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1
De La Cruz, Rachael. "No Asylum for the Innocent: Gendered Representations of Salvadoran Refugees in the 1980s." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 10 (September 2017): 1103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217732106.
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During the 1980s, El Salvador was engaged in a brutal civil war; massacres, torture, and rape pervaded the countryside. This social and economic upheaval created approximately 1.5 million refugees and internally displaced persons throughout Central and North America. Gender is a critical yet understudied aspect of this mass displacement. I analyze humanitarian publications and government documents to examine the discursive gendering of Salvadoran refugees on the international stage. I argue that U.S. activists portrayed Salvadorans as feminized civilian victims in need of rescue by the paternalistic United States to change public opinion of the Salvadoran Civil War and its refugees. These gendered and infantilized constructions belie the reality that the vast majority of Salvadoran refugees to the United States were men of military age. I examine the Salvadoran refugee from a new perspective that foregrounds gender as a category of analysis.
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Creighton, Mathew J., and Kevin H. Wozniak. "Are Racial and Educational Inequities in Mass Incarceration Perceived to be a Social Problem? Results from an Experiment." Social Problems 66, no. 4 (August 16, 2018): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spy017.
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Abstract The disproportionate incarceration of certain groups, racial minorities, and the less educated constitutes a social problem from the perspective of both policy makers and researchers. One aspect that is poorly understood is whether the public is similarly concerned about inequities in mass incarceration. Using a list experiment embedded in a framing experiment, we test for differences in attitudes towards mass incarceration by exploring three frames: race, education, and the United States in global context. We test whether social desirability bias causes people to over-state their concern about mass incarceration when directly queried. We find that mass incarceration is seen as a problem in the United States, whether the issue is framed by race, education, or as a global outlier. The list experiment reveals that public concern about mass incarceration is not quite as great as overtly-expressed opinion would suggest, and the framing experiment indicates that race-neutral frames evoke greater concern about mass incarceration than an emphasis on racial disparities.
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Aceves, William. "Virtual Hatred: How Russia Tried to Start a Race War in the United States." Michigan Journal of Race & Law, no. 24.2 (2019): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.24.2.virtual.
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During the 2016 U.S. presidential election, the Russian government engaged in a sophisticated strategy to influence the U.S. political system and manipulate American democracy. While most news reports have focused on the cyber-attacks aimed at Democratic Party leaders and possible contacts between Russian officials and the Trump presidential campaign, a more pernicious intervention took place. Throughout the campaign, Russian operatives created hundreds of fake personas on social media platforms and then posted thousands of advertisements and messages that sought to promote racial divisions in the United States. This was a coordinated propaganda effort. Some Facebook and Twitter posts denounced the Black Lives Matter movement and others condemned White nationalist groups. Some called for violence. To be clear, these were posts by fake personas created by Russian operatives. But their effects were real. The purpose of this strategy was to manipulate public opinion on racial issues and disrupt the political process. This Article examines Russia’s actions and considers whether they violate the international prohibitions against racial discrimination and hate speech.
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Glazer, Nathan. "Why Americans Don't Care about Income Inequality." Irish Journal of Sociology 14, no. 1 (May 2005): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350501400101.
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The United States is the most unequal of the economically advanced nations, but despite this inequality there seems to less concern in the USA for inequality, less support for measures to reduce it, than in other economically advanced nations. This is demonstrated by the lesser percentage of GDP that supports redistributive programs attempting to redirect resources to the poor and less prosperous part of the population than we typically find in Europe. Public opinion polls also show less concern or sympathy for the poor in the United States. A recent major effort to explain this anomaly argues that the explanation is the race problem, and the identification of the poor with blacks. As against Europe, redistributive programs are not seen as programs for ‘us’ and ‘people like us’, but for those who are different and less deserving, particularly blacks, and this seems true. But one must add to this the strong tradition in the USA of successive immigrant groups providing through religious and other institutions for the welfare of their own kind, a tradition which has reduced the public support for public services for all.
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Muir-Harmony, Teasel. "The Limits of U.S. Science Diplomacy in the Space Age." Pacific Historical Review 88, no. 4 (2019): 590–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2019.88.4.590.
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A moon rock, resting on a pedestal in the American Pavilion at the 1970 Osaka World Exposition, became the latest trophy for the United States in its fierce space race with the Soviet Union. The exhibit was part of a broader approach to U.S. diplomacy in this period, where science and technology, or in this case a scientific specimen, were deployed to spread Western democratic values, win over international public opinion, and counter anti-American sentiment. But the moon rock’s physical resemblance to earth rocks prompted a broader discussion among Japanese audiences at the Expo about the aims of U.S. scientific and technological progress, and the practicality and applicability of American cultural norms to Japanese visions of modernity. By considering what happens when a scientific specimen travels outside of the laboratory context, outside the world of scientists, and into the world of foreign relations, this article investigates the complicated dynamics of science, material culture, and power during this critical juncture in the United States’ engagement with Japan.
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Gin, Willie. "Divided by Identity on the Left? Partisan Spillover and Identity Politics Alignment." Forum 19, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 253–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0017.
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Abstract It has often been stated that in the United States the left tends to be less united than the right on issues related to identity politics such as race, gender, and religion. This article presents evidence that this asymmetry in partisan alignment over identity politics is changing over time. Looking at various measures of public opinion shows that the left’s agreement on issues related to identity politics has either caught up with the right or that the gap is diminishing. The article considers various possible explanations for unity on these issues – including personality distribution, party homogeneity, and message infrastructure – and shows that partisan spillover in the context of polarization helps explains the closing of the gap in unity between the right and the left. In an era of polarization, Democratic affiliation induces warmer feeling toward stigmatized coalition partners. Groups that may have joined the Democratic party on a single group interest claim (race, gender, religion, class) will gradually move toward greater acceptance of other group interest claims supported by the party. These findings have implications for the oft-stated strategic claim that the left needs to focus on class redistribution over identity politics if the left does not want to be fractured.
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Samson, Frank L. "Support for immigration reduction and physician distrust in the United States." SAGE Open Medicine 4 (January 1, 2016): 205031211665256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050312116652567.
