Journal articles: 'Rape myths'

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Lonsway, Kimberly A., and Louise F. Fitzgerald. "Rape Myths." Psychology of Women Quarterly 18, no. 2 (June 1994): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1994.tb00448.x.

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Theories of sexual aggression and victimization have increasingly emphasized the role of rape myths in the perpetuation of sexual assault. Rape myths are attitudes and generally false beliefs about rape that are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women. Acceptance of such myths has been assessed with a number of measures, and investigators have examined its relationship with numerous variables and interventions. Although there has been extensive research in this area, definitions, terminology, and measures of rape myth acceptance (RMA) continue to lack adequate theoretical and psychometric precision. Despite such criticisms, we emphasize that the significance of this type of research cannot be overstated because it has immense potential for the understanding of sexual assault. The present article offers a theory-based definition of rape myths, reviews and critiques the literature on rape myth acceptance, and suggests directions for future research. In particular we argue that such work must include the development and application of improved measures, with more concern for the theoretical and methodological issues unique to this field.

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Temkin, Jennifer, Jacqueline M. Gray, and Jastine Barrett. "Different Functions of Rape Myth Use in Court: Findings From a Trial Observation Study." Feminist Criminology 13, no. 2 (August 4, 2016): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085116661627.

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This study examines rape myth use in eight English rape trials and assesses attempts by trial participants to combat it. Trial notes, based on observations, were analyzed using thematic analysis. Rape myths were used in three identifiable ways: to distance the case from the “real rape” stereotype, to discredit the complainant, and to emphasize the aspects of the case that were consistent with rape myths. Prosecution challenges to the myths were few, and judges rarely countered the rape myths. This study provides new insights by demonstrating the ways that rape myths are utilized to manipulate jurors’ interpretations of the evidence.

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Dyehouse, Melissa, and Mary Pilat. "The Prevalence of Rape Myths among Middle School Students across Gender and Socioeconomic Background." Journal of Youth Development 11, no. 3 (January 4, 2017): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jyd.2016.459.

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A study designed to investigate the level and type of rape myths that are endorsed among middle school youth in terms of gender and socioeconomic background is reported in this paper. Participants were 582 seventh and eighth grade students who took part in Project Equality, a rape and sexual assault prevention curriculum that took place during eight, one and a half-hour sessions. The modified Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale was administered to students before and after Project Equality. Results indicate that males endorse higher levels of rape myth acceptance, both before and after the intervention, although the number of endorsed myths decreased. Rape myth endorsement decreased following the intervention among participants of differing socioeconomic backgrounds. Males and females showed lower levels of rape myth acceptance following the intervention. Implications include finding more effective ways to target male youth and that Project Equality works to lower rape myths among middle school youth.

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Manoussaki, Kallia, and Valentina Gosetti. "Blame is in the eye of the beholder: Assessing the Role of Ambivalent Sexism on Subtle Rape Myth Acceptance." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 2 (February 23, 2021): 284–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.82.9669.

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The aim of the present study was to determine whether ambivalent sexism predicts subtle rape myth acceptance. Respondents comprised of 211 university students, who completed the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (Glick & Fiske, 1996) and the updated version of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). Results indicated that while benevolent sexism significantly predicted acceptance of subtle rape myths, hostile sexism did not. Additionally, male participants reported more ambivalent sexism and subtle rape myth acceptance than females. These findings add to the literature investigating gender inequality and rape mythology by giving a first account on the link between subtle rape myths and ambivalent sexist attitudes.

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White, Aaronette M., Michael J. Strube, and Sherri Fisher. "A Black Feminist Model of Rape Myth Acceptance." Psychology of Women Quarterly 22, no. 2 (June 1998): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1998.tb00148.x.

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A Black feminist model was used to investigate rape myth acceptance between African American antirape activists and a comparison group of nonactivists using Cross's (1991) racial identity model and Downing and Roush's (1985) feminist identity model. As predicted, activists rejected rape myths more than nonactivists; the earlier stages of both models were associated with rape myth acceptance; the later stages were associated with rape myth rejection; and activists evidenced more sociopolitical maturity (race and gender consciousness) than nonactivists. The findings suggest that researchers may need to investigate to what degree rape myth acceptance serves an overarching system of social domination where racism and sexism overlap.

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Schulze, Corina, and Sarah Koon-Magnin. "Gender, Sexual Orientation, and Rape Myth Acceptance: Preliminary Findings From a Sample of Primarily LGBQ-Identified Survey Respondents." Violence and Victims 32, no. 1 (2017): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-15-00017.

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This study is among the first to examine the relationship between sexual orientation and rape myth adherence using a nationwide survey of primarily lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) respondents (n = 184). The more established Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and a modified Male Rape Survey serve as the primary instruments to test both rape myth adherence and instrument-appropriateness. Results suggest that respondents were most likely to support myths that discredit sexual assault allegations or excuse rape as a biological imperative and least likely to support myths related to physical resistance. Consistent with previous work, men exhibited higher levels of rape myth adherence than women. Regarding sexual orientation, respondents who identified as queer consistently exhibited lower levels of rape myth adherence than respondents who identified as gay.

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Navarro, John C., and Richard Tewksbury. "National Comparisons of Rape Myth Acceptance Predictors Between Nonathletes and Athletes From Multi-Institutional Settings." Sexual Abuse 31, no. 5 (October 3, 2017): 543–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1079063217732790.

