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Academic literature on the topic 'Rape victims Attitudes'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Rape victims Attitudes"

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Gari, Aikaterini, George Georgouleas, Artemis Giotsa, and Eleni Anna Stathopoulou. "Greek students’ attitudes toward rape." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 16, no. 2 (October 15, 2020): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.23809.

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Literature on sexual harassment and violence against women describes a variety of myths and stereotypes regarding partial or total responsibility of rape victims and their “enjoyment” of sexual violence. Rape stigma and rape myths are aspects of generalized attitudes toward victims of rape and rapists, while it seems that sexual violence remains a taboo in today’s western societies. This study explores Greek university students’ attitudes towards rape. A questionnaire created for the purpose of this study was administered to 950 Greek students at the University of Athens and at the University of Ioannina, divided into three groups: a group of students from the Faculty of Law, a group from Departments orientated to Humanistic and Social Sciences and a group of students from other Faculties and Departments of Applied Sciences. Factor analysis revealed four factors: “Rape victim’s responsibility”, “Defining the concept of rape”, “Rape motivation” and “Rapist’s characteristics”. In line with previous research findings, the results indicated that women were less accepting of conservative attitudestowards rape than men; they also seemed to reject attitudes of “blaming the victim” more, and to hold negative views of rapists. Additionally, the results showed that students of rural origin retain more conservative attitudes with respect to the victim’s responsibility and the rapist’s characteristics than students of urban origin. Finally, students in Law Departments seemed to have accepted more moderate attitudes than the other two groups of students; they mostly disagree with conservative attitudes regarding victim’s responsibilities along with the Social Science students, but they agree more with Applied Sciences students in defining rape.
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Gotovac, Sandra, and Shelagh Towson. "Perceptions of Sexual Assault Victims/Survivors: The Influence of Sexual History and Body Weight." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-12-00168.

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The intersection between a woman’s body weight and sexual history and the victim blaming attitudes of future health care providers was investigated. University undergraduate students (N = 91) enrolled in programs associated with the provision of health care read 1 of 4 patient files of a woman reporting a rape as well as 2 distracter files. Results showed that, for overweight rape victims/survivors, study participants’ antifat attitudes were correlated with victim blaming attitudes. Male participants held the attacker significantly less responsible than did female participants if the victim/survivor had several previous sexual partners. Findings suggest that body weight should be considered as a contributing factor in attitudes toward rape victims/survivors, and the gender of the health care provider can be a factor in the post-assault treatment of overweight rape victims/survivors.
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Koon-Magnin, Sarah, Stacy Hoskins Haynes, and R. Barry Ruback. "Condemnation of Statutory Rape Based on Respondent Race, Perpetrator Race, and Victim Race." Violence and Victims 34, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 414–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-16-00217.

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Race impacts perceptions of crimes, perpetrators, and victims. Although statutory rape generally receives little empirical or media attention, it has important implications for victims and offenders across the United States and appears to be enforced in a haphazard way. This study used a between-subjects experimental survey design at two universities (n = 1,370) to assess the impact of respondent race, perpetrator race, and victim race on attitudes toward statutory rape. Results of a repeated measures analysis of variance indicated that respondents viewed both White victims and their perpetrators as bad, blameworthy, deserving of punishment, harmed, and likely to commit crime in the future, judgments suggesting that the respondents take this sexual activity seriously. In contrast, analyses revealed that respondents were significantly less concerned about Black victims than White victims. Consistent with the liberation hypothesis, these differences in attitudes may contribute to the law being enforced inconsistently, providing differential access to justice based on a variable that is not legally relevant.
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Basile, Kathleen C. "Attitudes Toward Wife Rape: Effects of Social Background and Victim Status." Violence and Victims 17, no. 3 (June 2002): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/vivi.17.3.341.33659.