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Objectives: Health research indicates that physician trust in the United States has declined over the last 50 years. Paralleling this trend is a decline in social capital, with researchers finding a negative relationship between immigration-based diversity and social capital. This article examines whether physician distrust is also tied to immigration-based diversity and declining social capital. Methods: Data come from the 2012 General Social Survey, one of the gold standards of US public opinion surveys, using a national probability sample of 1080 adult US respondents. Key measures included support for reducing levels of immigration to the United States and multiple measures of physician trust. Results: The results of ordinary least squares regressions, using survey weights, indicate that support for reducing immigration is positively linked to physician distrust, bringing physician distrust into the orbit of research on diversity and declining social capital. Models controlled for age, education, income, gender, race, nativity, conservatism, unemployed status, lack of health insurance, and self-rated health. Furthermore, analyses of a subset of respondents reveal that measures of general trust and some forms of institutional trust do not explain away the association between support for immigration reduction and physician distrust, though confidence in science as an institution appears relevant. Conclusion: Consistent with diversity and social capital research, this article finds that an immigration attitude predicts physician distrust. Physician distrust may not be linked just to physician–patient interactions, the structure of the health care system, or health policies, but could also be tied to declining social trust in general.
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Foglia, Wanda D., and Nadine M. Connell. "Distrust and Empathy: Explaining the Lack of Support for Capital Punishment Among Minorities." Criminal Justice Review 44, no. 2 (September 10, 2018): 204–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734016818796902.
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Public opinion polls show that the majority of people in the United States support capital punishment but that is because the majority of White Americans support it. Research on the opinions of non-Whites consistently finds less support. We examine racial and ethnic differences among people who actually had to decide whether to impose the death penalty, former capital jurors, and hypothesize that lower support among non-Whites can be explained by the fact that non-Whites are more likely to distrust the criminal justice system and more likely to show empathy for the defendant in a capital case, net of defendant and victim race. Using data from the Capital Jury Project, we find support for this hypothesis in a mediating relationship between race and sentencing vote. Black and Hispanic jurors are more likely to report distrust of the capital process and higher levels of empathy for the defendant, both of which lower the probability of a death vote during the sentencing phase of the trial. We discuss the implications for research, trial strategy, and the future of capital punishment in light of these findings.
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Hochschild, Jennifer, and Maya Sen. "Genetic Determinism, Technology Optimism, and Race." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 661, no. 1 (August 10, 2015): 160–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215587875.
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We begin with a typology of Americans’ understanding of the links between genetic inheritance and racial or ethnic groups. The typology has two dimensions: one running from genetic determinism to social construction, and the other from technology optimism to technology pessimism. Construing each dimension as a dichotomy enables four distinct political perspectives on the possibilities for reducing racial inequality in the United States through genomics. We then use a new public opinion survey to analyze Americans’ use of the typology. Survey respondents who perceive that some phenotypes are more prevalent in one group than another due to genetic factors are disproportionately technology optimists. Republicans and Democrats are equally likely to hold that set of views, as are self-identified blacks, whites, and Latinos. The article discusses the findings and speculates about alternative interpretations of the fact that partisanship and group identity do not differentiate Americans in their views of the links between genetic inheritance and racial inequality.
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Riley, Emmitt Y., and Clarissa Peterson. "I Can’t Breathe." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 4 (October 2020): 496–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.4.496.
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Since 2014, public opinion data suggests that whites have become more supportive of the Black Lives Movement. The recent murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor have prompted a national debate about the need to address systemic racism in policing within the United States. Recent studies have shown how racial resentment has spilled over into a wide range of political issues that are not associated with race; however, no current research examines how racial resentment might shape whites’ views toward Black Lives Matter. Employing the racial reaction theory and the 2016 American Election Study Survey, we hypothesize and confirm that whites with high levels of racial resentment, conservative ideology, and those who indicated support for Donald Trump hold negative attitudes toward the Black Lives Matter movement. Our results also show that Asians and Hispanics hold negative attitudes toward the Black Lives Matter movement, but that whites have the highest racial resentment levels. The results raise doubts about whether the recent shift in white public opinion is sustainable. Given that racial resentment is a predictor of support for Black Lives Matter, scholars and activists should approach white support for Black Lives Matter with caution because it is likely that increased racial resentment may lead to sustained white opposition to the movement.
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Salem, James M. "Busting Out: African-American Culture from the 1954 Republican Lincoln Day Box Supper to the 1955 Emmett Till Lynching as Documented by the Chicago Defender." Prospects 29 (October 2005): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000185x.
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Black newspapers began to compete with the church as an institution influential in shaping black public opinion as early as 1878 in Chicago and, by World War II, according to the authors of Black Metropolis, they represented “one of the most powerful forces among Negroes in America.” The most prominent and influential of these weekly newspapers was the Chicago Defender, founded in 1905 by Robert S. Abbott, the “son of slaves,” who was encouraged to believe by his minister-stepfather that “a newspaper was one of the strongest weapons a Negro could have in the defense of his race.” Abbott, his biographer contends, “was one of the first Negroes in the United States to become a millionaire — and, in the process, he revolutionized the Negro press, today [1955] the greatest single force in the Negro world.” Though Abbott would have been proud of the compliment, he would not have printed it in his paper because during his lifetime the Defender was not permitted to use the terms Negro or black. Abbott preferred Race, Race men, and Race women.
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Deichmann, Ute. "Science, Race, and Scientific Truth, Past and Present." European Review 31, no. 5 (October 2023): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798723000200.
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This article examines the violation of longstanding scientific norms, in particular universalism, objectivity, and truth orientation by new identity policies such as the principle of ‘diversity, equity, and inclusion’ (DEI). The imposition of this principle by public opinion, administration, and mass media, particularly in the United States but also in other countries, contradicts the principle of equal opportunity regardless of race, gender, nationality, and class, by putting the emphasis of assessment on group identities. The implementation of this principle has begun to damage careers, threaten scientists and lower standards in academia. In order to provide a historical perspective, I review how the violation of scientific norms has impacted scientific success in past authoritarian countries, in particular the USSR under Stalin, and Nazi Germany. The comparison with past authoritarian countries does not aim at equating situations from then and now, but can help understand social and political mechanisms of current events. It also highlights in a drastic way consequences that a violation of scientific norms may have for science today.
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Condit, Celeste Michelle, Roxanne Parrott, and Tina M. Harris. "Lay understandings of the relationship between race and genetics: Development of a collectivized knowledge through shared discourse." Public Understanding of Science 11, no. 4 (October 2002): 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/11/4/305.
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Throughout the past century, research into human genetics revealed the relationships between biochemistry and various human characteristics in increasing detail. At each step of this path of discovery, social critics warned that knowledge of genetics, and especially social attention to genetics, might heighten racist attitudes. In light of these warnings and the recent sequencing of the Human Genome, it is important to inquire into the interpretations laypersons might hold of the relationship between race and genetics. A variety of recent efforts have described the insufficiency of public opinion polls for arriving at sophisticated understandings of such complex attitudinal structures. Therefore, this essay offers a sketch of some lay understandings of race and genetics in the United States based on a series of focus group sessions. In order to interpret the responses, the analysis employs a novel template for interpreting focus group research based on the theoretical concept of rhetorical formations. This approach reveals the way in which the knowledge of individual members is brought to bear upon collective decision-making through the social process of discussion to produce a pool of information that is similar to expert knowledge, although phrased in a popular vocabulary. Differences in the ways in which cultural groups negotiate this knowledge are discussed.