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Athletes are cited as common perpetrators of sexual victimization and are at greater risk of becoming offenders compared with nonathletes. Demographic, lifestyle, and social characteristics of 624 nonathletes and 101 athletes from 21 U.S. Division I postsecondary educational institutions were assessed, with the updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale gauging endorsement of rape myths. Results indicate that athletes and nonathletes were similar in the degree of rape myth acceptance, with athletes reporting stronger agreement with rape myths than nonathletes did. Predictors of rape myth acceptance among nonathletes are multidimensional. In contrast, nondemographic characteristics like Greek membership, the number of alcoholic beverages consumed, and knowing a sexual assault victim predict rape myth acceptance for athletes, with gender not predicting rape myth acceptance nor different between genders of athletes. Policy implications and future research are discussed.

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Kassing, Leslee R., Denise Beesley, and Lisa L. Frey. "Gender Role Conflict, Homophobia, Age, and Education as Predictors of Male Rape Myth Acceptance." Journal of Mental Health Counseling 27, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17744/mehc.27.4.9wfm24f52kqgav37.

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The relationship of homophobia and gender role conflict to male rape myth acceptance was investigated using a sample of 210 adult men from a Midwestern community. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine the ability of certain variables to predict adherence to male rape myths. Those variables were homophobia; success, power, and competition attitudes; restrictive affectionate behavior between men; restrictive emotionality; and conflicts between work and family relationships. Results indicated that greater adherence to rape myths was related to homophobia and more success, power, and competitive attitudes. Additionally, older participants and participants with lower levels of education were more likely to endorse greater adherence to rape myths. Implications of this research include the necessity for more research on male rape myth acceptance, for implementation of educational programs and changes in the socialization process to help dispel these myths, and for mental health counselors to provide unbiased and gender-responsive treatment modalities to male victims who seek help.

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Baldwin-White, Adrienne, and Nada Elias-Lambert. "Influence of Victim and Perpetrators’ Alcohol Use on Social Work Student’s Levels of Rape Myth Acceptance." Advances in Social Work 17, no. 2 (January 30, 2017): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/20882.

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Rape myths are stereotyped, false cultural values that serve to justify sexual assault against women. This study examined the perceptions of alcohol use on levels of rape myth acceptance among social work students. One hundred and ninety-five bachelor's and master's students were randomly assigned to read a vignette developed by researchers depicting a date rape with the victim, perpetrator, both, or neither consuming alcohol. Results of a descriptive analysis showed that students are willing to accept certain rape-supportive beliefs, but not others. Participant responses to rape myths differed based on the particular vignette the respondent was assigned to read. Further research is needed to examine the particular myths social work students endorse and the situational factors that influence those endorsements. Social work students must be educated about how endorsements of rape myths can affect their interaction with survivors and perpetrators.

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Sleath, Emma, and Ray Bull. "A Brief Report on Rape Myth Acceptance: Differences Between Police Officers, Law Students, and Psychology Students in the United Kingdom." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-13-00035.

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A common perception is that police officers hold very negative attitudes about rape victims. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to establish whether police officers do accept stereotypical rape myths at a higher level compared to members of other populations. There were 3 comparison samples, composed of police officers, law students, and psychology students, that completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale. Male and female police officers accepted “she lied” myths at a higher level than the student samples. Student samples were found to accept 2 types of rape myths (“she asked for it” and “he didn’t meant to”) at a higher level compared to police officers. No significant differences were found in the other 4 subfactors. Therefore, the pattern of results suggests that police officers do not adhere to stereotypical myths about rape victims more than do other populations.

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Borgogna, Nicholas C., Emma C. Lathan, and Ryon C. McDermott. "She Asked for It: Hardcore Porn, Sexism, and Rape Myth Acceptance." Violence Against Women 28, no. 2 (December 2, 2021): 510–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10778012211037378.

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The present study examined pornography viewing, rape myth acceptance, and sexist attitudes. Data came from 392 male and 903 female participants. Multigroup SEM indicated neither pornography viewing, nor hardcore pornography viewing, were related to rape myth acceptance when controlling for sexist attitudes among men. Wald tests indicated hostile sexism to be a significantly stronger predictor of all rape myths examined compared to pornography viewing or hardcore pornography viewing in men and women. Latent variable interaction analyses suggested hardcore pornography viewing as a significant exacerbating factor for the relationship between hostile sexism and “she asked for it” rape myths across genders.

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Murray, Carol, Carlos Calderón, and Joaquín Bahamondes. "Modern Rape Myths: Justifying Victim and Perpetrator Blame in Sexual Violence." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 3 (January 17, 2023): 1663. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20031663.

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Rape myths are beliefs, stereotypes, and attitudes usually false, widespread, and persistent about rape, victims, and perpetrators. They aim to deny and justify men’s sexual assault against women. This study evaluates the mediating effect of modern rape myths on the relationship between gender system justification and attribution of blame to both victim and perpetrator in a fictional case of sexual violence. A total of 375 individuals residing in Chile, 255 women and 120 men, 19–81 years (M = 37.6 SD = 13.06) participated in the study. Results from a Structural Equation Model show that gender system justification is directly related to the attribution of blame to the victim, showing an indirect relationship throughout the modern rape myth. However, gender system justification and attribution of blame to the aggressor are indirectly related, being mediated by modern rape myths. The study of the relationship between the acceptance of modern rape myths, gender-specific system justification, and victim and aggressor blame for rape is a contribution to understanding beliefs justifying sexual violence against women.

