Journal articles on the topic 'Radical minority'
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Bochsler, Daniel, and Edina Szöcsik. "Building inter-ethnic bridges or promoting ethno-territorial demarcation lines? Hungarian minority parties in competition." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (September 2013): 761–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801411.
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Parties of ethnic minorities are flourishing in a large number of ethnically divided democracies. While academic research has studied their emergence and success, we know little about intra-group party competition. This paper discusses the reasons for intra-group political plurality, with a focus on intra-party conflict and intra-group party competition: it explains the political orientation of ethnic minority parties and their intra-group challengers as a consequence of the inclusion of minority parties into government. The inclusion of minority parties into national governments produces an inherent conflict between pragmatic office-seekers and radical partisans. In minority parties that have governmental responsibilities, the pragmatist view overwhelms, while in those parties in opposition, radical voices dominate. The formation of two intra-Hungarian challenger parties in Romania and in Slovakia in 2007 and 2009 represents two very similar cases, which appear to be in line with our hypotheses.
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JOPPKE, CHRISTIAN. "MULTICULTURAL CITIZENSHIP: A CRITIQUE." European Journal of Sociology 42, no. 2 (November 2001): 431–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975601001047.
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This article discusses the theory and practice of multicultural citizenship in liberal states. Regarding theory, I point to the shortcomings of both ‘radical’ and ‘liberal’ approaches to justify minority rights. Regarding practice, the state-centered notion of multicultural citizenship defects from the decentered accommodation of multicultural minority claims in functionnally differentiated societies. It also runs counter to a trend toward de-ethnicization in liberal states, in which the cultural impositions of the majority on minority groups are growing thin, thus removing the case for minority rights.
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Afonso, Alexandre. "Correlates of aggregate support for the radical right in Portugal." Research & Politics 8, no. 3 (July 2021): 205316802110294. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211029416.
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This article explains variation in local aggregate support for the populist radical right in Portugal, a country long considered immune to the rise of this political force. Using local electoral results of the 2021 presidential election, I find positive statistical associations between the radical right vote share and the share of social assistance benefit recipients, as well as with the size of the local Roma minority. I also show that the effect of the percentage of social assistance recipients is conditioned on a higher size of the local Roma minority. In contrast, factors such as unemployment, average income levels or the share of immigrants and their change over time do not explain variation in radical right vote shares. The research points to the presence of outgroups that can be construed as ‘outsiders’ as a relevant factor explaining aggregate support for the radical right in contexts where the salience of immigration is low.
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Metcalf, Lee Kendall. "Outbidding to Radical Nationalists: Minority Policy in Estonia, 1988-1993." Nations and Nationalism 2, no. 2 (July 1996): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1996.00213.x.
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Soesanto, Abimanyu Iqbal. "Radical Reform: Studi Analitis Konsep Ijtihad Tariq Ramadan." AL-MANHAJ: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial Islam 4, no. 1 (June 22, 2022): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37680/almanhaj.v4i1.1545.
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This article wants to discuss the concept of Ijtihad in the perspective of Tariq Ramadan. Thus, at the same time, this article pays attention to the concept of Radical Reform which is an effort to achieve Tariq Ramadan, as an Islamic activist who is involved in the dynamics of Muslim life in Europe. This article is a qualitative article using a library research methodology. The primary data from this article is Tariq Ramadan's book, Radical Reform: Islamic Ethic and Liberation, while the secondary data from this research are books, journals and articles. supporting articles. This article finds that the ideas brought by Tariq Ramadan are relevant to be applied by minority Muslims in the west, because in this idea Ramadan does not only adapt or rely on contextualization, but emphasizes that the situation or context is an independent aspect. This article argues that the offer of Ijtihad in Ramadan's Radical Reform concept is the most suitable to be applied in the social reality where de facto a large number of Muslims live as a minority community, especially in the western world which has a population with various theological beliefs.
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Peters, Susan, and Robert Chimedza. "Conscientization and the Cultural Politics of Education: A Radical Minority Perspective." Comparative Education Review 44, no. 3 (August 2000): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/447614.
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Brătilă, P., and E. Brătilă. "Out of Borders for Radical Gynecologic Surgery." Romanian Journal of Orthopaedic Surgery and Traumatology 1, Supplement (June 1, 2018): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rojost-2018-0014.
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Abstract Advances in several medical disciplines have resulted in greatly improved outcome and reduced morbidity and mortality in the management of complex gynecologic tumors. Early reports of central pelvic exenteration were discouraging and associated with high mortality (28%) and major complications (100%). Preoperative medical assessment, expert anesthesia, and postoperative intensive care have reduced perioperative mortality to less than 5%. For patients with recurrent cervical and endometrial cancer, who already had surgery, and for a minority of primary or recurrent sarcomas without distance metastases, the contemporaneous surgery offers a chance by bone extended resections.
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Zeidan, David. "Jerusalem in Jewish fundamentalism." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (April 21, 2006): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803006.
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Orthodox Jews are a small minority of the minority of religious Jews in Israel. Some are anti-Zionist even to the extent of not recognising the State of Israel. Other Orthodox Jews are messianic fundamentalists and Zionists. These ideas are found especially in Gush Enumim, ‘The Bloc of the Faithful’, which teaches that the Jewish people should occupy the whole land of Israel and rebuild the Temple. Some more radical groups are prepared to use any means to hasten this.
