Academic literature on the topic 'Radicalism Indonesia Religious aspects Islam'

Tulisan ini mengupas tentang fenomena radikalisme agama dan motif terorisme di Indonesia. Terorisme menjadi ancaman yang sangat serius dalam dinamika politik lokal, nasional dan internasional. Perang melawan terorisme sama halnya dengan perjuangan masa depan yang tidak berkesudahan. Membicarakan masalah terorisme, selalu dikaitkan dengan kelompok-kelompok radikal keagamaan. Begitu juga hal-hal yang berbau radikal selalu diidentikkan dengan kekerasan yang melibatkan agama di dalamnya. Fenomena terorisme yang melanda sebagian Negara, pelakunya senantiasa dipersepsikan sebagai kelompok radikal keagamaan. Lebih parah lagi banyak kalangan yang mencoba mengidentikkan terorisme dengan Islam. Penelitian ini munggunakan metode kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian kepustakaan (libary research), yaitu penelitian yang sumber datanya diperoleh dari buku-buku dan jurnal yang membahas terorisme. Penelitian ini mengidentifikasi motif terorisme di Indonesia yaitu motif politik, motif agama dan motif ideologi terorisme di Indonesia. Peneltian membuktikan bahwa rencana pembangunan Mall di sejumlah daerah, terjadinya jurang yang lebar antara orang kaya dan orang miskin, tidak terpenuhinya hak-hak masyarakat, orientasi pembangunan yang hanya mengedepankan aspek fisik, kurang memperhatikan aspek ruhani dan nilai-nilai sosial-keagamaan masyarakat, meluasnya kekerasan dan konflik merupakan faktor yang bisa menyuburkan terorisme This article analyzes about the phenomena of religious radicalism and motives of terrorism in Indonesia. Terrorism becomes a very serious threat in the dynamics of local, national and international politics. The fight against terrorism as well as the struggle for the future that never-ending. Discussing about terrorism issue is always related to radical religious groups. Likewise, the radicalism is always identic with religious violence. The phenomena of terrorism which happen in some countries, the perpetrators are often perceived as a radical religious group. Even many people attempt to equate terrorism with Islam. This study refers to qualitative method with library research, namely the research which the sources obtained from books and journals about terrorism. This study identify the motives of terrorism in Indonesia that are political, religious, and ideological motives of terrorism in Indonesia. The findings of the research show that the building plans in some places, big gap between rich and poor people, unfulfilled community rights, building orietation which focuses on physical aspects, not paying attention to spiritual aspects and religion and social values, the spread of violences and conflicts are some factors which can improve terrorism.

Islam is an religion that is not only on the social and theological doctrine, but also has an glorious civilization. Because of that, the number of experts who study about Islam produce various definition. That matter also create variant interpretation and understanding. One thing that must be noticed is when religious radicalism grow and negative stigma to Islam. In the same aspect, ideology doctrine of religious radicalism having in sight in Indonesia, in other words in the educational institution which the main target is students. Annemarie Schimmel uses fenomenological approach to understand about Islam holistically and disclaim negative stigma about Islam. This approach also create natural thought of an religion based on the religion believer perspective. So the impact can minimize religious radicalism doctrine.

This study focuses on moderate Islamic da’wah communication strategies in counteracting radicalism in Gorontalo City. In Indonesia, radicalism has continuously occurred in the form of suicide bombings leading to lots of life, properties and numerous environmental hazards. Using da’wah as a communication strategy to counteract this violent act by spreading Islamic understanding may affect the community’s attitude. The location was chosen because, besides being the centre for preaching activities, it also has greater social and religious dynamics than the other cities in the province. Meanwhile, the problems in this research are focused on two aspects, which are the content and methods of the moderate Islamic da’wah communication applied by the preachers to counteract radicalism in Gorontalo City. Data were purposively collected from eight preachers through interviews, observations, and documents. The result showed that these strategies were focused on the content of da’wah communication, especially the message and use of the verses. Also, several strategies were utilized by the preachers, which included shaping the community’s religious understanding and reaffirming the position of Muslims as ummatan wasathan. Other strategies were seeking moderate religious references, examining the noble values of Gorontalo culture and customs, and encouraging people to respect and accept diversity. Keywords: Communication strategy, da’wah, Gorontalo, moderate Islam, radicalism.

