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Journal articles on the topic 'Ramesse II'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Crevatin, Franco. "Questioni minori di lingua e cultura egiziana." Linguistica 40, no. 1 (December 1, 2000): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.40.1.5-8.

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Il graffito Sakkara T (riedito in K. A. Kitchen, Ramess. Inscript. 3, 438), datato all' anno 48 del regno di Ramesse II, è piuttosto interessante: iscritto sulle pareti di uno dlegli edifici del complesso funerario del Faraone Djoser, esso è composto da due testi distinti (A: 1-4; B: 5-7), redatti da due persone diverse che forse sono andate assieme per turismo culturale o religioso a Sak.kara. B è costituito da una serie di auguri funebri piuttosto banali, mentre A, molto mal conservato, pone problemi esegetici fastidiosi. Dopo la datazione e la citazione del nome del redattore, compare un poco comprensibile ]hry wtś-R' [, che il primo editore del testo ha ritenuto equivalente alla designazione della necropoli.

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2

Kitchen, K. A. "SERGIO PERNIGOTTI, L'Egitto di Ramesse: II tra Guerra e pace." Journal of Semitic Studies 58, no. 2 (July 8, 2013): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgt025.

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3

Vachala, Břetislav. "„Provedu! Zde jsem!“ (Vešebt staroegyptského kresliče Parahotepa)." Anthropologia integra 9, no. 2 (December 14, 2018): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/ai2018-2-29.

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Publikace vešebtu (20,4x5,3x3,5 cm) staroegyptského kresliče Parahotepa (obr. 1), známého a váženého člena privilegované komunity kvalifikovaných řemeslníků a umělců v Dér el-Medíně, kteří tesali a zdobili skalní hrobky faraonů a členů jejich rodin v Údolí králů a Údolí královen v období Nové říše (cca 1545-1081 př.n.l.). Parahotepův vešebt z malované pálené hlíny, který byl součástí jeho pohřební výbavy, umožňuje identifikovat zaznamenaný titul a jméno. Kurzivní hieroglyfický text (obr. 2, 3), uspořádaný v 8 řádcích, obsahuje 6. říkadlo Knihy mrtvých. Památku je možné datovat přibližně do doby poloviny vlády Ramesse II. (okolo roku 1260 př. n. l.). Vešebt byl pravděpodobně součástí velké egyptské sbírky barona Franze von Kollera (1767-1826), přičemž ho následně vlastnil český průmyslník Votěch Lanna (1836-1909). Nyní se nachází v soukromé sbírce.

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4

Vachala, Břetislav. "Staroegyptská „Satira na povolání“ (Pražská hieratická literární ostraka I)." Anthropologia integra 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/ai2012-2-17.

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Naučení Duachetiho pro jeho syna Pepiho, též známé jako “Satira na povolání“, bylo sepsáno na samém počátku Střední říše (za vlády Amenemheta I., cca 1991-1962 př.n.l.). Text naučení je znám díky téměř 300 úryvkům na papyrech, ostrakách, kožených svitcích a dřevěných tabulkách pocházejících teprve z Nové říše (zvláště z Ramessovské doby). Celý text naučení se dochoval pouze na papyru Sallier II z konce 19. dynastie. Pro svou velkou oblibu sloužilo Duachetiho naučení jako učební text ve školách. Na druhé straně však jeho obliba vedla ke komolení původního textu, chybám a neporozuměním způsobených nedbalým opisováním žáky písařských škol. Článek obsahuje nový český překlad celého naučení. V Národním muzeu – Náprstkově muzeu asijských, afrických a amerických kultur v Praze jsou uložena dvě vápencová hieratická ostraka obsahující části tohoto naučení. První z nich (P 3838: obr. 1,2) se datuje do 19. dynastie, druhé (P 3804: obr. 3,4) do 20. dynastie (zřejmě doba vlády Ramesse III.). Tato dosud neurčená hieratická ostraka, která pocházejí z Dér el-Medíny, jsou dokumentována fotograficky a rovněž jsou opatřena hieroglyfickým přepisem a překladem.

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5

Donohue, V. A. "The Vizier Paser." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, no. 1 (August 1988): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338807400109.