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The current literature on wife rape is minimal compared to the published research in areas such as wife battering or date rape, and most of the existent work on attitudes toward wife rape is dated and/or focuses on limited samples (i.e., college populations). Using data from a nationally representative telephone survey, this study examined national attitudes toward wife rape using the following measures: perceptions of the occurrence of wife rape, perceptions of the frequency of wife rape, and perceptions of three rape scenarios. Respondent sex, education, age, race, and female victim status were predictors. Findings reveal that older, non-white respondents were less likely to believe wife rape occurs. Males and the more educated were less likely to believe it occurs frequently. Older and less educated respondents were less likely to believe forced sex scenarios between a husband and wife constitute wife rape. Among women, non-victims of forced sex were significantly less likely than current victims to believe that wife rape occurs.
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Egan, Rachel, and Janet Clare Wilson. "Rape Victims' Attitudes to Rape Myth Acceptance." Psychiatry, Psychology and Law 19, no. 3 (June 2012): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13218719.2011.585128.

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Boakye, Kofi E. "Attitudes Toward Rape and Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 24, no. 10 (February 27, 2009): 1633–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260509331493.

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Perenc, Lidia, Justyna Podgórska-Bednarz, Agnieszka Guzik, and Mariusz Drużbicki. "Selected Correlates of Attitudes towards Rape Victims among Polish Medical Students." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 10 (May 12, 2022): 5896. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19105896.

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Sexual violence against women, including rape, is a serious public health issue in many countries. Rape victims often meet health professionals in medical institutions for a range of health problems. The aim of this research was investigation of attitudes towards rape victims among medical students. Methods: The study sample consisted of 1183 university students who represented various medical disciplines. The average age of the respondents was 23.3 years. The Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale (ARVS) was used in this study. Results: Higher scores in men indicate that they held less sympathetic attitudes towards rape victims than women (61.6 vs. 52.6, p = 0.0000). Given the univariate interaction, social environment, and religious commitment did not significantly differentiate the respondents in this respect. Students of the medical faculty obtained the lowest results (medicine 49.7 vs. midwifery and nursing: 54.1, other fields: 54.4, p = 0.0008), showing much understanding and empathy for rape victims. Conclusions: The surveyed medical students presented moderately positive attitudes towards rape victims, among them men somewhat negative than women who made more pro-victim judgments. Among all medical field of study, medicine was distinguished by higher empathy. Religion and social environment independently do not differentiate respondents in this respect.
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Nagel, Barbara, Hisako Matsuo, Kevin P. McIntyre, and Nancy Morrison. "Attitudes Toward Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 20, no. 6 (June 2005): 725–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260505276072.

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Rich, Karen, and Patrick Seffrin. "Police Interviews of Sexual Assault Reporters: Do Attitudes Matter?" Violence and Victims 27, no. 2 (2012): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.27.2.263.

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Sexual assault is underreported in the United States. Survivors are often reluctant to make police reports for various reasons; one is fear of revictimization by criminal justice professionals. Conversely, police officers often lack skills for interviewing crime victims. Posttraumatic stress reactions among victims can exacerbate the problem. Although some victims prefer female interviewers, it is not known whether they are more skilled. A sample of 429 police officers completed a written survey testing their rape myth acceptance and knowledge of how to interview rape reporters. A significant relationship between rape myth acceptance and interviewing skill was discovered. Although officer gender was related to interviewing skill, the effect was mediated by rape myth acceptance. Specific officer behaviors related to high rape myth acceptance were identified. Implications for selection of police to conduct victim interviews were discussed.
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Javaid, Aliraza. "Masculinities, sexualities and identities: Understanding HIV positive and HIV negative male rape victims." International Sociology 32, no. 3 (March 18, 2017): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917696387.