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Barnett, Michael D., Kylie B. Sligar, and Chiachih D. C. Wang. "Religious Affiliation, Religiosity, Gender, and Rape Myth Acceptance: Feminist Theory and Rape Culture." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 8 (August 24, 2016): 1219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516665110.

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Rape myths are false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists, often prejudicial and stereotypical. Guided by feminist theory and available empirical research, this study aimed to examine the influences of gender, religious affiliation, and religiosity on rape myth acceptance of U.S. emerging adults. A sample of 653 university students aged 18 to 30 years were recruited from a large public university in the southern United States to complete the research questionnaires. Results indicated that individuals who identified as Roman Catholic or Protestant endorsed higher levels of rape myth acceptance than their atheist or agnostic counterparts. Men were found more likely to ascribe to rape myths than their female counterparts. Religiosity was positively associated with rape myth acceptance, even after controlling the effect of conservative political ideology. No significant interaction was found between gender and religious affiliation or gender and religiosity. Limitations, future research directions, and implications of the findings are discussed from the perspective of feminist theory.

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Chapleau, Kristine M., Debra L. Oswald, and Brenda L. Russell. "Male Rape Myths." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 23, no. 5 (February 13, 2008): 600–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260507313529.

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Hetu, Vibha. "Reflections on the society’s reaction towards rape victims in Delhi City." Temida 17, no. 3 (2014): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1403003h.

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In general, most people display stronger beliefs in ?aggravated rape? or ?real rape?; including victims of such rape cases who often identify themselves as ?rape victims? than the victims of ?simple rape?, where none of the aggravating circumstances are present. Despite myths to the contrary these ?simple rape? cases in fact make up the majority of cases. This article considers the implications of ?real rape? and demonstrates how notions about what a ?typical rape? should be, in the form of rape myths, directly impact on societal attitudes towards rape victims and how the media continue to reinforce and perpetuate the notion of real rape through their selective reporting of ?serial rape?, ?stranger rape? or especially ?violent rapes?.

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Aissa, Lina. "“The Girl Who Cried Rape”: An Assessment of Rape Myths in the Moroccan Sociocultural Context." International Journal of Cultural and Religious Studies 1, no. 1 (October 20, 2021): 08–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijcrs.2021.1.1.2.

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Empirical studies have unequivocally and consistently shown that rape myths are integral to the aetiology of sexual coercion and aggression. The present article reviews the literature on rape myth acceptance as an important risk factor in the sexual victimization of women and a precursor for a hostile social attitude towards victims of rape. Through the examination of the verbal reactions of the Moroccan public to the case of rape and torture of Khadija “the tattoo girl” (fata:t lwaʃm) on YouTube, it attempts to assess and debunk specific examples of rape myths present in the Moroccan sociocultural context. Discussion focuses on the social perception of female victims of sexual violence and the measurement and evaluation of its physical and psychological impact on them. Victims' emotional responses and psychic trauma constitute an important part of this discussion. Findings suggest the existence of immanently cultural rape myths, such as “the myth of the willing victim”, “it is impossible to rape a resisting woman”, and “women are prone to make false allegations”, along with deleterious victim-blaming cultural stereotypes, such as “she was asking for it”. Another noteworthy finding this paper presents is the social requirement of conspicuous "psychological/emotional harm" to legitimize the status of the victim.

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Vrij, Aldert, and Emma Kirby. "Sex Differences in Interpreting Male-Female Dyad Interactions: Males' Predominance in Perceiving Sexual Intent." International Review of Victimology 9, no. 3 (December 2002): 289–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800200900304.

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Astudy is reported investigating gender differences in judging the behaviour of males and females during mixed-dyad conversations and the impact of the endorsement of rape myths in explaining these gender differences. A total of 51 males and 40 females watched a videotape of a male actor and female actor verbally interacting in a social environment and were asked to give their impression about this interaction. They were also requested to fill in the Rape Myths Acceptance Scale (1980). Results revealed that compared to females, males had a stronger tendency to see the interaction in sexual terms. Also, male participants endorsed rape myths more strongly. Finally, gender differences in rape myth endorsements accounted for gender differences in perceiving male-female mixed-dyad interactions to alimited extent. Implications of the findings are discussed.

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Huang, Jiun-Yih. "Rape myths and rape by juveniles." Journal of Forensic Psychiatry & Psychology 27, no. 4 (March 9, 2016): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14789949.2016.1158848.

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Marciniak, Liz M. "Adolescent Attitudes Toward Victim Precipitation of Rape." Violence and Victims 13, no. 3 (January 1998): 287–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.13.3.287.

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Adolescents have high rates of rape victimization and offending compared to other age groups, yet few studies have examined predictors of rape-supportive attitudes among adolescents. Drawing from Burl’s (1980) study of rape myth acceptance among adults, this study tests a path analytic model of adolescent attitudes about victim precipitation of rape, using a sample of 1393 cases from the National Youth Survey (NYS) (Elliott, Ageton, Huizinga, Knowles, & Cantor, 1983). LISREL (Jöreskeg & Sörbom, 1988) estimation procedures are applied. Results show direct effects of sociocultural influences on an individual’s level of rape myth acceptance, but demonstrate some interesting gender differences. Findings also reveal indirect effects of age, race, and socioeconomic status on attitudes toward rape, which operate through traditional gender role stereotyping. Educating young adolescents about the nature of rape and the rights and roles of women are logical points of intervention to decrease acceptance of rape myths that target the victim.