Observing the current condition of the Indonesian nation has led to a phenomenon that the country is being hit by the crisis in various aspects of life. Various forms of violation and offense grow and develop in daily life of the community, such as: corruption, collusion, nepotism, and drug (narcotics) and alcohol abuse, theft, robbery and prostitution. In this country, it also begins to emerge the tenet and behavior of radicalism that disturb the community and government. On the other side, nowadays is also faced with the clash and confusion of thought of ‘the contradiction between religion and the State’ embedded to the young generation (millennial generation). The various social problems described above occur due to the low quality of faith and caused the decline of morality and moral degradation of this nation. It needs a fundamental and accurate solution in facing those problems. Improving and rearranging the paradigm, system and orientation of Islamic education according to its framework can be the alternative solution to solve the problems. Islamic education should be a core in the national education curriculum, so that Islamic education will have a complete transformation in people life of this state. A comprehensive and systematic transformation of Islamic education can be done through the following stages: 1) Religious education should be the core in the national education curriculum, and the substance of religious teachings should not be disputed in nation’s life. 2) Religious education in schools and colleges/universities must be taught by qualified and professional teachers and lecturers, and 3) Implementation of religious education materials should fit the needs and age of learners.

Human rights enforcement, especially in the aspect of religious freedom in Indonesia, is still unsolved. Violence involving conflicts among religious followers still occurs. It shows that the space for religious freedom is still a critical problem in this country. Indonesia is a multi-cultural country, but a narrow understanding makes plurality the root of hatred and anger. Indeed, diversity will contribute to national development, but on the other hand, it can also trigger horizontal conflicts. This article will unravel the problems that cause religious intolerance and how to overcome the mushrooming of radicalism. This article is qualitative-based research. The data were collected from the library study. The acts of violence caused by wrong religious understanding were analyzed from the Human Rights enforcement, Islamic theology, and socio-juridical viewpoints so that alternative solutions for acts of violence occurring in society, especially among Muslims, can be settled. This study finds that tolerance has its foundations in both religion and positive law in Indonesia. Therefore, any intolerance has no basis, and it will only worsen the image of Islam and make people unsympathetic to religion.

Violence, conflict, and terrorism in the name of religion often occur in Indonesia. These led to the emergence of prejudice and public perception that pesantren as educational institution which contributed to growing the seeds of fanaticism and radicalism. However, not all pesantrens act as they think and accuse. There are still a lot of pesantrens that remain consistent in instilling the values of Islam’s moderation in their students to this day, including Pondok Modern Arrisalah, one of pesantrens in Ponorogo that has implemented multicultural Islamic education because it has many students with different backgrounds in terms of region, ethnicity, language, culture, and class. This study aims to describe and analyze the implementation of multicultural Islamic education at Pondok Modern Arrisalah Slahung Ponorogo as an effort to strengthen the moderation vision of Islam to its students. The researcher in this case used the type of field research and a qualitative descriptive approach. The research data were collected through interview, observation, and documentation techniques. The results show that Pondok Modern Arrisalah has implemented multicultural Islamic education which can be seen from various aspects, namely the curriculum, supporting programs and activities, the creation of a religious-multicultural culture and gender relation in it.

This study discusses the potential of Islamic boarding schools in the deradicalization of Indonesian society through a balanced education system between religion and the state. This study tries to look at the strategy of deradicalization of religious extremism in Indonesia, especially in Islamic boarding schools. Even though the Islamic Boarding School is a place for studying Islam, it does not mean that it cannot be separated from extreme understandings that sometimes act in the name of religion. Allegedly, one of the causes is an unbalanced education system. A cohesive, directed and planned/organized education system can produce responsible citizens, whereas if a fragmented education system naturally results in confused citizens and without direction, and even tend to be apathetic. This study aims to analyze the influence and education system in several pesantren to prevent radicalism for students at the High School level in Indonesia. The method used in this research is a field study with a qualitative approach using purposive sampling in recording pesantren which has a salafiah and modern curriculum. Data collection is done through observation. The analysis is done by collecting, presenting, reducing, and drawing conclusions. The results of this study prove that the education system and the role of the Kiai have a positive impact on counteracting religious radicalism by combining Islamic and state education. This research implies that the management system in Islamic boarding schools can establish intensive partnerships with the government in various aspects of politics, culture, and economy. It should be ruled out that boarding schools are included in education which is sometimes marginalized by the government because sometimes it is considered inclusive. Therefore, every effort to overcome the problem of radical understanding in the name of religion is not possible to achieve significant results, unless there is a cohesive education system between the institution and the government.