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This empirical article focuses on how HIV intersects with male rape, and how the virus challenges and weakens male rape victims’ sense of masculinity. Drawing on hegemonic masculinity to elucidate the different ways in which men as victims of rape cope with their disease, the article argues that male victims handle the effects of rape themselves to keep their masculinity intact. Drawing on interviews with HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims ( N = 15), it is argued that male victims of rape not only often struggle to manage their HIV status in a social sphere, but also may suffer contradictions in relation to embodying hegemonic masculinity. In addition to such struggles, male rape victims sometimes attract victim blaming attitudes, such as ‘he asked for it’, indicating that male rape victims are blamed for both contracting HIV and for being raped. HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims question their masculinity while stigma develops through social relations with other people, particularly other men. Male rape myths are present in western society. This article seeks to open up a dialogue surrounding the salient issues associated with male rape, including HIV and male rape myths, while attempting to eliminate such harmful myths. It is important to tackle male rape myths because they can contribute to the underreporting of male rape and can compound male rape victims’ reluctance to seek help for their HIV, emotional and psychological suffering.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rape victims Attitudes"

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Barnard, Sarah. "Police officers' attitudes about rape victims." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1569988.

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Police officers are often the first contact a victim of rape has with the criminal justice system and may be the first people to whom rape victims disclose. To examine the extent to which police officers endorse rape myths, this quantitative study assessed their views about rape victims, along with the effects of demographics and experience. The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale--Short Form was administered to 66 patrol officers in Southern California. The officers scored in the mid-range of this scale, which addresses seven different categories of common rape myths, such as "she lied" and "she asked for it." For some rape myths, females and ethnic majority officers indicated less endorsement of rape myths. These findings reveal a need for more in-depth research on police officers. Social workers who work with the victims of rape should advocate for increased education of law enforcement personnel about rape and its victims.

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Carr, Christie Arine. "Christian Fundamentalism, Authoritarianism, and Attitudes toward Rape Victims." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2206.

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This study focused on the relationship of five variables: rape myth acceptance, attitudes toward rape victims, sex roles, authoritarianism, and Christian fundamentalism. Also, differences between men and women were compared. The study was conducted at East Tennessee State University, and 100 people participated. Contrary to past research, Christian fundamentalism was not a significant predictor of rape myth acceptance or attitudes towards rape victims, but there were significant relationships between all of the other variables. Men were found to be more accepting of rape myths and had a more negative view of rape victims than did women. Implications of these findings, future research ideas, and possible rape-awareness educational programs are discussed.
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Granger, Kara, and s3041360@student rmit edu au. "Multi-comparisons of rape and rape myth endorsement through analysis of existing modified rape myth items." RMIT University. Health Sciences, 2008. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080829.093911.

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Traditionally, rape has been viewed as a crime perpetrated by men against women. However, it is now recognised that males can also be victims of rape. The current research had several interrelated aims to; (i) provide a profile of both male and female rape victims, (ii) compare the characteristics of rape perpetrated against male and female victims, (iii) estimate the incidence of male and female rape within the general community, (iv) describe the reporting practices of rape victims, and (v) determine the relationship between rape and depression, suicide ideation, and suicide attempts. The community's level of rape myth endorsement was also explored. Rape myths were defined as attitudes and beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and serve to deny and justify sexual aggression against women and men. The present study compared rape myth endorsement levels concerning both male and female victims. However, it was first necessary to construct a rape myth questionnaire, the Rape Attitudinal Scale (RAQ), which minimised the methodological limitations of pre-existing scales. The current research utilised online methodology and, in total, 560 individuals participated in the research. It was found that almost two out of every five participants had been a victim of rape during their lifetime, with males accounting for 8.60% of the raped sample. Rape victims emanated from a variety of demographic backgrounds and the gender differences between the characteristics of the rape were discussed. Approximately one in seven rape victims stated that they had reported the rape to police, with half of those rape victims regretting informing the police of their experience. Almost twice as many female rape victims than male rape victims failed to report their rape to anyone. It was also found that victims of rape are more likely to report rape to authorities when the rape fits the
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Ward, Colleen, Betty Newlon, Barbara Krahé, Kathleen Myambo, Monica Payne, Yildiz Tastaban, Sahika Yuksel, et al. "The attitudes toward rape victims scale : psychometric data from 14 countries." Universität Potsdam, 1992. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3449/.