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The description of a statuette-base bearing the names and titles of the Ramesside vizier (University College of Swansea, Wellcome Museum of Antiquities W.232) is followed by an annotated catalogue of his monuments. In an appendix it is argued that certain titles occurring upon four statues of Paser refer to the cult of Ramesses II, and are perhaps to be translated ‘Priest of Usermaatre the pre-eminent’, and ‘Priest of Ramesses, sun of the isles’.

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6

Malek, Jaromir. "The Monuments Recorded by Alice Lieder in the ‘Temple of Vulcan’ at Memphis in may 1853." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72, no. 1 (August 1986): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338607200109.

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Alice Lieder, the wife of the Revd J. R. T. Lieder, visited Memphis, and made squeezes of the inscriptions on thirteen statues lying there, in May 1853. Most of the sculptures had been found by Hekekyan in 1852. They included a fragment of a statue of Ramesses III, and one of a colossus of Ramesses VI, a statue of the vizier Paser, a statue of Khaemwese, and a standard-bearing statue of Ramesses II. The previous identifications of the last as Ramesses VI or VII are disputed. The discovery of several statues dated to the reign of Psammetichus I near the Abû'l-ḥôl colossus suggests the presence of an early Saite gateway in the area of the Ramessid southern entrance to the temple of Ptah, and thus corresponds to the accounts of building activities of Psammetichus I by Herodotus and Diodorus.

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7

توفيق, محمد. "RAMESSES II (1279 – 1213 B.C.): RAMESSES THE GREAT." دورية کان التاريخية: المستقبل الرقمي للدراسات التاريخية 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/kan.2008.99148.

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8

Price, Campbell. "The Legacy of Prince Khaemwaset at Saqqara." Heritage 5, no. 3 (August 12, 2022): 2196–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage5030115.

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Saqqara in particular, and the Memphite necropolis in general, constituted the arena for the prolific and significant monumental self-presentations of Prince Khaemwaset, fourth son of King Ramesses II (c. 1279–1213 BCE). The present paper explores the role of the prince in fashioning a persona that addressed past, present and future audiences. This discussion is used to contextualise results of the 2009 Saqqara Geophysical Survey Project, showing the greater-than-expected extent of the New Kingdom necropolis south of the Unas Causeway. It considers responses to the deep palimpsest of the sacred landscape of the Memphite necropolis by—and later commemorations within it of—this notable Ramesside individual.

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9

Hafez, Noha, MAHMOUD ABDEL RAZIQ, and Mofida El Weshahy. "The Sphinxes of King Ramesses II." Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2007): 224–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jaauth.2007.68516.

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10

DODSON, A. "The Canopic Chest of Ramesses II." Revue d'Égyptologie 41 (January 1, 1990): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/re.41.0.2011310.

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11

Casperson, Lee W. "The Lunar Date of Ramesses II." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 47, no. 3 (July 1988): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373284.

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12

Buckland, P. C., and E. Panagiotakopulu. "Rameses II and the tobacco beetle." Antiquity 75, no. 289 (September 2001): 549–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00088785.

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The use of a wide range of narcotic drugs in antiquity has been widely documented, although archaeologists have sometimes been too credulous of apparently scientific data, and have failed to appreciate the post-excavation histories of artefacts, including mummies. This paper examines the discovery of tobacco in the mummy of Rameses II, provides an alternative model for its origin, as a 19th-century insecticide used in conservation, and throws doubt upon the evidence for both cannabis and cocaine in ancient Egypt.

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13

Abdel Aal Ali, Osama. "An Unpublished Sphinx Statue of Ramesses (II)." مجلة کلیة الآداب جامعة الفیوم 19, no. 19 (January 1, 2019): 738–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jfafu.2019.62058.

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14

Leung, V. "The rameses algorithm for multiple equilibria—III Acceleration and standardized formation constants (RAMESES II)." Talanta 37, no. 4 (April 1990): 425–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-9140(90)80234-7.

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15

Dodson, Aidan. "The Takhats and some other royal ladies of the Ramesside period." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 224–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300126.