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Javaid, Aliraza. "Male Rape Myths: Understanding and Explaining Social Attitudes Surrounding Male Rape." Masculinities & Social Change 4, no. 3 (October 21, 2015): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/mcs.2015.1579.

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<p>This paper provides a critical review of the literature surrounding male rape, aimed at exploring how male rape myths shape society’s responses and attitudes to male victims of rape and integrates the literature from a theory driven perspective. In doing so, this theoretical paper reveals information relating to the barriers to recognition of male rape. These barriers are male rape myths that prevent male rape victims from coming forward and seeking the support that they merit. There has been a lack of research on male rape myths, although some research has documented such myths to be present in practice. These myths could be harmful because they may influence societies’ opinions of male rape victims, so this could affect the treatment and responses toward such victims. To understand and explain such myths so some attempt can be made at eradicating them, this paper will explore common male rape myths that seem to be prevalent in Western society. This paper will examine male rape myths in the areas of media, incarcerated settings, and the wider community, focusing on England and Wales, UK. This is important to do to recognise which myths are harmful and are facilitating the under-reporting of male rape. This paper will help raise awareness of male rape myths and not only attempt to tackle them, but also encourage male rape victims to come forward to report and seek the help that they merit. It will also address the gaps in the literature and areas ripe for research, so further empirical research can be conducted on male rape, highlighting ideas for future research and providing guidance in areas most needed in research on male rape. </p>

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Javaid, Aliraza. "Masculinities, sexualities and identities: Understanding HIV positive and HIV negative male rape victims." International Sociology 32, no. 3 (March 18, 2017): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917696387.

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This empirical article focuses on how HIV intersects with male rape, and how the virus challenges and weakens male rape victims’ sense of masculinity. Drawing on hegemonic masculinity to elucidate the different ways in which men as victims of rape cope with their disease, the article argues that male victims handle the effects of rape themselves to keep their masculinity intact. Drawing on interviews with HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims ( N = 15), it is argued that male victims of rape not only often struggle to manage their HIV status in a social sphere, but also may suffer contradictions in relation to embodying hegemonic masculinity. In addition to such struggles, male rape victims sometimes attract victim blaming attitudes, such as ‘he asked for it’, indicating that male rape victims are blamed for both contracting HIV and for being raped. HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims question their masculinity while stigma develops through social relations with other people, particularly other men. Male rape myths are present in western society. This article seeks to open up a dialogue surrounding the salient issues associated with male rape, including HIV and male rape myths, while attempting to eliminate such harmful myths. It is important to tackle male rape myths because they can contribute to the underreporting of male rape and can compound male rape victims’ reluctance to seek help for their HIV, emotional and psychological suffering.

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Custers, Kathleen, and Jenna McNallie. "The Relationship Between Television Sports Exposure and Rape Myth Acceptance: The Mediating Role of Sexism and Sexual Objectification of Women." Violence Against Women 23, no. 7 (June 30, 2016): 813–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801216651340.

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Rape affects a large proportion of women in the United States but is one of the most underreported crimes. It is believed that rape myth acceptance contributes to low reporting rates. We tested whether television sports exposure was indirectly related to higher acceptance of rape myth beliefs. An online survey involving 465 undergraduate students showed that viewing TV sports was positively related to hostile sexism, benevolent sexism, and sexual objectification of women. Through these variables, TV sports was indirectly and positively associated with rape myth acceptance. These results suggest that sports programming contributes to the perpetuation of rape myths in society.

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Conaghan, Joanne, and Yvette Russell. "Rape Myths, Law, and Feminist Research: ‘Myths About Myths’?" Feminist Legal Studies 22, no. 1 (March 8, 2014): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10691-014-9259-z.

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McGee, Hannah, Madeleine O’Higgins, Rebecca Garavan, and Ronán Conroy. "Rape and Child Sexual Abuse." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 26, no. 17 (August 22, 2011): 3580–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260511403762.

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Rape myths are prejudicial and stereotyped beliefs about rape which persist in society. They may have a significant impact on those affected by rape as well as the performance of legal and public participants in the justice system. Rape myths may differ over time and within different societies and cultural settings. Awareness of contemporary and local rape myths is necessary if they are to be successfully challenged through public campaigns and other means. This study sought to assess the prevalence of myths concerning rape and sexual abuse in a national population survey.

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Reitz-Krueger, Cristina L., Sadie J. Mummert, and Sara M. Troupe. "Real men can't get raped: an examination of gendered rape myths and sexual assault among undergraduates." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 9, no. 4 (October 9, 2017): 314–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-06-2017-0303.