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Content: Synopsis The Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale: Psychometric Data from 14 Countries Scale Construction and Validation - Study One: Preliminary Analyses - Study Two: Test-Retest Reliability - Study Three: Construct Validity Cross-cultural Extensions - United States - United Kingdom - Germany - New Zealand - Canada - West Indies - Israel - Turkey - India - Hong Kong - Malaysia - Zimbabwe - Mexico - Metric Equivalence Discussion
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Hockett, Jericho M. "“Rape victims” versus “rape survivors”: oppression and resistance in individuals’ perceptions of women who have been raped." Diss., Kansas State University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/16525.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Psychological Sciences
Donald A. Saucier
An overview discusses rape in terms of two systems of social power: oppression and resistance. Components of these systems—i.e., individuals’ rape-related attitudes, beliefs, perceptions, and behaviors, and outcomes—are compared in the literatures on “rape victims” and “rape survivors” (Hockett & Saucier, under review), suggesting that different results and conclusions are associated with different labels applied to the same group (i.e., women who have been raped). Three studies assessed differences in individuals’ rape-related perceptions (Study 1), intergroup helping intentions (Study 2), and interpersonal helping intentions (Study 3) for “rape victims,” “rape survivors,” and “women who have been raped.” Extending feminist and social psychological theories of social power, results generally supported my hypotheses that such labels would produce different perceptions and helping intentions. The discussion addresses implications for theory, limitations, and directions for future research.
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Hurst-McCaleb, Dawn. "Mock Juror Effects of Blame and Conviction in Rape Cases: Do Attitudes, Beliefs, and Contact with Homosexuals Matter?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849652/.

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The current case involves a female rape victim. Research has shown the level of victim blaming can be elevated if the victim is a lesbian woman compared to a heterosexual woman. Mock jurors’ responses to personality trait questionnaires (e.g., Belief in a Just World, Attitudes Toward Women, Attitudes Toward Lesbians) and amount of contact they have with homosexual people were employed as predictors of how they would decide victim blaming and perpetrator guilt. Personality trait findings were not good predictors; however, greater contact with homosexuals did decrease negative attitudes toward lesbian victims. Limitations and implications for future research are addressed.
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MACGREGOR, JANET CATHERINE BROOKFIELD. "COLLEGE STUDENTS' ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE: A COMPARISON OF NEW ZEALAND AND THE UNITED STATES." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184216.

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This cross-cultural study used the "Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Survey" (ARVS), designed by Ward (1984), to examine the attitudes of college students in New Zealand and the United States. The instrument (ARVS) is the first of its kind to test for victim blame, and the first to be limited to the assessment of attitudes toward the rape victim specifically. Subjects were 205 students from the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, and 508 students from the University of Arizona, Tucson. The survey responses were analyzed to determine cultural differences in attitudes, according to gender and age. Findings would suggest that the United States students were more sympathetic toward the rape victim, less likely to believe traditional rape myths, and more ready to assign male responsibility for the assault than were New Zealand students. New Zealand women appeared less aware of the implications of sexual assault than both United States men and women, and New Zealand men. New Zealand men demonstrated greater awareness than United States men. Older students in both countries tended to be more conservative in their responses than were the younger students. Although there was a significant cultural difference according to age and gender, scores were consistently low for each sample, indicating a general acceptance of traditional rape myths and a continuing tendency to assign to women the responsibility for sexual assault. Several conclusions were drawn from the data analysis. There is a significant cultural difference in attitudes toward the female victim of rape, between New Zealand and United States college students, according to age and gender. However, both cultures retain a strong belief in traditional rape myths. Responses to the ARVS seem to support the views of current theorists: that attitudes toward rape and incidence of rape are culturally predisposed by factors such as domination and aggression in men, passivity and submission in women, fear of the "feminine," and stereotypic sex roles. It is recommended that more research be undertaken on cross-cultural attitudes toward rape victims.
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Frisque, Amy M. "Resident assistants' attitudes about sexual assault and sexual assault prevention training." Online version, 2008. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2008/2008frisquea.pdf.