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ZAHRA, TARA. "The ‘Minority Problem’ and National Classification in the French and Czechoslovak Borderlands." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004359.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the First World War, a so-called ‘minority problem’ loomed large in European politics. This problem was understood, moreover, to be peculiar to central and eastern Europe. In fact, however, linguistic diversity was not a unique feature of the east, but also an ongoing challenge in states that had long claimed to have a unified national culture. This article compares policies of national classification and minority rights in France and Czechoslovakia after the First World War. It suggests that even as east/west binaries structured the unequal application of new international minority rights protections, France, rather than Czechoslovakia, implemented a more radical and racist policy of forcible national classification.
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Smoliński, Sebastian. "Minority Views: “Liberator”, American Cinema, and the 1960s African American Film Criticism." Kwartalnik Filmowy, no. 120 (December 31, 2022): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/kf.1382.
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The article reconstructs the discourse of film criticism in Liberator – a radical African American magazine published between 1961 and 1971. Employing Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of the cultural field, the author situates Liberator within the context of the 1960s, civil rights movement, and Black Arts movement, and analyses the magazine’s role in film culture of the era, as well as the links between the magazine and important black filmmakers and film writers. Four aspects of Liberator’s film criticism are explored: cultural memory of past representations, criticism of genre filmmaking, the need for cinematic realism, and the possibility of creating a distinct black cinema. The case study of the critic Clayton Riley’s career presents an author who wanted to continue his radical criticism in the mainstream press (The New York Times). Liberator’s legacy is framed as essential in understanding the tradition of African American film criticism.
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Nijstad, Bernard A., Floor Berger-Selman, and Carsten K. W. De Dreu. "Innovation in top management teams: Minority dissent, transformational leadership, and radical innovations." European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology 23, no. 2 (October 16, 2012): 310–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1359432x.2012.734038.
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Terzyan, Aram. "Minority Rights in Ukraine After the Maidan Revolution: Change or Continuity?" Open Political Science 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2022-0001.
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Abstract This paper explores the state of minority rights in Ukraine following the 2014 Maidan revolution. The Maidan revolution has been largely regarded as the most radical attempt at de-institutionalizing post-Soviet politics and order since 1991 and forging a new Ukrainian nation. Such an endeavor leads us to address a critical question of what the core implications are on minority rights in Ukraine, which encompass religious, ethnic, and sexual minority rights. This analysis places special emphasis on minority religious rights in post-Maidan Ukraine. Findings suggest that the Maidan revolution has not led to substantial policy reform as it pertains to minorities, thus leaving many of their problems unaddressed. While the Maidan aided Ukraine in becoming more “Ukrainian” and reinforced the national identification of the Ukrainian population, it marked a considerable shift in nationalism by ensuing adverse effects on the Russian-speaking population in Eastern Ukraine, as well as on other ethnic and religious minority groups. Moreover, the Ukrainian authorities’ efforts at gaining “spiritual independence” from the Russian Orthodox Church have been met with challenges for religious minority groups. Despite the legislative measures aimed at protecting the rights of LGBTI community, their effective implementation remains a significant and unresolved problem.
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Bustikova, Lenka, and Herbert Kitschelt. "The radical right in post-communist Europe. Comparative perspectives on legacies and party competition." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 4 (November 8, 2009): 459–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.007.
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What role do legacies of past mobilization under late communist rule play in the success of the radical right parties in Eastern Europe? This article considers two major legacies: the legacy of national-accommodative communism and the legacy of patrimonial communism. We investigate the effect of welfare retrenchment on vote support for radical right in 2000s. Social policy reform retrenchment in universalistic welfare systems has a highly incendiary potential for political conflict and radical parties. In countries with a legacy of national accommodative communism, early differentiation of major parties on socio-cultural issues and strategies of social policy compensation kept reform losers at bay, which limited voter success of radical parties. Highly polarized patrimonial regimes, on the contrary, are the most fertile breeding ground for the radical right due to the high levels of inequality and dissatisfaction resulting from a rapid dismantling of the welfare state. The ethnic composition of countries plays an important role in the radical right mobilization as well. Radical right parties benefit from a situation in which the titular majority faces a small ethno-cultural minority.
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Davies, Douglas. "Beth Singler and Eileen Barker (eds), Radical Transformations in Minority Religions." Theology 125, no. 5 (September 2022): 386–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x221121019m.
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Edge, Ruth, and T. George Truscott. "COVID-19 and the ethnicity link – is there a photochemical link?" Photochemical & Photobiological Sciences 20, no. 1 (January 2021): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s43630-020-00004-8.
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AbstractA hypothesis is proposed to explain the increased detrimental effect of COVID-19 for Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) men and women compared to Caucasian individuals. This is based on the differing photochemistry of phaeomelanin in fair skin and eumelanin in dark/black skin. It is suggested that a range of reactive oxygen species, including, singlet oxygen and the superoxide radical anion, derived via direct photolysis of phaeomelanin, may escape the melanocyte and cause subsequent damage to the SARS-CoV-2 virus. It is further suggested that (large) carbon and sulphur peroxy radicals, from oxygen addition to radicals formed by carbon–sulphur bond cleavage, may assist via damage to the cell membranes. It is also speculated that light absorption by phaeomelanin and the subsequent C-S bond cleavage, leads to release of pre-absorbed reactive oxygen species, such as singlet oxygen and free radicals, which may also contribute to an enhanced protective effect for fair-skinned people.