The theme of religious moderation is increasingly important to study in line with the emergence of anxiety about strengthening intolerant, extremist, and radicalism-terrorism movements in several educational institutions in Indonesia. This research aims to examine the actualization of religious moderation values (read: Islamic moderation) of teachers at SMP Aisyiyah Boarding School and SMP Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah Malang. Therefore, this research uses a qualitative approach to the type of case study research. Methods of data collection are carrying out through observation, in-dept interview, and documentation of the two research locus. At the same time, the data analysis used the interactive Miles-Huberman model. This results showed that teachers' religious moderation actualizes in two ways. First, the pathway formal-curriculum through the learning planning tools which are explicitly stated in the Learning Implementation Plan (RPP), as well as through extracurricular activities guided by teachers to students, namely scouts and student council; Second, is the pathways hidden-curriculum manifested in a pattern of habituation from teachers to students through an organizational culture that is run in schools, especially in the aspect of shared basic assumptions from the students

<p>The author’s interest in researching on de-radicalization of religion in the literature of islamic boarding school education was driven by the fact that religion de-radicalization are now starting to touch many aspects of society. Religious radicalism is often associated with terrorism, such as suicide bombers under the pretext of <em>jihad</em> (martyrdom), violence in the name of <em>amar ma'ruf-nahy munkar</em> (commanding the good and forbidding the evil), even now starting to organize religious radicalism in the establishment of the state. Ironically, some of the perpetrators of terrorism are graduates of boarding schools. This is due to the fact that there are several texts in the literature of boarding school education that are vulnerable to radical behaviors, such as <em>jihad</em>, commanding the good, or fighting against non-Muslims. It makes boarding schools are negatively affected despite the fact that they are institutions of Islamic education in Indonesia who spread the teachings of Islam which is <em>rahmatan lil Alamin</em> (blessing for the universe), tolerant, and contextual. Therefore, this study wanted to know about de-radicalization of religion in the understanding of texts in the literature of boarding school education, particularly related to the meaning of <em>jihad</em>, commanding the good, and Islam as the blessing for the universe.</p><p>This research uses library research, which is a pure literature research. This method is used for obtaining data on de-radicalization in the view of boarding schools using descriptive approach. This research is a study on religious teachings in relation to society, nature, character, and the influence of the thoughts and ideas in forming the character of a group.</p><p>De-radicalization of religion in the literature of boarding schools includes several things. First, boarding schools should not teach jihad with war, but with education. Next, the applications of <em>amar ma'ruf-nahy munkar</em> must be done through certain stages, so that the direction fits the condition of the object of the missionary endeavor. Violence must not be used as long as it is still possible to use subtle ways since violence is only legalized when the situation is extremely urgent.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> <em>De-radicalisation of Religion, Text, Literature, Boarding School</em></p>