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Chapman, Cass. "Revision of the self; revision of societal attitudes: feminist critical approaches to female rape memoir /." Electronic version (PDF), 2004. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2004/chapmanc/casschapman.pdf.

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Hockett, Jericho M. "An umbrella of dominance? An examination of oppressive beliefs in the context of rape." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/1644.

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Master of Science
Department of Psychology
Donald A. Saucier
Research has demonstrated that negative perceptions of rape victims may vary based on characteristics such as the victims’ race (e.g., Estrich, 1987; Wyatt, 1992). This study examined rape from feminist (e.g., Collins, 1991; hooks, 2003) and Social Dominance Theory (SDT; e.g., Pratto, 1996; Sidanius, 1993) perspectives to assess the relationship between individuals’ social dominance orientation (SDO) and differences in their attitudes toward rape victims of differing races. After reading newspaper-style vignettes describing the rape of either a White or Black victim, participants (N = 83) completed measures assessing their levels of rape myth acceptance (RMA), gender role beliefs, SDO, racism, and social desirability. Results indicated that participants’ SDO scores significantly predicted their perceptions of the triviality of the rape. Specifically, when participants’ SDO scores were higher, they perceived the rape as less trivial for White victims. However, participants higher in SDO did not perceive the rape of Black victims as being either more or less trivial. Consistent with previous research, this study also found that negative attitudes toward women significantly predicted overall negative perceptions of both the Black and White rape victims (e.g., Hockett, Saucier, Hoffman, Smith, & Craig, in press) and that individuals perceived the Black rape victims as less credible than the White rape victims (Wyatt, 1992). These results contribute to our understanding of the relationships among individuals’ attitudes about power, race, and rape by offering support for feminist theories about the relationship between rape and power, as well as for SDT and feminist theories regarding the structure of dominance.
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Books on the topic "Rape victims Attitudes"

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Women on rape. Wellingborough [Northamptonshire]: Thorsons Pub. Group, 1986.

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Attitudes toward rape: Feminist and social psychological perspectives. London: Sage Publications, 1995.

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Campus rape victims: How they see the police. El Paso: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2015.

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Licht, Maren. Vergewaltigungsopfer: Psychosoziale Folgen und Verarbeitungsprozesse : empirische Untersuchung. Pfaffenweiler: Centaraus,-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1989.

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Berliner, Lucy. Sexual assault experiences and perceptions of community response to sexual assualt: A survey of Washington State women. [Seattle, Wash.]: Harborview Medical Center, 2001.

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C, Reardon David, Makimaa Julie, and Sobie Amy, eds. Victims and victors: Speaking out about their pregnancies, abortions, and children resulting from sexual assault. Springfield, IL: Acorn Books, 2000.

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Dowdeswell, Jane. La violación: Hablan la mujeres : actitudes, sentimientos y testimonios de primera mano. Barcelona: Grijalbo, 1987.

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Sheehan, Paul. Girls like you. Sydney: Pan Macmillan Australia, 2007.

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O'Brien, Emma-Jane. The association of gender, knowledge of the person who had been sexually assaulted, and contemplation of the victim of sexual assault to rape-relevant attitudes. [s.l: The Author], 1995.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundredth Congress, first session, changing United States attitudes on Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, October 28, 1987. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Rape victims Attitudes"

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Rich, Karen. "Attitudes Toward Rape and Rape Victims." In Interviewing Rape Victims, 12–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137353238_2.

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"4. Avenues for and Attitudes About Victims." In Addressing Rape Reform in Law and Practice, 50–61. Columbia University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/cari13424-005.

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Field, Robin E. "Writing the Male Rape Survivor." In Writing the Survivor, 189–226. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781942954835.003.0006.