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Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika. "Sytuacja mniejszości boszniackiej w Sandżaku – wyzwania i problemy." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 42 (June 16, 2015): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2013.009.
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The situation of the Bosniak minority in Sandzak – challenges and problemsAccording to the Population Census 2002, Bosniaks (as Bosnian Muslims have usually been called since 1993), constitute the second largest ethnic minority group in Serbia (136,000 people). They mostly inhabit the south-western end of the country, unofficially named Sandzak. The article focuses on the basic problems relating to how the Bosniak minority is functioning in this area. First of all, these issues include strong political and religious divisions (often sustained, and even inspired, by the central authorities), as well as, the dangers, as yet infrequent, resulting from the activity of organizations representing radical Islamic sects (the so-called Wahabis). An important part of the article is devoted to the issue of the lack of respect for the legally guaranteed cultural rights of the Bosniaks and the politicizing of problems under consideration, both by local elites, and by the central authorities. The author also briefly discusses the origin of the ethnonym Bosniak and the arguments concerning the name of the region inhabited by this minority.
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Joe, Tom. "Economic Inequality: The Picture in Black and White." Crime & Delinquency 33, no. 2 (April 1987): 287–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001112878703300205.
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This article hypothesizes that at least part of the reason minority youth are overrepresented in the criminal justice system is that they see few prospects for future economic success in comparison to Whites. Blacks are over three times as likely to be poor as Whites; their median income is only half that of Whites; their net worth (defined as total assets owned minus any liabilities) is only one-twelfth that of Whites; and Black men are twice as likely to be jobless as White men. Without radical changes in the use-service system, we should not be surprised if minority youths continue to remain outside the mainstream economy.
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Romadlan, Said. "DISKURSUS MAKNA TOLERANSI TERHADAP NON-MUSLIM DALAM MUHAMMADIYAH SEBAGAI GERAKAN ISLAM BERKEMAJUAN (ANALISIS HERMENEUTIKA PAUL RICOEUR)." Komuniti : Jurnal Komunikasi dan Teknologi Informasi 12, no. 2 (May 8, 2020): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23917/komuniti.v12i2.9633.
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This study focus on the process of understanding how Muhammadiyah is interpreted as Islamic organisation abaout tolerance toward non-muslim. The understanding about tolerance toward non-muslim is important because, there are discrimination, intimidation, and attack toward minority groups. Furthermore, this tolerance problems can caused or as trigger to radical actions, especially if it related to political leadership issue. This study aims to understand how the process of understanding of Muhammadiyah as Islamic movement organization about tolerance toward non-muslim. This study used hermeneutika Paul Ricoeur methodology which emphasis on the interpretation on distantiation between text and reader. The findings mentioned that the understanding about tolerance toward non-muslim is rely in al-Qur'an's al-Hujurat verse 15 "lita’arafu", (know each other). In process of distantiation, those verse understood by Muhammadiyah as ukhuwah insaniyah (brotherhood as human being). Discourse practice show that Muhammadiyah’s interpretation influenced by reality that religion plurality is a sunnatullah, and in the context of muamalah. Contextually, this interpretation based on reality that discrimination toward minority group was happen. Finally, this understanding by Muhammadiyah about tolerance toward non-muslim as ukhuwah insaniyah can be used as contra-discourse toward Islamic radical groups, that they assume non-muslim is their enemy.Key Words: Tolerance, Muhammadiyah, Hermeneutics, Interpretation, Ricoeur. ABSTRAKArtikel ini memfokuskan pada proses pemahaman atau penafsiran Muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan Islam berkemajuan mengenai toleransi terhadap non-muslim. Pemahaman atas toleransi terhadap non-muslim saat ini sangat penting di tengah menguatkan tindakan intoleran dan diskriminasi dalam bentuk intimidasi dan penyerangan terhadap kelompok-kelompok minoritas. Masalah toleransi ini dapat dianggap menjadi salah satu pemicu tindakan radikal, terutama bila dikaitkan dengan isu-isu kepemimpinan politik, pendirian tempat ibadah, dan sejenisnya. Maka dari itu, tujuan artikel ini adalah hendak memahami bagaimana proses pemahaman yang dilakukan oleh Muhammadiyah sebagai Gerakan Islam berkemajuan mengenai toleransi terhadap non-muslim. Metode yang digunakan dalam studi ini adalah metode hermeneutika Paul Ricoeur yang menekankan penafsiran atas teks dengan proses penjarakan (distansiasi) antara teks dan pembaca. Hasil studi menunjukkan bahwa proses pemahaman tentang toleransi terhadap non-muslim didasarkan pada bahasa (ayat) al-Qur’an surat al-Hujurat ayat 13 “lita’arafu”, yang berarti supaya saling mengenal. Dalam proses distansiasi bahasa menjadi diskursus, ayat tersebut dipahami oleh Muhammadiyah sebagai ukhuwah insaniyah, yaitu persaudaraan antar-sesama manusia. Praktik diskursus menunjukkan bahwa pemahaman tersebut dilatarbelakangi realitas bahwa pluralitas agama sebagai sunnatullah, dan praktiknya dalam konteks muamalah. Secara kontekstual pemahaman Muhammadiyah tersebut didasarkan pada adanya berbagai bentuk diskriminasi terhadap kelompok minoritas. Pemahaman Muhammadiyah atas toleransi terhadap non-muslim ini dapat dijadikan sebagai kontra-diskursus atas pemahaman kelompok-kelompok Islam radikal yang menganggap non-muslim sebagai musuh sehingga harus diperangi. Kata Kunci: Toleransi, Muhammadiyah, Hermeneutika, Interpretasi, Ricoeur.