This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. 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Several armed Islamist movements have shown remarkable behavioural and ideological transformations towards non-violence. The "de-radicalization" processes of these movements removed tens of thousands of former militants from the ranks of al-Qa'ida's supporter and acted as disincentives for would-be militants. These processes have taken place on a large scale in Egypt and Algeria, and on a smaller scale in Libya, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan, Tajikistan, Malaysia and Indonesia.
This dissertation addresses crucial lacunae in the literature on Islamism, security and counterterrorism studies by asking the question 'why do radical Islamist militants revise their ideologies, strategies and objectives and initiate a de-radicalization process.' The dissertation also aims to answer the question of what are the necessary conditions under which this process can be successful. In the following chapters, I analyze how such factors as state policies, charismatic leadership and social interaction between the layers of an Islamist organization, as well as between the same organization and the "other," can all interact to shape the prospects for renunciation violence, both behaviourally and ideologically, by an Islamist movement. Empirically, I analyze the deradicalization processes of three cases in Egypt (the armed wings of the Muslim Brothers, the Islamic Group and al-Jihad Organization) and one case in Algeria (Islamic Salvation Army and affiliated militias). I also analyze two cases of deradicalization failure in Algeria, as a means to further explicate and examine my variables.
The arguments in the dissertation are based on qualitative comparative research. Archival interviews, supplemented by personal ones, with Islamist leaders, mid-ranking commanders, grassroots organization members, Islamist movements' specialists, former security and intelligence officers and state officials are analyzed to help identify the potential causes of de-radicalization from different perspectives. Content analysis is also used to examine original literature and statements produced by the Islamist groups under study and their leaders to both legitimize and, at a later stage, to de-legitimize violence.
In the conclusion, the dissertation provides a comprehensive theoretical framework that explains the causes of de-radicalization of armed Islamist movements. It also provides direction for future research agendas and addresses policy implications relevant to de-radicalization.
Plusieurs mouvements islamistes armes ont donne les signes d'importants changements sur le plan du comportement et de l'ideologie en faveur de la nonviolence. Les processus de de-radicalisation de ces mouvements ont conduit au retrait de dizaines de milliers d'anciens militants des rangs des supporteurs d' Al Qaida et ont eu un effet dissuasif sur ceux qui songeaient a se joindre a eux. Ces processus ont eu lieu a grande echelle en Egypte et en Algerie et a plus petite echelle en Libye, en Arabie Saoudite, au Yemen, en Jordanie, au Tadjikistan, en Malaisie et en Indonesie.
Cette these porte sur des lacunes importantes dans la litterature sur l'islamisme, les etudes de securite et le contreterrorisme. Elle cherche a savoir pourquoi les militants radicaux islamistes ont revise leurs ideologies, leurs strategies et leur objectifs et initie un processus de de-radicalisation. Cette these vise arepondre a ces questions afin de comprendre les conditions necessaires a la reussite d'un tel processus. Au cours des chapitres suivants, j'analyse comment des facteurs tels que les politiques etatiques, le leadership charismatique, et les interactions sociales entre les couches d'une organisation islamiste ainsi qu'entre la meme organisation et l' « Autre» peuvent tous interagir pour modifier les perspectives d'un mouvement islamiste de fayon aI'amener arenoncer ala violence, tant dans son comportement que dans son ideologie. De fayon empirique, j'analyse les processus de deradicalisation de trois cas en Egypte (l'aile armee des Freres musulmans, le Groupe islamique et l'Organisation du al-Jihad) et d'un cas en Algerie ( l'Armee islamique du salut et les milices affiliees). J'analyse egalement deux cas d'echec de la deradicalisation en Algerie afin d'examiner mes variables.
Les arguments de cette dissertation sont fondes sur une recherche qualitative comparee. Des entrevues archivees et des entrevues que j'ai moi-meme realisees avec des autorites islamistes, des sous-officiers ainsi qu' avec de jeunes sympathisants, des militants de souche, des specialistes des mouvements islamistes, des anciens officiers de la securite et du renseignement et des employes de l' etat sont analysees afin d'aider it identifier sous differents angles les causes potentielles de de-radicalisation. L'analyse de contenu est egalement utilisee pour examiner la litterature de base ainsi que les communiques produits par des groupes islamistes et leurs chefs pour legitimer et plus tard, pour delegitimer, la violence.
En conclusion, la these presente un cadre theorique qui explique les causes de la de-radicalisation des mouvements islamistes armes. Elle propose egalement des avenues de recherche et traite des implications concemant les politiques gouvemementales et autres relatives ala de-radicalisation.

This thesis conceptualises Islamist radicalisation in Europe as a process of occupational choice. It follows the approach to individual radicalisation as incremental development (process) with the consideration of multi-level factors and dynamics. The analysis leading to this multi-phase process is grounded in data, comparative and comprehensive since it adopts a perspective of individual life-stories. It conceptualises radicalisation phases and the whole process not as something specific but as a concrete variation of a more general process. It further accounts for gradual change in time instead of sudden and radical points of change from ‘normality’ to radicalism, at the same time clearly defining the phases of involvement and the main categories and conditions impacting on the Islamist occupational choice. The theoretical framework integrates rational choice and framing theory elements within a general approach to the phenomenon of interest as social process. The methodology used is grounded theory and the data sources are in the majority primary data from fieldwork in Austria, France and Germany, along with secondary data and literature as directed by theoretical sampling. The structure of the thesis develops as follows: a discussion and clarification of the radicalism and ‘radicalisation’ concepts; a review and critique of the main contributions in the literature on Islamist radicalisation in Europe; the outline, rationale and application of the methodology; the emergence and dynamics of the Islamist radical occupational choice process; the analysis of occupational choice categories; and the emergence and impact of interpretative frameworks in shaping occupational choice categories.

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Islam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians.
Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force

The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.