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The rise of the rape novel featuring female victims inspired the telling of more stories about male rape victims. Just as the early stories about the sexual assault of women portrayed rape as nonexistent, inconsequential, or the fault of the women and girls themselves, the stories of male rape often have belittled the victims and position the male rape victim as an object of derision, scorn, and even amusement. As the revelations of several high-profile sexual abuse cases early in the twenty-first century brought to light the plight of young boys being assaulted by trusted older men, male victims are now being treated with the concern and sympathy that women experienced in the 1970s. The political activism inherent in the rape novel—educating its readers, offering community to the victims, and encouraging social activism and change to societal attitudes—will continue as the stories of male rape survivors are told in greater numbers.
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Keats Citron, Danielle. "Restricting Speech to Protect It." In Free Speech in the Digital Age, 122–36. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190883591.003.0008.

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A decade ago, online abuse was routinely dismissed as “no big deal.” Activities ordinarily viewed as violations of the law if perpetrated in physical space acquired special protection because they occurred in “cyberspace.” Why? The “internet” deserved special protection, commentators contended, because it was a unique zone of public discourse. No matter that individuals (more often women and minorities) were being terrorized and silenced with rape threats, defamation, and invasions of sexual privacy. The abuse had to be tolerated, lest we endanger speech online. Much has changed in the past ten years. Social attitudes have evolved to recognize the expressive interests of victims as well as those of the perpetrators. Cyber harassment is now widely understood as profoundly damaging to the free speech and privacy rights of people targeted. Law and corporate practices have been developed or enforced to protect those expressive interests. As this chapter explores, this development is for the good of free expression in the digital age.
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Hetu, Vibha. "Public Attitude Towards Rape Crime and the Treatment of Its Victims in Delhi City." In The Emerald Handbook of Feminism, Criminology and Social Change, 137–55. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/978-1-78769-955-720201013.

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Pickard, Hanna. "Responsibility and Explanations of Rape." In On Crime, Society, and Responsibility in the work of Nicola Lacey, 95–118. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852681.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the psychological function and consequences of responsibility ascriptions in relation to the crime of rape. Section 1 draws on recent work in the philosophy and science of causal cognition to argue that responsibility ascriptions, like explanations, are tethered to interests and perspectives: descriptive and prescriptive background norms affect not only what counts as a satisfying explanation of why something happened, but who is singled out as the bearer of responsibility for what happened. Section 2 draws on in-depth qualitative interviews with convicted rapists, together with empirical studies of the attitudes and factors that result in ‘victim-blaming’ within the general population, to detail the descriptive and prescriptive norms of rape culture. Section 3 brings these discussions together. Given the pervasive influence of rape culture norms, introducing a woman’s violation of any of them in court can serve to (implicitly or explicitly) focus attention on those violations as causally salient and explanatory of what happened, and hence on her—as opposed to him—as the bearer of responsibility for what happened. The psychological function and consequences of responsibility ascriptions may therefore contribute to the grotesque and persistent failure of the courts to convict and appropriately sentence rapists.
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Donovan, Brian. "The Alimony Panic." In American Gold Digger, 20–56. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660288.003.0002.

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Chapter One examines concerns about alimony in the late 1920s, a moral panic at which gold diggers took center stage. Historians have described the first two decades of the twentieth century as the “first sexual revolution,” a time period which drastically altered attitudes about love, marriage, and divorce. The acceleration of romantic love as the primary justification for marriage coupled with new social and economic roles for women, prompted a rise in the divorce rate. As the divorce rate increased, and as the economic basis for family life changed, many Americans expressed widespread concern about men falling victim to alimony-seeking gold diggers. Coinciding with these changes, the parameters of who was considered “white” were in flux, and cultural negotiations of whiteness occurred in gendered and sexualized spaces, like advertising and popular entertainment. Specific white women, like former Ziegfeld star Peggy Hopkins Joyce, came to embody the gold digger and the problem of extravagant alimony awards. Well-publicized stories of greedy gold diggers focused on the high alimony awards sought by Joyce and others but, in reality, alimony payments had not substantially increased. Rather, the social panic about alimony reflected Progressive-Era angst about gender, class, and race.
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Martin-Jones, David. "Policing: Not Class, History." In Columbo, 147–76. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474479790.003.0006.

