new reading of these women. Outlining the patterns of power, consent, and autonomy within the narrative of 2 Samuel 15–20 resists modern “rape myths” and offers a liberative way for readers to engage this story in the era of #MeToo.

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Swank, Eric, Breanne Fahs, and Holly N. Haywood. "Evaluating Appalachian Distinctiveness for Gender Expectations, Sexual Violence, and Rape Myths." Journal of Appalachian Studies 17, no. 1-2 (April 1, 2011): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41446938.

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Abstract Scholars and pundits have asserted that the United States has regions and pockets that serve as hotbeds of traditional gender roles. Through quantitative techniques, this analysis explores whether Appalachian college students differentiated themselves from others on a litany of different gender role measures (n = 508). Ultimately, Appalachian college students failed to distinguish themselves in the Feminist Perspectives Scale, the Modern Sexism Scale, Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale, and the Sexual Experiences Scale. In fact, the only statistically significant measures found that Appalachians were less likely to know school acquaintances who were the survivors of sexual violence, thus implying that Appalachians did not distinguish themselves by their "rural distinctiveness" with regard to gender roles.

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Williamson, Jessica, and Kelly Serna. "Reconsidering Forced Labels: Outcomes of Sexual Assault Survivors Versus Victims (and Those Who Choose Neither)." Violence Against Women 24, no. 6 (June 16, 2017): 668–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217711268.

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The goal of the current study was to assess the effects of self-labeling on attitudes related to victim- and self-blaming and self-compassion outcomes in 85 participants (75 women, 10 men) who have experienced sexual assault. Participants classified themselves as either a survivor, victim, or neither survivor nor victim of sexual assault. Regardless of self-classification, groups did not differ in victim-blaming (rape myth acceptance), self-blaming, or levels of self-compassion. Implications for language and forced labels of those who have experienced sexual assault are discussed.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Rape victims Victoria Attitudes'

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