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This paper discusses the relationships of the royal ladies Takhat who appear on the monuments. It distinguishes two, A, wife of Sethos II and mother of Amenmesse, and B, wife of Prince Montjuhirkopshef B, son of Ramesses III, and mother of Ramesses IX, buried in KV 10, the old tomb of Amenmesse. The other lady depicted in that tomb is identified as the wife of Ramesses IX. In addition, Grist's identification of Tyti (QV 52) as a daughter and wife of Ramesses III (JEA 71 (1985), 71-81) is opposed and Amenmesse's paternity of Siptah supported.

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16

Thomson, James K. "A Statue of Prehirwenmef, Son of Ramesses II." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73 (1987): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821540.

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17

Thomson, James K. "A statue of Prehirwenmef, son of Ramesses II." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 220–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300125.

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Publication of an incomplete, unprovenanced, quartzite standing statue of Prehirwenmef, third son of Ramesses II, in the Burrell Collection, which supplements the numerous reliefs in which the prince is depicted, on temple walls at Thebes and in Nubia. The texts include two titles not otherwise recorded for him: ḥȝt mš' n nsw (possibly an early version of ḥȝwty n mš') and tp(y) n qnyw.

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18

Huber, Peter J. "The Astronomical Basis of Egyptian Chronology of the Second Millennium BC." Journal of Egyptian History 4, no. 2 (2011): 172–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416611x618721.

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Abstract Egyptian dates are widely used for fixing the chronologies of surrounding countries in the Ancient Near East. But the astronomical basis of Egyptian chronology is shakier than generally assumed. The moon dates of the Middle and New Kingdom are here re-examined with the help of experiences gained from Babylonian astronomical observations. The astronomical basis of the chronology of the New Kingdom is at best ambiguous. The conventional date of Thutmose III’s year 1 in 1479 BC agrees with the raw moon dates, but it has been argued by several Egyptologists that those dates should be amended by one day, and then the unique match is 1504 BC. The widely accepted identification of a moon date in year 52 of Ramesses II, which leads to an accession of Ramesses II in 1279 BC, is by no means certain. In my opinion that accession year remains nothing more than one of several possibilities. If one opts for a shortened Horemhab reign, dating Ramesses II to 1290 BC gives a better compromise chronology. But the most convincing astronomical chronology is a long one: Ramesses II in 1315 BC, Thutmose III in 1504 BC. It is favored by Amarna-Hittite synchronisms and a solar eclipse in the time of Muršili II. The main counter-argument is that this chronology is at least 10–15 years higher than what one calculates from the Assyrian King List and the Kassite synchronisms. For the Middle Kingdom on the other hand, among the disputed dates of Sesostris III and Amenemhet III one combination turns out to be reasonably secure: Sesostris III’s year 1 in 1873/72 BC and Amenemhet III’s 30 years later.

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19

Dodson, Aidan. "Was the Sarcophagus of Ramesses III begun for Sethos II?" Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72, no. 1 (August 1986): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338607200123.

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The decoration of the sarcophagus of Ramesses III makes it unlikely that it was designed in his reign. Comparison with other sarcophagi of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties suggests that it was begun for Sethos II.

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20

Dodson, Aidan. "Was the sarcophagus of Ramesses III begun for Sethos II?" Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72 (1986): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821497.

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21

tawfek, alaa, Ahmed Aboelmagd, and Farag Shehata. "Donation Stela of Ramesses II from Sidi Oweis at Sudan." Minia Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Research MJTHR 13, no. 1 (May 7, 2022): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/mjthr.2022.133133.1033.

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22

Darnell, John Coleman, and Richard Jasnow. "On the Moabite Inscriptions of Ramesses II at Luxor Temple." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 52, no. 4 (October 1993): 263–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373634.

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23

Tovtyn, Yana. "MILITARY OF ANCIENT EGYPT DURING THE REIGN OF RAMESSES II." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (39) (December 11, 2018): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(39).2018.165373.

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24

Darvell, B. "The rameses algorithm for multiple equilibria—II Some further developments." Talanta 37, no. 4 (April 1990): 413–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-9140(90)80233-6.