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It is often thought that Columbo offers a critique of class inequality. However, Columbo does not police class per se. Columbo indicates much about changing attitudes towards class, gender and race in late Twentieth Century USA. However, Ultimately Columbo’s role is to police history. Columbo seeks to recreate the veracity of history, in contrast to faked versions of the past used as alibis by murderers. To ensure the truth of history against its fiendish manipulation by technology, Columbo uses older, theatrical, devices. Specifically: staged entrapments, and recreations of the past. Columbo is thus akin to the idea of “revenge” from the theatrical tradition of the revenge tragedy. Acting on behalf of the murdered victim he seeks justice for an unjustly taken life on behalf of life itself. Whilst enjoying Columbo‘s complex memory game, another of the subsidiary processes is discerning the attentive labourer’s proper position within late capitalist society. Whilst social inequality may seem unjust, it is not “criminal”. Murder, though, marks the limit of the extent to which one person may benefit at the expense of another. This is because it threatens the status quo which retains the existing social inequality.
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"which a social group or individual thinks is wrong. So the first port of call will be the courts, where we should be able to expect an independent judiciary. However, it is also true that sometimes actions and decisions are taken which, although in themselves not contentious, accumulate along with other legislation to create a highly questionable situation. Note here that the situation becomes questionable: an interpretation of the rules becomes possible which some would simply not agree with. For example, progressive attitudes towards free speech has resulted in the situation being taken advantage of by extreme groups for political ends. There are a number of very specific points which can be made about the use of DNA by society and more especially the construction and use of DNA databases. It is unlikely that anybody would really object to construction of anonymous databases so that we can produce a precise and reliable figure for the probability of finding a DNA profile in the general population by chance alone. What many people do have objections to is the construction of databases of named individuals. Strangely, it would seem that the country that has always been in the van of development of DNA technology is developing a rather poorer reputation for riding roughshod over the rights of its population, the UK. The problems and objections with databases of named individuals start with the practitioners and political will by successive governments. Luckily, there is an outspoken reaction to the UK government’s belief that all uses of DNA are good, but we should be aware that this is not so. Current thinking is that in the future it will be possible to determine facial shape, such as nose type and eye colour, with a simple test. This is put forward as a distinct possibility by the Forensic Science Service, with little regard to the extreme complexity of both the genetics and the environmental input into such things, not to mention plastic surgery. While it was always the belief that rapid turnaround of DNA results would be a good thing, this is only if the techniques are highly controlled. The idea that a hand held machine, as has been suggested, could be taken to a scene of crime and the DNA analysed in situ should fill any self-respecting scientist with horror. It has already been stated that there is a 40% chance of a stain found at a crime scene being linked to a name on the database of named individuals. As databases become larger as well as the number of individuals putting data on the database, so the likelihood of error increases; remember that error in this sense is quite likely to ruin a life. Names get onto databases for perfectly innocent reasons. Two of these are the husband or partner of a rape victim and, which is even more demeaning, the DNA profile of the victim herself. This was admitted in the House of Lords. So why is the British public so lacking in interest or apparently not in the least bit bothered by this staggering lack of feeling for the innocent? There is no mechanism for the removal of a DNA sample from the database after consent has been given. It is of interest here that both the police, forensic scientists and politicians are extremely reluctant to give a sample which can be held on the named database. Why is this? Fear? Fear of what may be done with such intimate information. This includes medical analysis and data which they have no right to access. It would be." In Genetics and DNA Technology: Legal Aspects, 109. Routledge-Cavendish, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843146995-17.

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