Indonesian Muslim women who choose to wear the strictest type of women's dress, cadar (full face-veil), have become increasingly visible in Indonesia. This practice is often misunderstood in both popular media and scholarly works on Indonesian Islam: cadari (the wearers) are frequently stereotyped as terrorists or militants belonging to violent groups. The trend of face-veiling is viewed by some scholars as an aspect of the Arabisation of Indonesia. It is also frequently assumed that the cadar symbolises the oppression of Muslim women. Throughout Indonesian history it has often been regarded as a symbol of religious fanaticism. This thesis takes an ethnographic approach to investigate two different categories of women who wear the cadar belonging to two contrasting Islamic revivalist movements-Salafi groups on the one hand and Tablighi Jama'at on the other. The first group, who I term 'passionate cadari, makes a strong commitment to changing their lives to embody the norms of their religious groups. The second group I study consists of women attending an Islamic residential school where the cadar has been standardised. The thesis is based on 12 months of fieldwork in three large cities in Indonesia (Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Makassar) from 2007 to 2008, with a return visit for five months in 2009. This study draws on the literature on women's agency in Muslim societies and sociological literature on embodiment and subjectivity to provide an interpretive analysis of women's experiences and understandings of their chosen lifestyle. This is the first study on face-veiled women in Indonesia and also the first thorough study on face-veiled women within two Islamic revivalist movements, Tablighi Jama'at and Salafi factions. Whereas much has been written about head-covering in Indonesia (especially the jilbab), little research has been done on the cadari. Studies on the Tablighi Jama'at and Salafi movements in Indonesia have neglected the face-veiled women, who are the main female constituents of such groups. Focusing on the adoption of cadar and ways of being true Muslim women, this study demonstrates how religion shapes the formation of religious subjects, and how the agency of such women is expressed through discipline and docility. Their life experiences and the process of negotiating and renegotiating the wearing of their attire, the cadar, reveals their long struggle to construct their distinctive religious lifestyle and their capacity for agency. Previous scholarly accounts of women in extreme Islamic milieus obscure their capacity for self-creation, and gloss over the complex dynamics of their Iives-especially their agency in relation to their aspiration to embody the concept of being true Muslimah (Muslim women), and their zeal to be active agents in their communities. These women's efforts to embody their religion need to be understood with reference to the religious ideology that governs their life. Cadari are exercising compliant agency in creating themselves as a particular kind of Islamic subject through the performance of obedience towards authority figures, and embracing the constraints their choice entails.

The focus of this thesis is the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia since the late 1990s. The arguments outlined in the existing works about the recent Islamic fundamentalism can be categorised into four topics: Islamic politics, interpretation of religious teachings, global Islamic radicalism and endogenous militant Muslims in the past. This thesis suggests an alternative approach. Based on theories developed within the studies of social movements, identity politics and consumer culture, it is argued that Indonesian Islamic fundamentalism is a form of resistance to problems of oppression and domination and, essentially, reflects social antagonism. The resistance takes the path of the struggle for identity because oppression and domination work at the level of self and everyday life. This kind of oppression and domination takes away one's critical abilities to take independent action and to produce one's own meanings of life in order to create a sense of certainty. The source of oppression is the rapid flow of images and signs that increasingly colonise the fabric of everyday life in modern society. The flowing images reflect the consumer culture, which constitutes the increasingly dominant social and cultural order. Capitalist development contributes significantly to its emergence. The rise of Islamic fundamentalism can be seen as a negation of consumer culture. The resistance, moreover, is an attempt to reject the occupation of self and everyday life by the saturating images and is a challenge to the consumer culture's dominating power. The way the fundamentalists resist, however, is influenced by their location within the class divisions created by the same capitalist development that produces the consumer culture. Throughout this thesis the intention is not to treat knowledge as a neutral and objective instrument for passively disclosing reality. Instead, knowledge is used not only to describe a given phenomenon, but also, more importantly, to shape and produce it. Specifically, the knowledge produced here attempts to expose contradictions and conflicts within the existing socio-cultural order in which Islamic fundamentalism emerges. My aim is to produce a different reality of the phenomenon in order to promote a more critical understanding of the current structural conditions.