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Kawalerowicz, Juta, and Anders Hjorth-Trolle. "Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation." Acta Sociologica 65, no. 2 (November 13, 2021): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00016993211055677.
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In many European countries, a growing share of population with immigrant background coincides with the surge in support for radical right parties. In this paper we show how such increases affect radical right candidacy. We use Swedish register data which identifies political candidates. With geocoded data, we match individuals running for the Sweden Democrats to their local neighbourhood contexts, and measure changes in the share of visible minority residents at scales ranging from 100 meters to 2 kilometres. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood between 2006 and 2010, the change in the share of visible minorities generally does not affect the decision to join the pool of party candidates. This result is robust when we introduce additional tests and select on the scale of the neighbourhood, unemployment terciles, change in share of visible minority groups terciles, and entry threshold into the pool of candidates. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood, the only significant finding is a small mobilisation effect for a subsample of individuals who live in densely populated metropolitan neighbourhoods – here we also observe a halo effect, with negative association for small-scale changes and positive association for changes in the larger halo zone.
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Matthiesen, Toby. "Migration, Minorities, and Radical Networks: Labour Movements and Opposition Groups in Saudi Arabia, 1950–1975." International Review of Social History 59, no. 3 (December 2014): 473–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859014000455.
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AbstractThis article shows how ideas of Arab nationalism, socialism, and communism spread to the Arab Gulf states. It outlines how migrant workers, teachers, students returning from abroad, and the emergence of a print culture filled with Arab nationalist and leftist ideas in the 1940s created the basis for widespread political mobilization in the oil-rich Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. After major strikes in 1953 and 1956 and a harsh crackdown, leftist activists moved underground and into exile. They continued to be active clandestinely and gathered in various capitals in the region. Members of the Shia Muslim minority in the Eastern Province played a special role in the labour movement and secular opposition groups. The latter promised the Shia inclusion in a larger political project and thus they were seen as an antidote to sectarian discrimination against this minority. The article emphasizes the importance of transnational networks, organizational resources such as libraries and social clubs, and a radicalized public sphere for political mobilization.
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Barata, Data Dea. "Minority Rights, Culture, and Ethiopia's “Third Way” to Governance." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (December 2012): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007204.
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Abstract:Following a successful armed resistance against a dictatorial state regime, a new government of former rebels took control of the national state in Ethiopia in 1991. Prompted partly by unfolding sea changes in global politics in the early 1990s, the new Ethiopian government pledged to undertake radical governance reform. More than twenty years after the new government took office, contested assessments of its record vis-à-vis its human and minority rights pledge, among other issues, have generated waves of debate, criticism, controversy, and global protests. Based on observations from southern Ethiopia, this article takes an ethnographic look at both the process and the outcome of Ethiopia's experiment with ethnic self-government, with a special focus on understanding the value of minority rights as an ideological construct. Conceptually, the paper attempts to explain a disjuncture between the globally prescribed ideal of human/minority group rights and the realities of governance on the ground.
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Palmer du Preez, Katie, Deborah Payne, and Lynne Giddings. "A genealogy of lesbian feminisms in New Zealand: Some implications for young lesbian health and wellbeing." Aporia 11, no. 2 (January 30, 2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/aporia.v11i2.4595.
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In the 1970s, radical lesbian feminists identifi ed heterosexuality as a socially glorifi ed state of being, and organised to resist social pressure to conform to heteronorms. Decentring of radical feminist discourse has been linked to a ‘shrinking lesbian world’, with implications for the health and wellbeing of young women who identify as lesbian. This article employs a poststructural feminist perspective, and Foucault’s notions of discourse and genealogy. Two sets of data were analysed: issues of Aotearoa New Zealand feminist periodical Broadsheet published 1972-1976, and interviews with 15 young lesbian women conducted in 2012. Findings explore how radical lesbian discourse was marginalised, and some of the implications for the health and wellbeing of young lesbian identifi ed women. Compulsory heterosexuality persists as a health and wellbeing issue which produces ‘sexual minority stress’ and legitimises discrimination, violence and harassment. Marginalisation of radical lesbian discourse via compulsory family status operates to limit opportunities for collective and public lesbian resistance.
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Jennissen, Therese, and Colleen Lundy. "Radical women in social work: A historical prespective from North America." Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work 30, no. 3 (December 8, 2018): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/anzswj-vol30iss3id478.