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Miller, Lisa L. "Racialized Anti-Statism and the Failure of the American State." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 6, no. 1 (January 12, 2021): 120–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2020.41.
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AbstractHow well do we understand the political moment in which we find ourselves in the wake of the Trump presidency? The United States has long failed to keep up with its democratic peers on a wide range of social outcomes but the struggle to keep a pandemic at bay, coupled with increases in social violence and new uprisings over state violence have exposed the failures of the American state in a stark manner. While research on political attitudes continues to offer crucial insights into what Americans want from government and how race, class, and gender are formative dimensions of public opinion, we know considerably less about how these attitudes intersect with the highly fragmented and decentralized nature of U.S. political institutions. In this essay, I offer a framework for understanding our current moment through the lens of racialized anti-statism and state failure. I focus on the intersection of two reinforcing and overlapping features of the U.S. political system: the highly fragmented, veto-laden structure of American politics and the persistence of anti-egalitarian movements. By situating our analysis at this intersection, we observe the convergence of racial and economic power in an anti-statist alliance that undermines American state-building, even when large majorities of Americans favor it.
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Uhlman, James Todd. "Dispatching Anglo-Saxonism: Whiteness and the Crises of American Racial Identity in Richard Harding Davis's Reports on the Boer War." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 1 (November 5, 2019): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781419000434.
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AbstractU.S. opinion of the Second Boer War (1899–1902) was highly divided. The debate over the war served as a proxy for fights over domestic issues of immigration, inequality, and race. Anglo-American Republicans’ support for the British was undergirded by belief in Anglo-Saxon racial superiority. Caucasian but non-Anglo Democrats and Populists disputed the Anglo-Saxonist assumptions and explicitly equated the plight of the Boers to the racial and economic inequalities they faced in the United States. They utilized Anglophobia, republican ideology, and anti-modernist jeremiads to discredit their opponents and to elevate an alternative racial fiction: universal whiteness. Reports written by the celebrity journalist Richard Harding Davis while covering the Boer War, along with a wide array of other sources, illustrate the discursive underpinning of the debate. They also suggest the effectiveness of the pro-Boer argument in reshaping the racial opinions of some Anglo-Saxon elites. Although Davis arrived in South Africa a staunch supporter of transatlantic Anglo-Saxonism, he came to link the Boers with the republican values and frontier heritage associated with the U.S.’ own history. The equation of the South African Republic's resistance against the British Empire with that of the U.S.’ own war of independence highlighted contradictions between Anglo-Saxonism and American exceptionalism. As a result, Anglo-Saxonism was weakened. Davis and others increasingly embraced a notion of racial identity focused on color. Thus, public reaction to the Boer War contributed to the ongoing rise of a new wave of herrenvolk democratic beliefs centered on a vision of white racial hybridity across the social and political divisions separating Americans of European descent.
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Hahn, Ellen J., Kristin B. Ashford, Chizimuzo T. C. Okoli, Mary Kay Rayens, S. Lee Ridner, and Nancy L. York. "Nursing Research in Community-Based Approaches to Reduce Exposure to Secondhand Smoke." Annual Review of Nursing Research 27, no. 1 (December 2009): 365–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0739-6686.27.365.
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Secondhand smoke (SHS) is the third leading cause of preventable death in the United States and a major source of indoor air pollution, accounting for an estimated 53,000 deaths per year among nonsmokers. Secondhand smoke exposure varies by gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. The most effective public health intervention to reduce SHS exposure is to implement and enforce smoke-free workplace policies that protect entire populations including all workers regardless of occupation, race/ethnicity, gender, age, and socioeconomic status. This chapter summarizes community and population-based nursing research to reduce SHS exposure. Most of the nursing research in this area has been policy outcome studies, documenting improvement in indoor air quality, worker’s health, public opinion, and reduction in Emergency Department visits for asthma, acute myocardial infarction among women, and adult smoking prevalence. These findings suggest a differential health effect by strength of law. Further, smoke-free laws do not harm business or employee turnover, nor are revenues from charitable gaming affected. Additionally, smoke-free laws may eventually have a positive effect on cessation among adults. There is emerging nursing science exploring the link between SHS exposure to nicotine and tobacco dependence, suggesting one reason that SHS reduction is a quit smoking strategy. Other nursing research studies address community readiness for smoke-free policy, and examine factors that build capacity for smoke-free policy. Emerging trends in the field include tobacco free health care and college campuses. A growing body of nursing research provides an excellent opportunity to conduct and participate in community and population-based research to reduce SHS exposure for both vulnerable populations and society at large.
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Ossei-Owusu, Shaun. "Code Red." American Journal of Law & Medicine 43, no. 4 (November 2017): 344–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0098858817753404.
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The United States' health care system is mired in uncertainty. Public opinion on the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“ACA”) is undeniably mixed and politicized. The individual mandate, tax subsidies, and Medicaid expansion dominate the discussion. This Article argues that the ACA and reform discourse have given short shrift to a more static problem: the law of emergency care. The Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act of 1986 (“EMTALA”) requires most hospitals to screen patients for emergency medical conditions and provide stabilizing treatment regardless of patients' insurance status or ability to pay. Remarkably, this law strengthened the health safety net in a country that has no universal health care. But it is an unfunded mandate that responded to the problem of emergency care in a flawed fashion and contributed to the supposed “free rider” problem that the ACA attempted to cure.But the ACA has also not been effective at addressing the issue of emergency care. The ACA's architects reduced funding for hospitals that serve a disproportionate percentage of the medically indigent but did not anticipate the Supreme Court's ruling in NFIB v. Sebelius, which made Medicaid expansion optional. Public and non-profit hospitals now face a scenario of less funding and potentially higher emergency room utilization due to continued uninsurance or underinsurance. Alternatives to the ACA have been insufficiently attentive to the importance of emergency care in our health system. This Article contends that any proposal that does not seriously consider EMTALA is incomplete and bound to produce some of the same problems that have dogged the American health care system for the past few decades. Moreover, the Article shows how notions of race, citizenship, and deservingness have filtered into this health care trajectory, and in the context of reform, have the potential to exacerbate existing health inequality. The paper concludes with normative suggestions on how to the mitigate EMTALA's problems in ways that might improve population health.
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Bussert, Leslie. "Americans’ Tolerance of Racist Materials in Public Libraries Remained Steady between 1976-2006." Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 7, no. 1 (March 9, 2012): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/b83313.