This thesis is a comparative legal examination, of the use of force by non-State actors under both international law and the shari'a. It aims to identify measures for regulating the use of force and thus to promote harm minimisation. The narrower, more specific topic examined here is to determine the legality, or otherwise, of the contemporary use, or threatened use of force, by non-State Islamist groups. Such Islamist groups often work together formally or informally, sometimes to achieve purportedly strategic ends, for reasons variously termed 'fighting for Islam' or being engaged in djihad/jihad or 'holy war' (one of djihad's less accurate contemporary definitions). Consequently, how a legal methodology can be used to regulate this behaviour is examined by a comparative analysis of (a) lawful pre-conditions for the use of force and (b) the legitimate means that may be employed during armed conflict. Under international humanitarian law (IHL), 'the means of inflicting harm upon the enemy are not unlimited and similarly the shari'a prohibits certain means of fighting and targeting. As with IHL these shari'a limits, can form the basis for creating shari'a crimes, and for criminalising such acts when perpetrated during armed conflict. Shari'a legal principles and methodologies applicable to humanitarian and criminal law are identified. There are differences between IHL and shari'a laws of war which are also examined. Islamic law however goes further than harm minimisation during conflict, emphasises that a state of justice is mandated and calls for the elimination of all injustice as a positive obligation, through the use of force if necessary and is achieved through djihad, a strictly defined and circumscribed concept. Herein however, can lie the root of the problem of the gratuitous use of force, particularly when djihad is instrumentally employed absent its regulatory framework. Shari'a views on fighting, justice, life and the reason for human existence, among other issues are also in many ways fundamentally different from the moral yardsticks underlying the current secular international legal regime, signalling potentially significant differences with respect to the regulation of the legitimate use of armed force. However, while the differences between the Western and Islamic legal traditions may at first appear substantial, the laws that result are not significantly different, arguably because what is considered 'criminal' in both legal traditions is deeply rooted in the Mosaic Law. It is shown therefore, that most differences are not irreconcilable. The shari'a is a system of law and should be treated on its merits rather than dismissed out of hand merely because of an emotive link with 'terrorism' or with radical Islam. On the other hand, critique of the shari'a (as with any system of law) is clearly legitimate and necessary, but for a useful outcome, such criticisms should be fair and objective both options examined in some detail in this thesis. This thesis concludes that the most egregious international crimes can be criminalised under the shari'a and examines practical means for doing this.

In regard to the rise of Islamic terrorism and fundamentalism, this paper aims to (1) explore the ways in changing jihadists' mind and behavior; that is, by guiding them away from “war situation” and by persuading them to conduct good deeds and to relate Islam to daily life such as by giving sermons on peace or helping others. To the convicted terrorists, the authors present the project findings showing that developing dialogs about humanity and peace could increase the level of cognitive complexity through which it can lead them to be more positive to others. (2) The authors also discuss religious fundamentalism and how to deal with it. Two studies revealed that although eliminating religious fundamentalism is almost not possible, there are still ways to lead them to have positive perceptions toward other religious groups. One of them is to make the fundamentalists believe that Muslims and Islam perceive non-Muslims in a positive way, instead of in a negative way.

In regard to the rise of Islamic terrorism and fundamentalism, this paper aims to (1) explore the ways in changing jihadists' mind and behavior; that is, by guiding them away from “war situation” and by persuading them to conduct good deeds and to relate Islam to daily life such as by giving sermons on peace or helping others. To the convicted terrorists, the authors present the project findings showing that developing dialogs about humanity and peace could increase the level of cognitive complexity through which it can lead them to be more positive to others. (2) The authors also discuss religious fundamentalism and how to deal with it. Two studies revealed that although eliminating religious fundamentalism is almost not possible, there are still ways to lead them to have positive perceptions toward other religious groups. One of them is to make the fundamentalists believe that Muslims and Islam perceive non-Muslims in a positive way, instead of in a negative way.

This chapter explains how liberal Muslim intellectuals and activists have drawn on religious teachings to popularize and validate political reform and human rights agendas from the late 1980s. This prepared the way for Indonesia's majority Islamic community to embrace democracy as an alternative to authoritarianism. The wealth of progressive Islamic thought and action that marked those decades, has, however, fallen victim to the illiberal aspects of reformasi. One of the paradoxes of democratization is that the progressive Islamic movement quickly became a casualty of the increasing dominance of conservative Islamic forces. The chapter concludes that while liberal Islam flourished in New Order Indonesia because it had the support of the regime, it was unable to leverage that success in the face of broader religiocultural and political changes from the early 2000s, which have been driven by, and favored, conservative Islamist forces.