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Purpose While awareness of sexual assaults on college campuses has increased, the majority of efforts to address it are focused on female victims. The relative neglect of male victims may be due in part to problematic rape myths that suggest men cannot be sexually assaulted, especially by women. The purpose of this paper is to compare rates of different types of sexual assault between male and female undergraduates, and explore the relationship between acceptance of traditional rape myths focused on female victims, and rape myths surrounding male victims. Design/methodology/approach Students at a mid-sized university in Pennsylvania (n=526) answered an online questionnaire about their own experiences of sexual assault since coming to college, as well as their endorsement of male and female rape myths. Findings While women experienced more sexual assault overall, men were just as likely to have experienced rape (i.e. forced penetration) or attempted rape. Acceptance of male and female rape myths was significantly correlated and men were more likely than women to endorse both. Participants were also more likely to endorse female than male rape myths. Research limitations/implications By analyzing sexual assaults in terms of distinct behaviors instead of one composite score, the authors can get a more nuanced picture of how men and women experience assault. Practical implications Campus-based efforts to address sexual assault need to be aware that male students also experience assault and that myths surrounding men as victims may impede their ability to access services. Originality/value This paper contributes to our knowledge of a relatively understudied topic: undergraduate male victims of sexual assault.

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Cowan, Gloria, and Wendy J. Quinton. "Cognitive Style and Attitudinal Correlates of the Perceived Causes of Rape Scale." Psychology of Women Quarterly 21, no. 2 (June 1997): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00110.x.

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This study examines the relations between beliefs about the causes of rape and attitudinal and cognitive style (the tendency to think about social problems systemically, the view of people as complex and changeable, and an intellectual personality) measures in a sample of 270 community-college students. The Perceived Causes of Rape (PCR) Scale included the following subscales: Male Dominance, Society and Socialization, Female Precipitation, Male Sexuality, and Male Hostility. Beliefs about the causes of rape varied on three dimensions: individual versus sociocultural causes of rape, those causes that focus on the perpetrator versus those that focus on the victim, and rape myths versus feminist beliefs. The causes of rape identified as rape myths were associated with male sexuality stereotypes, a version of Burt's (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, attitudes toward feminism, and self-identification as a feminist. Agreement with the sociocultural causes of rape was associated with cognitive style measures and age. We suggest that belief in sociocultural causes of rape may require a predisposition to think systemically as much as an ideological stance.

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Gylys, Julius A., and John R. McNamara. "Acceptance of Rape Myths among Prosecuting Attorneys." Psychological Reports 79, no. 1 (August 1996): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1996.79.1.15.

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Surveys containing a measurement of acceptance of rape myths were mailed to 310 prosecuting attorneys from 87 counties in Ohio. Among the 182 (58.7%) participants who responded, self-reported acceptance of rape myths was low. Males endorsed rape myths more strongly than females, but the sex differences were small in magnitude. No demographic variables were significant in predicting the acceptance of rape myths in a regression analysis. The current findings are informative because they provide the only direct measure of prosecutors' attitudes towards rape victims that have been reported in the past 15 years.

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Carr, Mary, Avis J. Thomas, Daniel Atwood, Alexandra Muhar, Kristi Jarvis, and Sandi S. Wewerka. "Debunking Three Rape Myths." Journal of Forensic Nursing 10, no. 4 (2014): 217–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/jfn.0000000000000044.

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Freymeyer, Robert H. "Rape myths and religiosity." Sociological Spectrum 17, no. 4 (October 1997): 473–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02732173.1997.9982179.

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Hirsch, Susan F. "Interpreting Media Representations of a “Night of Madness”: Law and Culture in the Construction of Rape Identities." Law & Social Inquiry 19, no. 04 (1994): 1023–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1994.tb00947.x.

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This article compares U.S. and Kenyan media representations of an incident at a Kenyan boarding school during which many young women were raped and several killed by their male schoolmates. The author's analysis of print media accounts reveals that how the press constructed the identities of “rapists” and “victims” relied on nationally specific stereotypes, myths, and scripts of rape and its relation to differences of culture, race, and rationality. U.S. accounts simultaneously explain the rapes by emphasizing difference and foreground legal constructions of rape identities that meat experiences of rape as essentially similar. The tension over difference and law in the U.S. accounts parallels the highly visible, though largely unproductive, debate among feminists pitting cultural relativism against legal universalism, and such dichotomized approaches preclude the development of politically useful conceptions of rape and rape identities. The analysis suggests that issues raised in the Kenyan press-the relation between sexual practices and rape and the state's role in furthering sexual violence-directed attention to complexities of rape and power elided by the m o w legal models pervasive in U. S . media and scholarly representations of rape. She concludes that fighting rape more effectively entails exposing limited representational practices and also attending to a broader range of understandings of rape and rape identities in various contexts

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Spohn, Rebecca B. "Social Desirability Correlates for Acceptance of Rape Myth." Psychological Reports 73, no. 3_suppl (December 1993): 1218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1993.73.3f.1218.

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To examine the social desirability correlates for acceptance of rape myths, university students, 134 women and 56 men, completed the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale. The mean score on the former was 98.8 and for the latter 14.3. Over-all, scores on the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale were not significantly correlated with scores on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale ( r = .10). Values were .03 for women and .16 for men.

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Pang, Yazhi, Kari Davies, and Yong Liu. "Changes in Certitude, Adherence, and Attitude: Immediate Effects of Rape Myth Intervention on Jurors in a Mock Trial." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 16 (August 19, 2022): 10345. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph191610345.