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Abstract
Objective – To determine the general public’s levels of social tolerance toward public library materials containing racist content in order to present opinion data to librarians within a framework of scholarly perspectives that they can use for making decisions about intellectual freedom and controversial materials in libraries.
Design – Percentage and regression analysis of the General Social Survey longitudinal trend study dataset.
Setting – United States, 1976-2006.
Subjects – Random samples of 26,798 primarily English-speaking adults aged 18 and up.
Methods – The author analyzed responses from the well-respected and frequently used General Social Survey (GSS), which has been conducted by the National Opinion Research Center since 1972. The GSS is a closed-ended survey including a variety of demographic measures. Between the years 1976 and 2006, it also included a question to gauge the support of removing a book with racist beliefs about African Americans from the public library. The surveys were conducted irregularly over this thirty-year span, and in total the question was asked nineteen times garnering 26,798 responses. Spanish speakers were not included until 2006.
The author examined the data in multilevel cross-tabulations using percentages, and calculated chi-square for independence using frequencies. A multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine the predictive value of the independent variables examined on opinions of book removal. The author examined different variables, including education level, race, age, parental status, sex, geographic factors, religious affiliation, political party, and political conservatism. Occupation was not used in the regression analysis because sample sizes in some categories were too small. The two ordinal variables, age and education level, were available as ratio level data that are most appropriate for regression calculations.
Due to the large sample size, very small differences in percentages are significant at the .000 level. In these cases the author made judgment as to whether these differences were meaningful, or divided the data into multi-layer cross-tabulations to reduce the sample size and make the significance test more informative.
Main Results – Analysis revealed the most influential predictors of support for book removal from the public library were education level, religious affiliation, and race. Age was particularly influential for older respondents, while occupation and living in the South were moderately influential. Variables with only slight correlations to support of book removal included political party affiliation and conservatism, parental status, and sex.
Across all years of the study only 35.3% of respondents supported removal of racist materials from the public library. Levels of support only changed slightly over the decades: in 1976, 38.1% supported removal while in 2006 only 34.5% did.
The mean age of respondents was 44.1 years and the median was 42 years. Respondents over 57 years old were more likely to support removal (43.5%) compared to younger ages whose support ranged from 31.1–34.1%. The largest change over time was seen from respondents 57 years and older, whose support for removal dropped in later years of the study.
Education level had a strong impact on opinions; the lower one’s education level, the higher their support for removal of the racist book from the public library. Of those with less than a high school degree, 50.6% supported removal versus 35.8% of high school diploma holders. Respondents with junior college, bachelor’s, and graduate degrees supported removal at 29.2%, 20.5%, and 15.3%, respectively. Over time, those with high school degrees maintained their level of support for removal while those with higher levels of education increased their support for removal.
Race was strongly related to opinions on removing offensive items from the library. While half of African American respondents supported removing a racist book, only one-third of white respondents did. However, in all but a few subcategories of analysis, the majority of African Americans did not support removal, indicating a great deal of social tolerance on their part despite the possibility of being more sensitive to the implications of having racist materials in the library. When cross-tabulated with education level, the same pattern of support for removal was reproduced. There was little variation over time in white respondent’s opinions while African Americans’ varied slightly.
Geographic factors affected opinions supporting removal of racist materials, though place size only had a small impact on opinions. Respondents in the South were most likely to support removal (42.1%) and those in New England were least likely (25.2%). About one-third of respondents from the Midwest (33%), Mid-Atlantic (36%), and the West (29.8%) supported removal. Opinions over time remained the same in all regions but the South, whose support of removal dropped to 38.8%.
Religion was found to correlate with opinions on removing racist books from the library. Protestants showed the highest level of support for removal (39.5%), followed by Catholics (32.3%), Jews (21.7%), and respondents unaffiliated with religion (20.5%). Race had a strong impact within some religions on supporting removal, particularly among Methodists and those claiming no religion. When opinions by religion were cross-tabulated with education level, at every level Baptists were more likely to support removal than other groups, while Jews and those without religious affiliation were least likely.
Other demographic variables had little effect on opinions concerning removal of racist materials from the library. Parents supported removal (37%) while nonparents were less likely to (30%), and men and women were almost equally likely to support removal (33% and 37% respectively). Political affiliation and level of conservatism only showed slight effects on opinions supporting removal. By a small margin Democrats were most likely to support removal (39.2%) followed by Republicans (34%) and independents (32.5%). Across the conservatism spectrum, moderates were most likely to support removal (37.7%) followed by conservatives (36.4%) and liberals (29.9%).
The author also examined whether a respondent’s occupation influenced their opinions and focused this inquiry on the professions of library workers and educators. Librarians were overwhelmingly against removal of racist materials while library paraprofessionals were less likely to support it than other workers with a similar level of education. College and university teachers in disciplines other than library and information science were divided but in comparison to other similarly educated professions they were less likely to support removal. School teachers were significantly more likely to support removal than other occupations also requiring a bachelor’s degree.
When contrasted with controversial materials of other types, such as those by openly homosexual or communist authors, different patterns of support for removal over time were observed. Support for removal of books by homosexuals and communists declined significantly over the decades. Similar to the support of the removal of racist materials, education and religious affiliation were the variables most highly correlated to support of removal of these other types of controversial books.
Conclusion – The discomfort among Americans over the free expression of exclusionary speech about African Americans remained relatively consistent over the years of the study (1976 – 2006) despite some shifts within particular demographic categories. Tolerance toward free expression by homosexuals and communists increased over time, demonstrating exclusionary speech may be perceived as a different type of social threat. Librarians can use this information to: better understand how non-librarians view intellectual freedom in the context of materials with offensive content; inform collection development decisions and predict likelihood of challenges based on the demographics of their user communities; and to educate the public and library stakeholders of the implications of challenging these kinds of items within a library’s collection through upholding their professional values. Librarians should continue to serve their communities by acting as champions of intellectual freedom and to uphold the profession’s rigorous standards. The author suggests future research could: address attitudes about materials with racist views of populations other than African Americans; look for differences in opinions among library users versus non-users; and differentiate between adult and children’s materials containing controversial topics.
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Reva B. Siegel, Serena Mayeri, and Melissa Murray. "Equal Protection in Dobbs and Beyond: How States Protect Life Inside and Outside of the Abortion Context." Columbia Journal of Gender and Law 43, no. 1 (February 3, 2023): 67–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cjgl.v43i1.10716.