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INTRODUCTION: Many challenges that confront social workers today are similar to problems they have faced over the past century – inequality, poverty, unemployment, militarisation and armed conflict, and the challenges of refugee resettlement, to name a few. It is instructive for contemporary social workers to revisit this history and to determine if there are lessons to inform our current struggles.METHOD: This paper explores the issues faced and strategies employed by radical, politically active social workers, most of them women. These social workers had visions of social justice and were not afraid to challenge the status quo, often at very high personal costs. The radical social workers were expressly interested in social change that centred on social justice, women’s rights, anti-racism, international peace, and they worked in close alliance and solidarity with other progressive groups.CONCLUSIONS: This article highlights the work of five radical female social workers. Radical social workers were in the minority but they were extraordinarily active and made important contributions in the face of formidable challenges.
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Herrmann, Thorsten, Daniel Roth, and Hansgeorg Binz. "Investigation of the Perception of a Radical Degree of Novelty from the Perspective of Product Users." Proceedings of the Design Society: International Conference on Engineering Design 1, no. 1 (July 2019): 2297–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/dsi.2019.236.
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AbstractThe dichotomy of radical and incremental innovation has been discussed in numerous literature sources and a great amount of advices on how to handle them in design processes has been provided. Nevertheless, only a minority of literature sources addresses the perception of radicalism from a user's perspective, meaning that there is less research on how users or, in other words, consumers perceive a radical degree of novelty of products. Furthermore, there is little research on how this perception can be measured.This paper discusses the aforementioned user's perception and proposes a way to derive criteria which users take into account when they decide whether an idea or an innovation is radical or incremental. A concept for an investigative model was developed and applied by using it in the field with 49 test subjects. Consequently, a set of criteria was derived which concretises the decision whether a product was radical or not. The criteria were analyzed statistically and can be used by designers planning to develop a radical innovation in order to check whether the criteria people use to differentiate between radical and incremental products are fulfilled.
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Fletcher, Sean A., Philipp Gild, Alexander P. Cole, Malte Vetterlein, Adam S. Kibel, Toni K. Choueiri, Guru Sonpavde, et al. "The impact of treatment at minority-serving hospitals on outcomes for bladder cancer." Journal of Clinical Oncology 36, no. 6_suppl (February 20, 2018): 492. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2018.36.6_suppl.492.
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492 Background: Healthcare for racial minorities is densely concentrated at a small subset of hospitals in the United States. Understanding long-term outcomes at these minority-serving hospitals is highly relevant to elucidating the sources of racial disparities in cancer care. We investigated the impact of treatment at a minority-serving hospital on overall survival and receipt of definitive treatment for bladder cancer. Methods: Using the National Cancer Database, we identified all patients diagnosed with clinically localized, muscle-invasive bladder cancer between 2004 and 2012. Univariate and multivariable analyses were performed to assess the sociodemographic, clinical, and hospital-level factors influencing overall survival and receipt of definitive treatment (radical cystectomy with or without chemotherapy; trimodal therapy) for bladder cancer. Results: In adjusted analyses, there was no significant difference in overall survival between patients treated at minority-serving hospitals versus those treated at non-minority-serving hospitals (HR: 0.95; 95% CI: 0.90-1.01). There was also no significance in receipt of definitive treatment between the two hospital types (OR: 0.85; 95% CI: 0.68-1.06). Black race was independently associated with increased likelihood of mortality (HR: 1.08; 95% CI: 1.03-1.14) and decreased odds of receiving appropriate definitive treatment (OR: 0.73; 95% CI: 0.66-0.82). Conclusions: There was no difference between minority-serving and non-minority-serving hospitals in overall survival or receipt of definitive treatment. Black patients suffered worse survival and were less likely to receive definitive treatment for bladder cancer regardless of the type of hospital in which they were treated.
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Badar, Mohamed, Masaki Nagata, and Tiphanie Tueni. "The Radical Application of the Islamist Concept of Takfir." Arab Law Quarterly 31, no. 2 (June 14, 2017): 134–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730255-31020044.
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The ideology and actions of certain militant groups in the Middle East are often condemned as a perversion of Islamic precepts. In order to achieve a theologically ideal society, these groups espouse takfirism, a minority ideology that endorses violence, and in particular advocates the killing of other Muslims who are declared to be unbelievers. These groups justify their words and deeds with direct quotations from the Qur’an and the Sunna, which are the sources of Islamic law (Shari‘a), as well as by citing historical precedents such as the Khawarij movement and Ibn Taymiyya’s fatawa. This article aims to analyse how these groups (and in some cases state actors) defend their actions in legal terms and how mainstream Islamic scholars respond to what they consider to be doctrinal deviations.
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Tolvaišis, Leonas. "Hungarian cultural autonomy in Vojvodina from the 1974 Socialist Constitution to the 2009 Statute of Autonomy: path dependence dynamics against the reversal of minority policies." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.633074.
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Applying a historical institutionalist theoretical perspective to the ethnic minority policy domain, the article attempts to explain why state policies toward minorities may be difficult to reverse once introduced. Focusing on a case study of the cultural status of the Vojvodina Hungarian minority in Serbia, the article attempts to find out the forms taken by self-reinforcing dynamics associated with minority-related policies, once they are de-institutionalized. The paper deals with the evolution of the concept of Hungarian cultural autonomy in Vojvodina in the context of the transition from the socialist framework of minority rights protection, applied in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina under the 1974 Constitution, to the system established by the Law on National Councils of National Minorities and the Statute of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina adopted in 2009, after the interim period of state centralization in the 1990s. The Vojvodina case study exemplifies the costs faced by governments aspiring to reverse these policies and allows the identification of path-dependent factors behind the collective action processes related to the main principles of these policies, and conditions that allow these principles to outlive the abolishment of respective institutional arrangements, persist across radical political and social changes over time, and re-emerge at later historical stages, in new institutional settings.