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Previous studies have demonstrated the prevalence and negative consequences of rape myths in various social contexts, including their impact on jury decision-making. The current study adopted a mixed methods design to explore how educating jurors about rape myths via a judge’s direction affected their decision-making regarding the guilt or innocence of a defendant in a rape case. Data were obtained from two mock trials and 12 questionnaire responses. The sample consisted of 12 women participants aged from 20 to 25. The thematic analysis indicated that participants who received rape myths education exhibited resistance to rape myths, increased scrutiny of the defendant as opposed to the complainant, and less disbelief of the complainant’s alleged behaviours. Quantitative analysis suggested a strong positive correlation between the understanding of rape myths education and its influence on decision making; however, this was only found in the intervention group. Findings showed insights into the possible advantages of rape myths education for jurors that were delivered via the judge’s direction. Future research directions and implications were discussed.

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Vrij, Alder, and Hannah R. Firmin. "Beautiful Thus Innocent? The Impact of Defendants' and Victims' Physical Attractiveness and Participants' Rape Beliefs on Impression Formation in Alleged Rape Cases." International Review of Victimology 8, no. 3 (September 2001): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800100800301.

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This experiment examined the possible beneficial effects of victims' and defendants' good-looks in an alleged rape case. It was hypothesized that people who especially endorsed ‘Rape Myths’ would be more favourable towards victims and defendants who are good-looking. Moreover, it was hypothesized that females would be more favourable towards the victim than males and that this gender difference would be mediated by differences in “Rape Myths Acceptance”. In the experiment, 80 observers were exposed to an extract of a victim's story about an alleged rape case. The physical attractiveness of both the victim and the defendant were systematically varied. Observers' Rape Myths Acceptance were measured with Burt's (1980) Rape Myths Acceptance scale. The results support the hypotheses; it is therefore suggested that the acceptance of these myths should be investigated in selection procedures of people who are likely to be confronted with victims of sexual offenses, such as police officers and jury members in rape or sexual harassment cases.

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Fakunmoju, Sunday B., Tina Abrefa-Gyan, and Ntandoyenkosi Maphosa. "Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Gender Invariance of the Revised IRMA Scale in Nigeria." Affilia 34, no. 1 (October 10, 2018): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109918803645.

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Research scales developed in one society are often validated in another society to determine the factor structure and measurement equivalence of the scales. Using a convenience sample of 378 respondents from two cross-sectional studies, the present analyses examined confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and gender invariance in the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance (IRMA) Scale in Nigeria. Specifically, the analyses examined whether the scale holds similar factor structure, whether the latent means can be compared, and whether respondents interpreted items similarly or ascribed the same meaning to them across gender. Based on the analyses, CFA results validated the hypothesized multidimensional four-factor structure of IRMA, namely, “she asked for it,” “he didn’t mean to,” “it wasn’t really rape,” and “she lied.” Similarly, the IRMA measurement was invariant (partial scalar invariance) across gender, suggesting that men and women interpreted IRMA’s items and constructs similarly. Results of an independent-samples t test suggested that women were more likely than men to reject the myth that female victim of rape “lied.” In general, preliminary findings indicated that IRMA is suitable for research on rape myths in Nigeria. Knowledge generated from its use may enhance understanding of rape myths, rape-supportive behaviors, and rape prevention and victim intervention programs.

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Xue, Jia, Gang Fang, Hui Huang, Naixue Cui, Karin V. Rhodes, and Richard Gelles. "Rape Myths and the Cross-Cultural Adaptation of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale in China." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34, no. 7 (June 5, 2016): 1428–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516651315.

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The study examines the similarities and differences between China and the United States with regard to rape myths. We assessed the individual level of rape myth acceptance among Chinese university students by adapting and translating a widely used measure of rape myth endorsement in the United States, the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance (IRMA) scale. We assessed whether the IRMA scale would be an appropriate assessment of attitudes toward rape among young adults in China. The sample consisted of 975 Chinese university students enrolled in seven Chinese universities. We used explorative factor analysis to examine the factor structure of the Chinese translation of the IRMA scale. Results suggest that the IRMA scale requires some modification to be employed with young adults in China. Our analyses indicate that 20 items should be deleted, and a five-factor model is generated. We discuss relevant similarities and differences in the factor structure and item loadings between the Chinese Rape Myth Acceptance (CRMA) and the IRMA scales. A revised version of the IRMA, the CRMA, can be used as a resource in rape prevention services and rape victim support services. Future research in China that employs CRMA will allow researchers to examine whether individual’s response to rape myth acceptance can predict rape potential and judgments of victim blaming and community members’ acceptance of marital rape.

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Jenkins, Katharine. "Rape Myths: What are They and What can We do About Them?" Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 89 (May 2021): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246121000126.

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AbstractIn this paper, I aim to shed some light on what rape myths are and what we can do about them. I start by giving a brief overview of some common rape myths. I then use two philosophical tools to offer a perspective on rape myths. First, I show that we can usefully see rape myths as an example of what Miranda Fricker has termed ‘epistemic injustice’, which is a type of wrong that concerns our role as knowers. Then, I show that it is important to recognise that rape myths are instances of misogyny. This word is of course a more familiar one, but I'll be drawing on a specific philosophical account of what misogyny is, developed by Kate Manne, that I think is useful here. Finally, I briefly consider some upshots of these claims.

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Oh, Euna, and Helen Neville. "Development and Validation of the Korean Rape Myth Acceptance Scale." Counseling Psychologist 32, no. 2 (March 2004): 301–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011000003261351.