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In two paragraphs at the beginning of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court rejected the Equal Protection Clause as an alternative ground for the abortion right. As the parties had not asserted an equal protection claim on which the Court could rule, Justice Alito cited an amicus brief we co-authored demonstrating that Mississippi’s abortion ban violated the Equal Protection Clause, and, in dicta, stated that precedents foreclosed the brief’s arguments. Yet, Justice Alito did not address a single equal protection case or argument on which the brief relied. Instead, he cited Geduldig v. Aiello, a 1974 case decided before the Court extended heightened scrutiny to sex-based state action—a case our brief shows has been superseded by United States v. Virginia and Nevada Department of Human Resources v. Hibbs. Justice Alito’s claim to address equal protection precedents without discussing any of these decisions suggests an unwillingness to recognize the last half century of sex equality law—a spirit that finds many forms of expression in the opinion’s due process analysis.
Equality challenges to abortion bans preceded Roe, and will continue in courts and politics long after Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. In this Article we discuss our amicus brief in Dobbs, demonstrating that Mississippi’s ban on abortions after fifteen weeks violates the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause, and show how its equality-based arguments open up crucial conversations that extend far beyond abortion.
Our brief shows how the canonical equal protection cases United States v. Virginia and Nevada Department of Human Resources v. Hibbs extend to the regulation of pregnancy, providing an independent constitutional basis for abortion rights. As we show, abortion bans classify by sex. Equal protection requires the government to justify this discrimination: to explain why it could not employ less restrictive means to achieve its ends, especially when using discriminatory means perpetuates historic forms of group-based harm. Mississippi decided to ban abortion, choosing sex-based and coercive means to protect health and life; at the same time the state consistently refused to enact safety-net policies that offered inclusive, noncoercive means to achieve the same health- and life-protective ends.
Our brief asks: could the state have pursued these same life- and healthprotective ends with more inclusive, less coercive strategies? This inquiry has ramifications in courts, in legislatures, and in the court of public opinion. Equal protection focuses the inquiry on how gender, race, and class may distort decisions about protecting life and health, within and outside the abortion context. There are many forms of equal protection argument, and this family of arguments can play a role in congressional and executive enforcement of constitutional rights, in the enforcement of equality provisions of state constitutions, and in ongoing debate about the proper shape of family life in our constitutional democracy. Equal protection may also have the power to forge new coalitions as it asks hard questions about the kinds of laws that protect the health and life of future generations and that enable families to flourish.
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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. ""Project 1619" as an alternative to "American project"." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 1-1 (March 19, 2021): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.1.1-80-111.
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This article is the second in a series on the birth of a new elite in the United States, called ‘the minority elite’. The previous article hypothesized that what is happening is not so much the replenishment or evolution of the old elite, but the emergence of a new one, grown on the basis of the Affirmative Action Program, the culture of ‘woke capitalism’ and decades of the minority protest. The process of elite change intensified on the wave of protest activity of black minority, primarily ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement, in the summer of 2020, which coincided with elections to all branches of government. The new elite need to create their own version of American history and their liberation mission. The ideological paradigm of the black movement includes several social doctrines: ‘The 1619 Project’, critical race theory, Black liberation, theories of white privilege, white supremacy and anti-racism. ‘The 1619 Project’ clearly demonstrates how the new elite understand the past, present and future of the United States and their place in the social structure. This article analyzes the theses of ‘1619’, and also contains the main conclusions of the professional criticism of this project. The goal of the project, according to its authors, is to reframe American history. It places slavery and systematic racism at the very center of US history and thereby denies the foundations on which the ‘American project’ is based. ‘1619’ is considered in the article as a socio-engineering project that includes various programs: curricula for colleges and schools, podcasts for radio, TV shows and films, interviews and speeches in universities, exhibitions, press publications, ideological themes for elections and trainings for organizations and social movements. The unprecedented speed of implementation and the scale of financing of the new version of American history in all spheres of society without its professional assessment indicate that this large-scale action was prepared in advance. The article deals with the fundamental factual errors in the presentation of history, analysis and interpretation of economic data in ‘1619’, including those that were uncritically borrowed from the school ‘New History of Capitalism’. It also addresses the doctrine of anti-racism. The analysis of the project showed a low level of evidence of the revision of history conceived in it. The author shows by the example of ‘1619’ that scientific research is not combined with ideological tasks, since the latter inevitably lead to adjustment to the given answer, a decrease in the level of the applied scientific apparatus and simplification of the conclusions drawn. Criticism of the project was heard only in the academic sphere, but did not get into the media. One of the most serious consequences of the project is the creation of a new mythology, supplanting from the public consciousness a version of American history based on the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and proven historical facts. The black movement, albeit temporarily, managed to impose its own narrative on public opinion and create a rationale for moving into power and receiving new privileges.
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McGuire, M. Dyan. "Impact of Prison Rape on Public Health." Californian Journal of Health Promotion 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32398/cjhp.v3i2.1765.
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One of the most significant threats to the health of incarcerated persons is prison rape. Through such acts, communicable diseases are spread and physical and mental injuries are inflicted. This article evaluates the evidence regarding the extent to which prison rape occurs in both men and women’s correctional facilities in the United States. It also discusses how prison rape jeopardizes public health by exposing the community to disease, brutalized inmates who are likely to have become more violent as a result of their victimization, and the cancer of racism. Current efforts to deal with the prison rape problem, particularly the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 are explored. Policy recommendations, including the adoption of “no-drop” policies for prosecutors’ officers dealing with prison rape cases are proposed and discussed.
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Pérez, Orlando J. "Public Opinion and the Future of U.S.-Panama Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 3 (1999): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166157.
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Using survey data and interviews, this study examines Panamanian attitudes toward the United States and toward the central issues in US.- Panama relations. It also compares Panamanian attitudes with opinions toward the United States in the rest of Central America. The study finds that nationalism, system support, anticommunism, and, for the mass public, ideology are the most important variables in determining support for the United States. Elites are more nationalistic and less accommodationist toward the United States than the mass public. Concern about the politicization and misuse of the Panama Canal and adjacent lands has led many in the general public to support a continued US. military presence on the Isthmus of Panama.
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Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen Ortega. "The United States-Iraq War and Mexican Public Opinion." International Journal 61, no. 3 (2006): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204195.
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Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen Ortega. "The United States-Iraq War and Mexican Public Opinion." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 61, no. 3 (September 2006): 648–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200606100308.
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Erikson, Robert S., Gerald C. Wright, and John P. McIver. "Political Parties, Public Opinion, and State Policy in the United States." American Political Science Review 83, no. 3 (September 1989): 729–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962058.
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When comparing states in the United States, one finds little correlation between state opinion and party control of the state legislature or between party control and state policy. Although these low correlations seeming to indicate that partisan politics is irrelevant to the representation process, the opposite is true. State opinion influences the ideological positions of state parties, and parties' responsiveness to state opinion helps to determine their electoral success. Moreover, parties move toward the center once in office. For these reasons, state electoral politics is largely responsible for the correlation between state opinion and state policy.