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Cruz, Alejandro, Faith Dickerson, Kathryn R. Pulling, Kyle Garcia, Francine C. Gachupin, Chiu-Hsieh Hsu, Juan Chipollini, Benjamin R. Lee, and Ken Batai. "Impacts of Neighborhood Characteristics and Surgical Treatment Disparities on Overall Mortality in Stage I Renal Cell Carcinoma Patients." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 4 (February 12, 2022): 2050. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19042050.
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Racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States have high renal cell carcinoma (RCC) mortality rates. This study assessed surgical treatment disparities across racial/ethnic groups and impacts of neighborhood socioeconomic characteristics on surgical treatments and overall mortality. Stage I RCC patients diagnosed between 2004 and 2016 from National Cancer Database were included (n = 238,141). We assessed differences in associations between race/ethnicity and treatment patterns using logistic regression and between race/ethnicity and overall mortality using Cox regression with and without neighborhood characteristics in the regression models. When compared to non-Hispanic Whites (NHWs), American Indians/Alaska Natives and non-Hispanic Blacks (NHBs) were more likely not to receive surgical care and all racial/ethnic minority groups had significantly increased odds of undergoing radical rather than partial nephrectomy, even after adjusting for neighborhood characteristics. Including surgical treatment and neighborhood factors in the models slightly attenuated the association, but NHBs had a significantly increased risk of overall mortality. NHBs who underwent radical nephrectomy had an increased risk of mortality (HR 1.15, 95% CI: 1.08–1.23), but not for NHBs who underwent partial nephrectomy (HR 0.92, 95% CI: 0.84–1.02). Neighborhood factors were associated with surgical treatment patterns and overall mortality in both NHBs and NHWs. Neighborhood socioeconomic factors may only partly explain RCC disparities.
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Knight, Alan. "Ratbags, revolutionaries and free speech: The Queensland radical press in 1968." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v10i1.785.
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Australian governments have made continuing attempts to restrict the public’s right to know. This article looks back to 1968 when radical Queensland university students challenged state government restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly and information. They did so by using then new offset press technology to create alternatives to a mainstream press monopoly. In a world without internet, community radio and television, or even mobile phones, leaflets and small newspapers were the primary media for such minority groups wishing to spread their critiques to the wider community. The article examines the radical newsletter’s themes including freedom of speech, civil liberties, Australian racism, press ownership and the anti-war movement. It includes references to Queensland produced cartoons and posters. It was produced with material from the Fryer Library at the University of Queensland.
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Liebenberg, Ian, and Petrus de Kock. "Transforming the state away from the State? Radical social action and ‘minority attractions’ under scrutiny." South African Journal of Philosophy 29, no. 2 (January 2010): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/sajpem.v29i2.57063.
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Bustikova, Lenka. "Voting, identity and security threats in Ukraine: who supports the Radical “Freedom” Party?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 2-3 (June 2015): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.06.011.
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This article investigates voters and sympathizers of Ukraine’s radical right party, Svoboda. Using an original survey conducted in 2010, it shows that support for Svoboda was rooted less in extreme levels of xenophobia vis-à-vis Russians, and more in concerns about the support that the Russian minority receives from the state, fear of losing Ukrainian sovereignty, and economic anxiety. In contrast to the conventional view, the analysis suggests that support for Svoboda was not a function of inter-group ethnic hostilities; instead, it originated in perceived threats and anxieties about the character of the Ukrainian state.
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Matin, Mohammad Abdul, Nandini D. P. Sarkar, Ching Swe Phru, Benedikt Ley, Kamala Thriemer, Ric N. Price, Koen Peeters Grietens, Wasif Ali Khan, Mohammad Shafiul Alam, and Charlotte Gryseels. "Precarity at the Margins of Malaria Control in the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh: A Mixed-Methods Study." Pathogens 9, no. 10 (October 14, 2020): 840. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/pathogens9100840.
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Bangladesh has achieved significant progress towards malaria elimination, although health service delivery for malaria remains challenging in remote forested areas such as the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The aim of this study was to investigate perceptions of malaria and its treatment among the local population to inform contextualized strategies for rolling out radical cure for P. vivax in Bangladesh. The study comprised two sequential strands whereby the preliminary results of a qualitative strand informed the development of a structured survey questionnaire used in the quantitative strand. Results show that ethnic minority populations in the CHT live in precarious socio-economic conditions which increase their exposure to infectious diseases, and that febrile patients often self-treat, including home remedies and pharmaceuticals, before attending a healthcare facility. Perceived low quality of care and lack of communication between Bengali health providers and ethnic minority patients also affects access to public healthcare. Malaria is viewed as a condition that affects vulnerable people weakened by agricultural work and taking away blood is perceived to increase such vulnerability. Healthcare providers that initiate and sustain a dialogue about these issues with ethnic minority patients may foster the trust that is needed for local malaria elimination efforts.