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25

Hoffmeier, James K. "A relief of a ‘Chief of the Gang’ from Deir El-Medineh at Wheaton College, Illinois." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, no. 1 (August 1988): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338807400122.

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Publication of Chicago 01 17370, a limestone relief fragment on indefinite loan to Wheaton College. The man depicted on it, whose name is only partly preserved, is identified by the author as Neferhotep the Younger, who was ‘Chief of the Gang’ from late in the reign of Ramesses II into that of Seti II.

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Amin Selim, Ahmed. "THE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE SECOND PYLON OF RAMESSES II AT ABYDOS." Journal of the General Union of Arab Archaeologists 6, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jguaa2.2021.74045.1057.

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27

Reunov, Yuri. "Battle scenes in the Nubian temple Beit el-Wali and the ancient Egyptian image of the world." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 5-1 (May 1, 2022): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202205statyi20.

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The Beit el-Wali temple was constructed under Ramesses II on the southern border of Ancient Egypt, in Lower Nubia. Obviously, it is of great interest within the framework of exploring the development of battle scenes in the New Kingdom epoch. Its walls keep the extant reliefs illustrating the military campaigns waged by the young king. These images differ both from those of the Seti I epoch and those that became canonical in the later period of Ramesses’ reign. The analysis of the surviving scenes showed that the assertion of conservatism and immutability of the Egyptian art principles, as found in the specialised literature, including in reputable general-profile works, was not quite true.

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28

Dalino, Edwin. "La Grande Fête d’Abydos et le « Tribunal de Justification »." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 147, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2020-0024.

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SummaryThis study aims to understand the title of jmy-rꜣ ḏꜣḏꜣ.t n(y.t) mꜣꜥ-ḫrw, worn by the High Priest of Osiris Wennefer (Ramesses II). The author shows it can not be interpreted as an administrative title but rather as a ceremonial function related to certain episodes of the great feast of Osiris at Abydos.

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29

Pamminger, Peter. "Hori, Hoherpriester des Amun." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 85, no. 1 (December 1999): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339908500118.

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The obscure High Priest of Amon, Hori, is generally placed at the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty, but according to the monuments of his son, the lieutenant-commander of chariotry, Kanakht, he must have lived in the time of Ramesses II, and, even more precisely, most probably flourished around Year 24 of that ruler.

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30

Leprohon, Ronald J., and K. A. Kitchen. "Pharaoh Triumphant: The Life and Times of Ramesses II, King of Egypt." American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (December 1986): 1167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864393.

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31

Noy, David. "Book Review: The Jews of Egypt from Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian." Theology 99, no. 790 (July 1996): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9609900428.

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32

Zaki, M. A. "Output-Only Dynamic Testing of Rameses II Colossus by Singular Value Decomposition." Journal of Performance of Constructed Facilities 23, no. 2 (April 2009): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)0887-3828(2009)23:2(115).

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33

Bierbrier, M. L., and K. A. Kitchen. "Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical. Volume II, fascs. 4." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 71 (1985): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821736.

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34

van Walsem, Rene, Maarten J. Raven, David A. Aston, Geoffrey T. Martin, John H. Taylor, and Roxie Walker. "The Tomb of Iurudef, a Memphite Official in the Reign of Ramesses II." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 80 (1994): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821882.

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35

Jakab, Eva. "Joseph Mélèze Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt from Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 116, no. 1 (August 1, 1999): 590–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1999.116.1.590.

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36

Décobert, Christian. "MODRZEJEWSKI (Joseph Mélèze), The Jews of Egypt. From Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 112 (December 31, 2000): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.20441.

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37

Allam, Schafik. "Le Traité égypto-hittite de paix et d’alliance entre les rois Ramsès II et Khattouchili III (d’après l’inscription hiéroglyphique au temple de Karnak)*." Journal of Egyptian History 4, no. 1 (2011): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416611x580697.