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The purpose of this investigation was to develop a culturally relevant rape myth acceptance scale for Koreans. Three studies on the Korean Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (KRMAS) with approximately 1,000 observations provide initial validity and reliability. Specifically, results from exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses support four subscales: myths about rape survivors, rape perpetrators, the impact of rape, and rape as spontaneous. The KRMAS was validated with student and community samples and a factorial invariance analysis provided evidence for the factor structure across men and women. The KRMAS total score was positively related to the Attitudes Toward Sex Role Scale–Korean and the Acceptance of Violence Scale, indicating that greater endorsement of rape myth acceptance was related to greater levels of attitudes toward traditional sex roles and violence against women. Implications of the findings and future research directions are provided.

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Rimmer, Beth, and Philip Birch. "Exploring factors affecting attitudes towards rape survivors: the role of sexuality and religiosity." Journal of Forensic Practice 21, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfp-01-2019-0004.

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Purpose Contemporaneously, the crime of rape has experienced an increase in reporting. The majority of rape survivors continue to experience, however, extensive victimisation due to biased attitudes held by many people and organisations within the general population. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In a quantitative study with a sample of 176 participants, this research aimed to explore sexuality and religiosity as factors that affect attitudes towards survivors of rape. Findings Results indicated that negative attitudes towards rape survivors could be predicted by rape myth acceptance. While the sexuality of the victim affected attitudes towards rape survivors and negative attitudes towards survivors were also found to be predicted by high religiosity scores, analyses concluded that both males and females perceived gay male victims with more negative attitudes in comparison to lesbian rape survivors. Male participants demonstrated, overall, more negative attitudes towards rape survivors than their female counterparts. In sum, sexuality and religiosity were concluded to be crucial factors in explaining blame attributions. Practical implications This study indicates: (1) the effect of social correlates other than gender on rape myths; (2) the effect sexuality has on the perception of rape myths; and (3) the effect religiosity has on the perception of rape myths. This study also reveals implications for the reporting, prosecution and conviction of rape cases that may be subject to bias and discrimination due to victim characteristics other than gender. Originality/value Attitudes towards rape survivors based on social correlates other than gender have received little attention within existing literature and research. This paper adds to this discussion by considering the affects of sexuality and religiosity which have implications for the reporting of such a crime.

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Rosenstein, Judith E., and Marjorie H. Carroll. "Male Rape Myths, Female Rape Myths, and Intent to Intervene as a Bystander." Violence and Gender 2, no. 4 (December 2015): 204–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/vio.2015.0027.

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Stoll, Laurie Cooper, Terry Glenn Lilley, and Kelly Pinter. "Gender-Blind Sexism and Rape Myth Acceptance." Violence Against Women 23, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801216636239.

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The purpose of this article is to explore whether gender-blind sexism, as an extension of Bonilla-Silva’s racialized social system theory, is an appropriate theoretical framework for understanding the creation and continued prevalence of rape myth acceptance. Specifically, we hypothesize that individuals who hold attitudes consistent with the frames of gender-blind sexism are more likely to accept common rape myths. Data for this article come from an online survey administered to the entire undergraduate student body at a large Midwestern institution ( N = 1,401). Regression analysis showed strong support for the effects of gender-blind sexism on rape myth acceptance.

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O’Hara, Shannon. "Monsters, playboys, virgins and whores: Rape myths in the news media’s coverage of sexual violence." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 21, no. 3 (July 24, 2012): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963947012444217.

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Much of the news media’s coverage of sexual violence perpetuates myths and stereotypes about rape, rapists and rape victims (Burt, 1980). This is troubling, as the news media shapes public opinion about rape (Soothill, 1991) and can affect policy-making, not to mention the running of the legal system itself (Emmers-Sommer et al., 2006: 314). The news media frequently portray rapists using monster imagery (Barnett, 2008; Mason and Monckton-Smith, 2008; Soothill et al., 1990), their victims classed either as ‘virgins’ attacked by these so-called ‘monsters’ or instead as promiscuous women who invited the rape (Benedict, 1992). These depictions can impact upon public opinion as the more frequently rape myths are used, the more accessible they become. This can be harmful to rape victims when individuals who subscribe to these myths are involved in the criminal justice system (Franiuk et al., 2008: 304–305). Through a lexical analysis of the newspaper coverage surrounding three news events gathered from three LexisNexis searches, this article assesses the use of rape myths within the British and American news media’s reporting of such violence.

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Süssenbach, Philipp, Friederike Eyssel, and Gerd Bohner. "Metacognitive Aspects of Rape Myths." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 28, no. 11 (February 11, 2013): 2250–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260512475317.

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McMahon, Sarah. "Understanding Community-Specific Rape Myths." Affilia 22, no. 4 (November 2007): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109907306331.

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Hockett, Jericho M., Donald A. Saucier, and Caitlyn Badke. "Rape Myths, Rape Scripts, and Common Rape Experiences of College Women." Violence Against Women 22, no. 3 (August 13, 2015): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801215599844.

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Safri, Tanishka. "PREVALENCE OF RAPE MYTHS IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 3, no. 11 (November 30, 2015): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v3.i11.2015.2924.