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Kallis, Aristotle. "When Fascism Became Mainstream: The Challenge of Extremism in Times of Crisis." Fascism 4, no. 1 (April 4, 2015): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00401001.
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In the years between the two world wars a fledgling radical force that we today call ‘fascism’ was transformed from a tiny fringe movement into a dominant international political paradigm that challenged liberal ‘mainstream’ values and violently reversed decades of progressive change. Fascism’s spectacular and devastating success underlined how limited, resented, and reversible the alleged liberal consensus was in large parts of Europe during the interwar years; and how much demand for radical ultranationalist and authoritarian alternatives lay just below the fragile veneer of the liberal-democratic mainstream. The worldwide economic crisis was a catalyst for, rather than the primary cause of, this transformation, revealing and legitimising strong pre-existing concerns and resentments, both among the elites and public opinion. What is the relevance of this sombre historical precedent for contemporary Europe, haunted by perceptions of unprecedented existential, economic, and identity crises? How robust is the current mainstream consensus around liberal values and what kind of challenge does the continuing popularity of the radical populist right pose for ‘mainstream’ politics and society? More importantly, even if the new radical right still commands minority – though growing – support, are some of its extreme discourses becoming normalised and embedded into the mainstream?
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Asghar, Jamil, and Khurram Shehzad. "Globalization and the Sociolinguistic Challenge of the 21st Century Critical Pedagogy: A Case for Language/Culture Minority Students." NUST Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 4, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51732/njssh.v4i2.33.
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In spite of the fact that ours is a world of immigration, deepening ethnic textures, globalization, transnational histories, ethnolinguistic diversity, socioecono-mic rivalries, and intercultural complexities, the role and significance of bilingual and multicultural education are far from being adequately realized. These demographic imperatives and a host of other cross-cultural and transnational praxis are bringing about a growing percentage of students who speak a first language other than English. All over the world, classrooms are experiencing a radical transformation due to an unparalleled intercultural diversity which is spreading its tentacles all across the globe including Pakistan which, of late hit by the CPEC spectacle, is likely to experience an unprecedented influx of foreign students. These are paradigm shifting questions and call for a radical re-conceptualization not just of classrooms but also of the entire pedagogic space and curricular habitus. The paper makes a coherent appraisal of these questions and advances a plea for the greater inclusion of a broad-based, bilingual, and multicultural education by laying down key guidelines for teachers, administrators, policy-makers, educators, and parents at large.
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Hilpold, Peter. "The League of Nations and the Protection of Minorities – Rediscovering a Great Experiment." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 17, no. 1 (2013): 87–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-90000081.
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After World War I the far-reaching border changes in Europe created a large number of new minorities. As a consequence, special protection measures had to be introduced. With the League of Nations’ minority protection system an extraordinary experiment was started. After World War II this system was largely ignored and fell into oblivion. In the past all too easily the minorities themselves were held responsible for the failure of this system. In this context it is often said that minorities behaved in a disloyal manner and therefore it was at least understandable that minority states over the years treated their minorities badly and finally denounced their obligations. In reality, however, such an attitude rests on a radical misinterpretation of the loyalty principle and on a denial of historic facts. All in all, the ideas and concepts of these times live on and are shaping modern human rights thinking.
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Saguy, Tamar, Danit Sobol-Sarag, Samer Halabi, Katherine Stroebe, Emile Bruneau, and Siwar Hasan-Aslih. "When a Sense of “We” Is Lost: Investigating the Consequences of a Lost Common Identity Among Druze in Israel." Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 5 (November 19, 2019): 667–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619884562.
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Research shows that inclusive identities are effective for improving intergroup relations. Little work, however, asked what happens once a sense of common identity is formed, but then lost. Given increasing diversity and integration attempts that might fail, this question is realistic and timely. We studied a religious minority in Israel, Arab-Druze ( N = 178), constituting 1.6% of the population. Druze have always had strong common ties with the Jewish majority, particularly younger Druze who serve in the Israeli army. We surveyed Druze in the aftermath of the nationality bill, which was considered by many to be highly exclusionary toward non-Jews. Drawing on research on minority exclusion, we expected that for younger Druze, a sense of common identity loss will predict radical forms of action. This was supported by our cross-sectional data and remained stable after controlling for more classic predictors of violent and nonviolent action.
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Моисеева, O. Moiseeva, Чернавский, M. Chernavskiy, Яковлева, and L. Yakovleva. "PR-Initiatives on the Internet As a Tool for Civil Society." Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 6, no. 2 (July 18, 2017): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_595ceac5c8b734.16993122.
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The Internet is becoming a political tool in the fight of civically active part of society. Slacktivism leads to polarization and deepening the contradictions between aging passively loyal majority and the young radical minority that is more active on the Internet, thereby creating the appearance of the majority. All this makes the real, offline majority "wake up" and show their loyalty. The subject of analysis is the study of articles on the Internet on PR-operation initiatives by the example of "global platform".
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苏, 建萍. "MDT Fine Care to Ethnic Minority Psychological Status of Patients with Esophageal Cancer Radical Impact Study." Nursing Science 06, no. 02 (2017): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12677/ns.2017.62011.
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Khvastunova, Julia V. "“THE DEMOCRATIC CYBORG PROJECT” OF JAMES HUGHES." Russian Studies in Culture and Society 6, no. 4 (December 29, 2022): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2576-9782-2022-4-126-143.