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AbstractWith the conquests of Tuthmosis III in Syria, Egypt entered into the international scene of the Near Eastern world. Thereafter, the Hittites were extending their frontiers across northern Mesopotamia and Syria. This led to conflict with Egypt, since each was aspiring to control the routes of international commerce. Inevitably, the two super-powers clashed at Qadesh, and the relationship between them remained full of hostility and distrust. True peace came only upon the conclusion of a treaty between Ramesses II and Khattouchili III, through which an extreme alliance was finally agreed. The treaty was an implicit recognition by both partners of a territorial status quo. Its conclusion was probably enhanced by the rising of the Assyrians and the infiltration of the Sea Peoples. Furthermore, the Hittite king was worried about his right to rule; his seizure of the throne left him concerned about the succession to his own family line. In this situation an accommodation with Ramesses II left Khattouchili in a more secure position. The treaty in the form of a pact between two powers of equal status is the oldest known one in history. Although previously translated and commented upon, this is the first such treatment in French.

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38

Shaaban, A., Mona F. Ali, A. Turos, A. Korman, and Anna Stonert. "PIXE Analysis of Ancient Egyptian Pigments (Case Study)." Journal of Nano Research 8 (September 2009): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/jnanor.8.71.

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Particle Proton–Induced X-Ray Emission (PIXE) is one of the most sensitive analytical methods which can be used in the study of ancient mural paintings - especially pigments. It requires small samples or tiny fragments of the paint layer. It is a non-destructive technique and provides data on elemental concentrations. Analysis can be performed in vacuum or in air. The major advantage of this technique is the ability to analyze simultaneously both elements and trace elements present in the sample. Another advantage is the short data acquisition time. This research studies red, yellow, blue and green pigments used in the tomb of Ramesses III (N.11 - 1198 BC), the tomb of Tohthmous III- (N.34 - 1504 BC), both located at the Valley of the Kings Luxor, and also, Medinet Habu temple of Ramesses II (1198 -1166 BC) located at the West Bank of Luxor. The study was performed by using light Optical Microscope (LOM) and Particle Proton–Induced X-Ray Emission (PIXE).

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39

Macdonald, S. Ellen, David M. Reid, and C. C. Chinnappa. "Studies on the Stellaria longipes complex: phenotypic plasticity. II. Gibberellins, abscisic acid, and stem elongation." Canadian Journal of Botany 64, no. 11 (November 1, 1986): 2617–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/b86-346.

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Clonal material of one genotype of Stellaria longipes Goldie s.l. was used to investigate whether environmental regulation of the phenotype was mediated through phytohormones. Photoperiod and temperature modified the response of this species to exogenous application of gibberellins (GAs) and abscisic acid (ABA). Application of GAs to ramets in short or long days and low temperature increased stem elongation but did not induce elongation equivalent to that seen in control ramets in long warm days. Application of GAs to ramets in short days (warm or cold) induced elongation equivalent to that of ramets in long days at a similar temperature. Application of (2-chloroethyl)-trimethylammonium chloride resulted in dwarfing at some concentrations, while exposure to other concentrations initially stimulated elongation. Application of ABA reduced elongation in short, cold days but showed no effect under other conditions. Metabolism of radiolabeled ABA and GA3 was similar in both short cold days and long warm days. It was concluded that photoperiodically induced stem elongation could be partially mediated through endogenous levels of GAs. However, a hypothesis based on the idea that temperature-induced changes in elongation are controlled by suboptimal levels of GAs or supraoptimal levels of ABA is inadequate.

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40

Soliman, Daniel. "At the Hands of Senwosret III? The Iconography and Style of the Reworked Colossi Cairo JE 45975 and JE 45976." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 105, no. 1 (June 2019): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513319889332.

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Two colossal quartzite statues from Ihnasya el-Medina, now Egyptian Museum Cairo JE 45975 and JE 45976, dating to the late Middle Kingdom but reworked under Ramesses II, were recently attributed to Amenemhat IV. Examining the inscriptions, iconography, and style of the statues, it is argued here that they represent Senwosret III. Remarkably, the statues depict the king with both hands lying flat on the thighs, an iconographic detail that is not attested until the reign of Amenemhat III.

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41

Routledge, Carolyn, and Zahi Hawass. "The Mysteries of Abu Simbel. Ramesses II and the Temples of the Rising Sun." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 39 (2002): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40001160.