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Rape has been perceived as the most brutal crime against women that affects not only the physical being but also the psychological being of the victim. We know that several rape cases take place in our society but very few are reported. The most important reason for this is the prevalence of rape myths in our society which are false beliefs about rape and about those who are affected by it. India is a developing country and is changing quickly. It is witnessing remarkable developments in several fields such as science, technology etc. But unfortunately the crime rate is also increasing in this country, especially the crime of rape. The present research study is an attempt to understand that to which degree the rape myths are prevalent in India. The paper will also bring into light the amount, respondents in the study are aware of rape facts. For the present study 100 individuals were selected between the age of 18-35 years, out of which 50 were males and 50 were females. The paper reveals that rape myths are quite common even in the present era and for a few myths the respondents seemed totally unaware of the fact behind them

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Pilipovic, Sanja. "Divine rape as funeral motif: Example of stela from Viminacium." Balcanica, no. 32-33 (2002): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0233061p.

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The theme of rape in the decorative program of the stela of M. Valerius Speratus from Viminacium and his wife Lucia Aphrodisia is expressed in the composition of the Rape of Kore and the Rape of Europa. This paper attempts to understand the said myths and their pictorial representations as funeral symbols of the after-death journey of the soul. Possible geopolitical meaning of the myth of the Rape of Europa has also been taken into consideration. The stela from Viminacium have also been viewed in relation to the monuments with the similar representations in the neighboring Danubian provinces.

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Jenkins, Katharine. "Rape Myths and Domestic Abuse Myths as Hermeneutical Injustices." Journal of Applied Philosophy 34, no. 2 (February 23, 2016): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/japp.12174.

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Lilley, Caroline, Dominic Willmott, Dara Mojtahedi, and Danielle Labhardt. "Intimate Partner Rape: A Review of Six Core Myths Surrounding Women’s Conduct and the Consequences of Intimate Partner Rape." Social Sciences 12, no. 1 (January 4, 2023): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12010034.

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The focus of this paper is to highlight and review the evidence surrounding common intimate partner rape (IPR) myths, their prevalence in society, and identify those who are most likely to endorse such beliefs. Six core IPR myths are discussed related to misconceptions surrounding (1) women’s decisions to remain in abusive relationships, (2) why women delay or never report IPR, (3) women’s perceived motivations when an IPR report is made, (4) a perceived lack of trauma that occurs as a consequence of this type of rape, (5) male sexual entitlement within intimate relationships, and (6) whether it is even possible to rape a marital partner. This article draws together a wealth of studies and research that evidence why such IPR myths are indeed factually inaccurate and examines how victims, justice professionals, police practitioners, and legal decision-makers endorsement of false beliefs pertaining to intimate partner rape serve to hinder various justice pathways. We discuss the consequences of rape mythology in so far as they create social barriers that prohibit the reporting of rape, impact the progression of an allegation through the criminal justice system and ultimately, obstruct rape victims’ access to justice. The review concludes by considering evidence regarding the possible benefits of education interventions in reducing the problematic influence of rape myths.

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Wulandari, Adinda Dwi, and Margaretha Margaretha. "Understanding Rape Myth Acceptance: The Impact of Ambivalent Sexism and Conservatism in Surabaya." Jurnal Psikologi 21, no. 1 (April 2, 2022): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jp.21.1.23-34.

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This study aims to analyze the impact of ambivalent sexism and conservatism on rape myth acceptance. Using a quantitative survey approach, this study assessed rape myth acceptance in a sample from Surabaya to represent urban societies in Indonesia. Ambivalent sexism towards women is constructed with hostile sexism (women are cunning) and benevolent sexism (women are weak and should be protected), measured by the Extended Ambivalent Sexism Inventory(α = .88). The Conservatism Scale measured beliefs to maintain traditional values and oppose changes (α = .77). Rape myth acceptance was measured by a vignette scale developed by researchers with two scenarios: the victim is familiar or non-familiar to the perpetrator (α = .87). Data from 381 respondents aged 18-40 years were collected and analyzed using Pearson correlation, ANOVA, t-test, and hierarchical linear regression. Results show that rape myth acceptance familiar scenario is influenced by conservatism and hostile sexism(R2 = .11;F(4,380) = 12.49p< .001).Rape myth acceptance non-familiar scenario is also influenced by conservatism and hostile sexism(R2 = .15;F(4,380) = 17.14,p< .001). Individuals who hold hostile sexism attitude toward womenand rigidly maintain traditional values tend to believe in rape myths. This research encourages structured and sustainable social interventions to dismantle rape myth acceptance, conservatism, and sexism towards women in Indonesian society.

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Haywood, Holly, and Eric Swank. "Rape Myths Among Appalachian College Students." Violence and Victims 23, no. 3 (June 2008): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.23.3.373.

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Rape myths regularly admonish victims for supposedly provoking the violence done against them. While rape attitudes have been studied in national and urban samples, the support of rape myths in rural populations is seldom investigated. Furthermore, the few empirical studies on sexual coercion in Appalachia are mostly descriptive and rarely compare the sentiments of Appalachians and non-Appalachians. To address this gap, this study surveyed 512 college students at a public university in Eastern Kentucky. In testing an Appalachian distinctiveness question, this study revealed that Appalachian students were less likely to criticize rape victims. Students were also less inclined to condemn rape victims when they were victims themselves, came from egalitarian families, stayed in college longer, rejected modern sexism, and felt little animosity toward women.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Rape myths'

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