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Haman, Michael, and Milan Školník. "Trump and the Image of the United States in Latin America." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 15, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 58–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a150103.
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In our research, we focus on the image of the United States in Latin America. We use mainly data from Latinobarómetro, and we analyse Obama’s last year and Trump’s first year in the presidency in 18 countries in Latin America. We use logistic regression to reach conclusions. We also analyse Trump’s tweets to see his Twitter rhetoric. We find that Trump’s election has strongly worsened the image of the United States in the public opinion of Latin America. However, we find that people that believe more in democracy, the free market and national political institutions are more likely to have a positive opinion of the United States. Also, we find that the more left-wing citizens are, the more likely they have a bad opinion of the United States. This article contributes to the theory of trust and research on the public opinion across nations. Also, this article offers insights into the topical research agenda concerning the influence of political ideology on public opinion.
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Carey, Emily T., Maria M. Galano, Sara F. Stein, Hannah M. Clark, Andrew C. Grogan-Kaylor, and Sandra A. Graham-Bermann. "Forms of Intimate Partner Rape Experienced by Latinas With and Without Posttraumatic Stress Disorder." Partner Abuse 10, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1946-6560.10.1.59.
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Intimate partner violence (IPV) affects a large proportion of women in the United States and is a serious public health concern. Rates of IPV are even higher for Latinas in the United States. Approximately, 10% of women experience intimate partner rape in their lifetime, and IPV and intimate partner rape have been strongly linked to the development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). However, little research has been done to distinguish different forms of intimate partner rape and their effects. This study examined intimate partner rape for 94 Spanish-speaking Latinas with and without a diagnosis of PTSD. Two forms of rape were assessed, physically forced rape and psychologically coerced rape, and 39% of the women were diagnosed with PTSD. A logistic regression (N = 62) was used to assess the relationship between PTSD and forms of rape. Results indicated that Latinas with PTSD reported more physically forced rape than Latinas without a diagnosis of PTSD. No significant difference in PTSD diagnosis was found for psychologically coerced rape. Future research should focus on investigating factors that potentially mediate the relationship between physically forced rape and PTSD.
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Borman, Geoffrey D., and Maritza Dowling. "Schools and Inequality: A Multilevel Analysis of Coleman's Equality of Educational Opportunity Data." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 112, no. 5 (May 2010): 1201–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811011200507.
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Background/Context The Equality of Educational Opportunity study is widely recognized as one of the most important studies on schooling ever performed. The findings from the report have shaped the field of education, national education policies, and wider public and scholarly opinion regarding the contributions of schools and schooling to equality and productivity in the United States. Despite past reanalyses of the data and decades of research on the effects of schools as organizations, the report's fundamental finding—that a student's family background is far more important than school social composition and school resources for understanding student outcomes—still retains much of its currency. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: Using the original Equality of Educational Opportunity data, this study replicated Coleman's statistical models but also applied a two-level hierarchical linear model (HLM) to measure the effects of school-level social composition, resources, teacher characteristics, and peer characteristics on ninth-grade students’ verbal achievement. Research Design HLM allows researchers to disentangle how schools and students’ family backgrounds contribute to learning outcomes. The methodology offers a clearer interpretation of the relative effects of school characteristics, including racial/ethnic composition, and family background, including race/ethnicity and social class, on students’ academic outcomes. Findings/Results Our results suggest that schools do indeed matter, in that when one examines the outcomes across the national sample of schools, fully 40% of the differences in achievement can be found between schools. Even after statistically taking into account students’ family background, a large proportion of the variation among true school means is related to differences explained by school characteristics. Within-school inequalities in the achievement outcomes for African American and White students and students from families of higher and lower social class are explained in part by teachers’ biases favoring middle-class students and by schools’ greater reliance on curriculum differentiation through the use of academic and nonacademic tracking. Conclusions/Recommendations Formal decomposition of the variance attributable to individual background and the social composition of the schools suggests that going to a high-poverty school or a highly segregated African American school has a profound effect on a student's achievement outcomes, above and beyond the effect of individual poverty or minority status. Specifically, both the racial/ethnic and social class composition of a student's school are 1 3/4 times more important than a student's individual race/ethnicity or social class for understanding educational outcomes.
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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Soft Power of Civil Society in International Relations." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 473–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000229.
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This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.
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Hartley, Thomas, and Bruce Russett. "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86, no. 4 (December 1992): 905–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964343.
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We measure the extent to which military spending policy reflects public opinion, while controlling for other reasonable influences on policy. We use survey data as an indicator of aggregate public opinion on military spending and find evidence that changes in public opinion consistently exert an effect on changes in military spending. The influence of public opinion is less important than either Soviet military spending or the gap between U.S. and Soviet military spending and more important than the deficit and the balance of Soviet conflict/cooperation with the United States. We also examine the hypothesis that public opinion does not influence the government but that the government systematically manipulates public opinion. We find no evidence to support this hypothesis.
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Gerber, Theodore P. "Foreign Policy and the United States in Russian Public Opinion." Problems of Post-Communism 62, no. 2 (March 4, 2015): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2015.1010909.
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SOROKA, STUART N., and CHRISTOPHER WLEZIEN. "Opinion–Policy Dynamics: Public Preferences and Public Expenditure in the United Kingdom." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (August 22, 2005): 665–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000347.
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Work exploring the relationship between public opinion and public policy over time has largely been restricted to the United States. A wider application of this line of research can provide insights into how representation varies across political systems, however. This article takes a first step in this direction using a new body of data on public opinion and government spending in Britain. The results of analyses reveal that the British public appears to notice and respond (thermostatically) to changes in public spending in particular domains, perhaps even more so than in the United States. They also reveal that British policymakers represent these preferences in spending, though the magnitude and structure of this response is less pronounced and more general. The findings are suggestive about the structuring role of institutions.
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Wright, Oliver. "‘Understanding America’: Impressions of a Departing Ambassador." Government and Opposition 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1987): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00187.x.
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HAVING JUST RETURNED TO THIS COUNTRY AFTER SERVING as British Ambassador to Washington, I have a distinct impression that modern America is not properly understood by many sectors of public opinion in the United Kingdom. An example of this misunderstanding is given by a recent public opinion poll which rated the USSR and the United States as equal threats to peace. Obviously, this is not the case.We should really try to understand the United States. Some of us at least, certainly enough of us to make a difference to the general perception of the United States in Britain as reflected in the bizarre verdict of that public opinion poll, should acquire some measure of understanding, since American commitment in NATO to the defence of Europe has kept us at peace for the last 40 years. The American commitment in the GATT to the free world's open trading system is the best guarantee we have of prosperity in the future. That the Free world exists, that we have a Free World to talk about, is largely thanks to the existence of the United States.