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42

Guo, Zhiyun. "How Well Did the “Eternal Treaty” Function? An Appraisal by the Correspondence Between Hattusili III and Ramesses II." DABIR 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2022): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00901005.

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This essay aims to verify that the “Eternal Treaty” was enforced after its conclusion by the Hittite King Hattusili III and the Egyptian Pharaoh Ramesses II. Through the classification, interpretation, and analysis of their letters, combined with historical facts, we can verify whether the treaty accomplished its purpose. The “Eternal Treaty” provided a diplomatic framework for Hatti and Egypt, and as a result, this article demonstrates that almost all of the diplomatic affairs between these two states were based on its clauses.

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43

Rogner, Frederik. "Ein früher Beleg für mSt/ⲙⲟⲩϣⲧ in einer Schlüsselstelle des Qadesh-Programmes Ramses’ II. (B 28, Version L1)?" Lingua Aegyptia - Journal of Egyptian Language Studies, no. 29 (2021): 303–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.37011/lingaeg.29.11.

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“An early attestation of mSt / ⲙⲟⲩϣⲧ in a key passage of Ramesses II’s Qadesh programme (B 28, Version L1)?” - This contribution suggests a new reading for a verb that appears in the Luxor versions (L1 and L2) of the Qadesh-Bulletin (B 28). It is based on a lexicographical study and explains the different writings in the two versions. The subsequent discussion of the passage and its role in the Qadesh programme as a whole confirms the new reading.

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Jeffreys, D. G., J. Malek, and H. S. Smith. "Memphis 1985." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300103.

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The survey of Memphis continued its excavation at Kôm Rabî‘a in the south-west quadrant of the Memphite ruin field, finding evidence of terracing up to the north and west and a substantial rebuilding of the central property not earlier than the reign of Tutankhamun. The Epigraphic Section began its survey of the Ptah temple with a study of the colossal limestone statue of Ramesses II at the south gate. Work proceeded at Saqqâra on publication of the Mother of Apis stelae from the Sacred Animal Necropolis, and on the ceramic collection from the Anubieion.

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Schulman, Alan R. "Pharaoh Triumphant: The Life and Times of Ramesses II, King of Egypt. Kenneth A. Kitchen." Biblical Archaeologist 48, no. 1 (March 1985): 62–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3209951.

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Greenhalgh, Trisha, Geoff Wong, Justin Jagosh, Joanne Greenhalgh, Ana Manzano, Gill Westhorp, and Ray Pawson. "Protocol—the RAMESES II study: developing guidance and reporting standards for realist evaluation: Figure 1." BMJ Open 5, no. 8 (August 2015): e008567. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2015-008567.

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Van Walsem, René. "Book Review: The Tomb of Iurudef, A Memphite Official in the Reign of Ramesses II." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 80, no. 1 (December 1994): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339408000137.

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Charrié-Duhaut, Armelle, Jacques Connan, Nicolas Rouquette, Pierre Adam, Christophe Barbotin, Marie-Françoise de Rozières, Alain Tchapla, and Pierre Albrecht. "The canopic jars of Rameses II: real use revealed by molecular study of organic residues." Journal of Archaeological Science 34, no. 6 (June 2007): 957–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2006.09.012.

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Lorand, David. "A block of Ramesses II reused as a threshold in the Wakala of Qawsun (Cairo)." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 99, no. 1 (January 2013): 270–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751331309900114.

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Schipper, Bernd Ulrich. "Raamses, Pithom, and the Exodus: A Critical Evaluation of Ex 1:11." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 2 (May 8, 2015): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12301194.

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Up to the present, the brief notice on the storage cities of “Pithom” and “Raamses” and the forced labour of the Israelites in Ex 1:11 has been taken as the historical nucleus of a possible exodus scenario under Ramesses ii. This article presents a critical evaluation of the classical theory, taking into account recent insights in Archaeology, Egyptology, and Philology. Since a number of arguments call the classical theory into question, a historical background of Ex 1:11 in the late 7th century bce becomes more likely, when Judahites had to perform forced labour for the Egyptian hegemon in the Southern Levant.

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