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Qin, Li, and Nikolay S. Babich. "Attitudes Towards Russia and the USA in the Public Opinion of Modern China." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 4 (2023): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250025452-0.
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The acute Russian-American confrontation made it important to reveal the attitude of international public opinion towards Russia the United States, especially in countries such as China. But the specifics of the attitudes of the population towards foreign states makes it necessary to analyze many aspects of these attitudes, preferably over a long period of time. Since public opinion poll data is usually severely limited both in the number of indicators and in temporal coverage, there is a need to summarize as many polls conducted by different organizations as possible. In this article, such a generalization is made on the basis of eight large-scale public opinion surveys covering the period from 2004 to 2022, including the time shortly before and after the start of the SMO (special military operation). An analysis of survey data reveals that public opinion in the PRC from 2004 to 2021 consistently treated Russia much more favorably: a large majority systematically expressed positive attitudes, the gap of which from attitudes towards the United States frequently exceeded 50%. With the onset of SMO, this positive attitude worsened in some aspects, improved in others, everywhere by an insignificant amount. Attitudes towards the United States also slightly worsened. Thus, we can confidently say that the public opinion of modern China has a very positive attitude towards Russia, rather negatively towards the United States, the beginning of the SMO, in general, did not change this situation, and the current events are not perceived by the Chinese public as extraordinary, requiring revision of views on international relations.
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Erikson, Robert S., John P. McIver, and Gerald C. Wright. "State Political Culture and Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 797–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962677.
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Do the states of the United States matter (or are they of no political consequence)? Using a data set with over 50 thousand respondents, we demonstrate the influence of state political culture on partisanship and ideology. For individuals, we find that the state of residence is an important predictor of partisan and ideological identification, independent of their demographic characteristics. At the aggregate level, state culture dominates state demography as a source of state-to-state differences in opinion. In general, geographic location may be a more important source of opinion than previously thought. One indication of the importance of state culture is that state effects on partisanship and ideology account for about half of the variance in state voting in recent presidential elections.
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Lu, Yi. "Roe v. Wade Overturned: Public Opinion on Abortion." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 6 (December 31, 2022): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v6i.4040.
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The recent overturn of Roe v. Wade as along with Planned Parenthood of Southern Pennsylvania v. Casey has put hundreds of millions of women’s lives at risks. The anti-abortion side believe that it is wrong and cruel to kill a “baby” that has developed heartbeats, and could potentially live outside of the womb. The pro-abortion side, on the other hand, holds that a woman has the constitutional and human right to make the decision that is best for her and that those pregnencies which happened due to rape or incest should not be held against a woman’s will. Women who reside in states with abortion bans are seeking ways to get abortions, with the U.K. being a popular option. There are also women who do not have enough funds to get abortion, including student atheletes. While the coaches are trying their best to help the student atheletes, NCAA has yet to announce their decisions regarding ways to help pregnant atheletes seeking for abortion.
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Obasogie, Henry, and Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point." NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.
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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.
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Linden, Blanche M. G., and Jacques Portes. "A Well-Tempered Fascination: The United States in French Public Opinion." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 720. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081293.
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SUDMAN, S., and N. M. BRADBURN. "THE ORGANIZATIONAL GROWTH OF PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH IN THE UNITED STATES." Public Opinion Quarterly 51, no. 4 PART 2 (December 1, 1987): S67—S78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/51.4_part_2.s67.
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Sudman, Seymour, and Norman M. Bradburn. "The Organizational Growth of Public Opinion Research in the United States." Public Opinion Quarterly 51, part 2: Supplement: 50th Anniversary Issue (1987): S67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/269070.
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Hannan, Abeda, Ruowei Li, Sandra Benton-Davis, and Laurence Grummer-Strawn. "Regional Variation in Public Opinion About Breastfeeding in the United States." Journal of Human Lactation 21, no. 3 (August 2005): 284–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0890334405278490.
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INNES, CHRISTOPHER A. "Recent Public Opinion in the United States Toward Punishment and Corrections." Prison Journal 73, no. 2 (June 1993): 220–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032855593073002006.
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This article reviews recent public opinion data concerning punishment and corrections, yielding a number of apparently contradictory viewpoints. Rather than being irrational or unrealistic, these patterns of responses, it is argued here, can be deciphered only by assuming that the public holds a complex, generalized system of beliefs about punishment and corrections. This system of beliefs, however, is organized around broader symbols and images, not a set of mutually exclusive and logically consistent policy options. The public appears to have an abstract commitment to justice, wants the criminal justice system to work properly, and is frustrated that it does not appear to do so. Although the public is decidedly punitive toward criminals, they are more lenient toward inmates because they are no longer seen as an immediate threat. Rehabilitative efforts, so long as they are conducted within prisons, receive strong support. But the public is more wary of programs that carry greater risks because of a perceived conflict with the higher priority goal of public safety. This view is speculative; no single survey or study has explored all these issues together. It is, however, consistent with the details of various public opinion surveys, and it also lends support to those current correctional practices that seek to integrate programs for inmates with the more general concerns of correctional management. There are, therefore, several ways that correctional administrators can present their mission in a manner that is sensitive to the concerns of the public and that avoids language or terms that may be misinterpreted.
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Bolshakov, S. N. "The political mechanism of governance in the United States public opinion assessments." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 27, no. 1 (February 26, 2021): 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2021-27-1-251-262.
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The article discusses the current problems of functioning democratic institutions in the United States. The consequences of presidential elections and their influence on public opinion are analyzed. In the face of growing tensions toward world democracy and democratic values, US citizens usually agree on the importance of democratic ideals and values that are important to the United States. The results of the study also demonstrate the awareness of American society of the objective existence necessary criticism. Most respondents emphasize their knowledge of basic facts about the political system and democracy in the United States. The majority of respondents said that “significant changes” are necessary in the fundamental structure of the executive bodies of the American government in order for it to work effectively at the present time.The article states the complexity of the ongoing domestic political processes in the United States, the existence of existing contradictions and the split of public opinion regarding the stability of democratic mechanisms of the functioning of the US political system. The complexity of religious, national, social and other contradictions of social development brought to the surface of public debate a complex of problems of the dynamics of political development and the state mechanism of government.
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Lipińska, Justyna. "Polish Public Opinion on the United States Missile Defense Complex in Poland." Safety & Defense 7, no. 3 (October 16, 2021): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37105/sd.137.
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The ongoing cooperation between the United States and Poland on ballistic missile defense has been centered for a long time solely around the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. Although the complex is going to operate as an element of the NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defense System, its origins were tied to bilateral security and defense cooperation between the U.S. and Poland. As the presence of the U.S. military forces in Poland will remain crucial for Polish security and defense, and the societal support will be vital for its sustainment, it is worth exploring how Polish society reacted to concepts and plans for fielding the U.S. missile defense complex several years ago.
The aim of this article was to explore the evolution of societal support and public opinion in Poland related to the construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Redzikowo, Poland. The following research problem was posed: how has Polish public opinion about the missile defense complex construction changed over time? The research relied on methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, and the primary research technique was the analysis of public opinion polls in Poland between 2004 and 2019. Public opinion has remained interested in the developments related to hosting the U.S. missile defense complex in Poland since early negotiations to the project implementation phase. The project was seen in a broader context of security and defense cooperation with the U.S. and within the NATO.
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Popov, Nikolay. "American public opinion on NATO, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760029548-9.
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There is a large faction among American population that supports Ukraine in its conflict with Russia and approves of the United States providing assistance to it, among other things, long-term military assistance. Public opinion polls before the start of Russia's special military operation in Ukraine, during the operation and during the NATO summit in Vilnius showed a steady public demand for strengthening the role of America as a world leader, the involvement of the United States in international affairs and support for Ukraine in the armed conflict with the Russian Federation. After a long period of criticism by the Americans of "excessive US involvement in European affairs”, in particular in NATO, the conflict in Ukraine caused an increase in US support for NATO, the inclusion of new members in the alliance – Finland and Sweden, active NATO military assistance to Ukraine, a course for its accession to NATO. The population expresses significant support for its actions in the fight against Russia, extensive and long-term assistance to Ukraine from the United States. Attitudes towards the conflict in Ukraine and the role of NATO differ significantly among supporters of the Democratic and Republican parties – Democrats have more support and Republicans have less. The topic of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict will undoubtedly be raised during the election campaign for the 2024 elections.
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Donovan, James M. "Public Opinion and the French Capital Punishment Debate of 1908." Law and History Review 32, no. 3 (June 26, 2014): 575–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000236.
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Academics have traditionally associated capital punishment most closely with authoritarian regimes. They have assumed an incompatibility between the death penalty and the presumably humane values of modern liberal democracy. However, recent scholarship on the United States by David Garland has suggested that a considerable degree of direct democratic control over a justice system actually tends to favor the retention and application of the death penalty. The reason why the United States has retained capital punishment after it has been abolished in other Western nations is not because public opinion is more supportive of the death penalty in America than in Europe or in Canada. Rather, it is because popular control over the justice system is greater in the United States than in other countries and this strengthens the influence of America's retentionist majority. However, the experience of the United States in this regard has not been unique. The same link between democratic control and retention of the death penalty can be seen in the history of the effort to abolish capital punishment in France. In 1908, a bill in the Chamber of Deputies (the lower house of the French Parliament) to abolish capital punishment was defeated, in large part because of strong opposition from the public. In 1981, majority public opinion in France still favored retention of the death penalty, but in that year, the nation's Parliament defied popular sentiment and outlawed the ultimate punishment. Historians have so far provided little insight into why abolition succeeded in 1981 when it failed in 1908. The explanation for the different outcome appears to have been the greater degree of influence public opinion exerted over the nation's justice system at the turn of the twentieth century than at its end.
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CITRIN, JACK, DAVID O. SEARS, CHRISTOPHER MUSTE, and CARA WONG. "Multiculturalism in American Public Opinion." British Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (March 20, 2001): 247–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123401000102.
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Multiculturalism has emerged to challenge liberalism as an ideological solution in coping with ethnic diversity in the United States. This article develops a definition of political multiculturalism which refers to conceptions of identity, community and public policy. It then analyses the 1994 General Social Survey and a 1994 survey of Los Angeles County to assess the contours of mass support and opposition to multiculturalism, testing hypotheses concerning the role of social background, liberalism–conservatism and racial hostility. The main conclusions are that ‘hard’ versions of multiculturalism are rejected in all ethnic groups, that a liberal political self-identification boosts support for multiculturalism, and that racial hostility is a consistent source of antagonism to the new ethnic agenda of multiculturalism. There is strong similarity in the results in both the national and Los Angeles samples.
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TOMZ, MICHAEL R., and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace." American Political Science Review 107, no. 4 (November 2013): 849–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000488.
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One of the most striking findings in political science is the democratic peace: the absence of war between democracies. Some authors attempt to explain this phenomenon by highlighting the role of public opinion. They observe that democratic leaders are beholden to voters and argue that voters oppose war because of its human and financial costs. This logic predicts that democracies should behave peacefully in general, but history shows that democracies avoid war primarily in their relations with other democracies. In this article we investigate not whether democratic publics are averse to war in general, but whether they are especially reluctant to fight other democracies. We embedded experiments in public opinion polls in the United States and the United Kingdom and found that individuals are substantially less supportive of military strikes against democracies than against otherwise identical autocracies. Moreover, our experiments suggest that shared democracy pacifies the public primarily by changing perceptions of threat and morality, not by raising expectations of costs or failure. These findings shed light on a debate of enduring importance to scholars and policy makers.
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Huangfu, Wencheng. "The Impact of Bipartisan Bifurcation on Corona Vaccination in the United States." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 24 (December 29, 2023): 155–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/q4d5cf23.
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Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has bring disastrous impact to people globally. The United States has been among the most affected. COVID-19 and vaccine decision have evolved to a hotly debated topic among American public, as well as Democratic and Republican politicians. While ample research has been conducted on how politicians shape public opinion and behavior, only a few have dive deeper into the specific influence of Democratic and Republican politicians on public views regarding COVID-19 and vaccine decisions. This paper aims to evaluate the impact from these politicians by analyzing the previous research on partisanship, political theory, public opinion and behavior. The paper finds out that contrasting party ideology between Democratic and Republican politicians contribute to differing vaccine decisions. The paper also pinpoints party affiliation as a factor influencing people’s opinion on COVID-19 and vaccine decision. In response, the paper proposes public awareness campaign by NGOs to address the influence of party ideology; promotes bipartisan dialogue and collaboration on COVID-19 to mitigate the effect of party affiliation. Both Democratic and Republican politicians must work together to minimize the political perception of COVID, ensuring it remains a health decision.
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Erikson, Robert S. "Public Opinion at the Macro Level." Daedalus 141, no. 4 (October 2012): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00172.
Full textAbstract:
My book “The Macro Polity,” coauthored with Michael B. MacKuen and James A. Stimson and published in 2002, depicts the dynamics of public opinion and electoral politics in the United States at the macro level; the analysis is based on micro-level foundations of micro-level political behavior. This essay presents the book's main arguments, in some instances extending the analysis beyond its original 1956–1996 time frame to incorporate data from the George W. Bush administration. The central thesis is that there is more rationality and predictability to American politics when viewed in the aggregate than one might infer from considering only the limited political awareness of the average citizen.