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James Hughes, American sociologist and bioethicist, a founder of the movement of democratic transhumanism and Director of the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies (IEET), is also a developer of a special original project which presupposes techno-optimism as its methodological foundation, more critical and pro-state approach to radical technologies (in contrast to the libertarian transhumanism previously promoted in the Extropian movement) and a strong bias towards attracting religious ideas and methods, especially the pro-Buddhist ones. This explains the interest of the scientist in religious practices and work on the “Cyborg Buddha” project. J. Hughes in his research analyzes American society along ideological axes and tries to combine them within the framework of democratic transhumanism (cyborg democracy). The latter must be approved at the state level and implemented through a special program. However, most of all, in promoting transhumanist ideas and creating a common cultural background, he relies on minority groups: from radical feminism (cyberfeminism), biopunk, supporters of LGBT movements, and to people with disabilities who will “benefit” from the experimental methods and radical transformations. In general, Hughes’ ideas remain quite radical, focus on the creation of a transhuman and a posthuman, and discard the existence of modern type people and their “outdated and too-human” culture in the future.
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Palmer, Susan. "Renegade Researchers, Radical Religions, Recalcitrant Ethics Boards." Fieldwork in Religion 12, no. 2 (March 13, 2018): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.35670.
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Since the rise of the new “ethics culture” in the USA and Canada, there has been a noticeable decline in field research on new, controversial religions and social movements. This study examines some of the new administrative obstacles to research, as experienced by twelve researchers in the course of negotiations with their ethics boards (“REBs” in Canada, “IRBs” in the U.S.) for ethics approval regarding projects involving “human subjects”. The twelve informants’ critiques of their ethics committees, conveyed in interviews, fall into eight categories: (1) unnecessary delays; (2) poor communication skills; (3) excessive concern for potential risk; (4) impeding spontaneity and flexibility in field research; (5) secrecy, immunity and lack of accountability; (6) the hierarchical relationship; (7) REBs exceeding their mandate; (8) disregard for the well-being of human subjects. On the basis of these interviews (and previous studies), the strategic responses of North American researchers to obstacles posed by ethics committees might be analyzed as corresponding to four types: capitulation, adjustment, resistance and reform. While capitulation appears to be a common response among graduate students, resistance appears to be widely practised among experienced researchers, who cooperate deceptively through “benign fabrication” or “gamesmanship”. This study explores the implications of the rise of this rapidly evolving “moral bureaucracy”, criticized by scholars for inhibiting field research through the delaying or halting of research projects, distorting methodologies, and discouraging initiative and originality. Finally, it is argued that the ethical concern for potential harm to human subjects must be balanced with the right of minority groups to be heard; to tell “their side of the story”.
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Burmistrova, Ekaterina S. "Traditional Values in the Discourse of the French Populist Radical Right: The Case of the National Rally." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 221–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-221-233.
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The migration crisis has become a trigger activating radical right-wing forces and movements. Contemporary right-wing forces, seeking to distinguish themselves from extremist right-wing movements, are resorting to populism, updating their political agenda: they use traditional conservative values in their rhetoric, but give them a new interpretation. In particular, the traditional values are complemented by gender equality and minority rights. The article analyses the transformation of the right-wing family agenda in the new social and political context, based on the conceptualisation of radical right-wing populism by H.-G. Betz and C. Mudde. The author considers the case of the French National Rally, examining the speeches of party leaders, party programmes and media materials through discourse analysis. The author identifies two trends: (1) since the 1980s, the traditional anti-migrant rhetoric of the right has been extended to include the family agenda, and the category of family as the core of the nation was gradually transformed into a tool to protect the nation from external influence; (2) party renewal under the leadership of Marine Le Pen entailed the updating of the family agenda to include protection of women’s rights, the modern interpretation of family, actualization of issues of European and national identity, including the interpretation of the women’s role as active protectors of national identity. In the author’s view, this process fits into the overall efforts of right-wing radicals to move into the political mainstream and the emergence of right-wing populism.
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Burnhope, Tara, Mark Kitchen, Aniruddha Chakravarti, David Mak, Iain Wharton, and West Midlands Urology Research Collaborative. "Urethral Surveillance after Radical Cystectomy." Journal of Endoluminal Endourology 5, no. 1 (June 22, 2022): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22374/jeleu.v5i1.142.
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Radical cystectomy (RC) is commonly performed with curative intent for primary or recurrent high-risk non-muscle-invasive and muscle-invasive bladder cancers. Urethral recurrence (UR) within the residual urethra, often proximally where the epithelial lining comprises urothelial cells, is a rare but well-described occurrence associated with adverse clinical outcomes. Current national guidelines therefore suggest that male patients with a defunctioned urethra should undergo annual endoscopic or urethral washing surveillance for 5 years following RC, to identify UR early, where local disease management (e.g., urethrectomy) may still be possible. Anecdotally, however, urethroscopy and urethral washing cytology appear to be infrequently performed. Our regional trainee-led research collaborative evaluated the frequency and tim-ing of urethral surveillance in the West Midlands in comparison to National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines.
Patients and methodsOur 10-year cross-sectional retrospective regional analysis included 495 patients from 2008–2018. Clinical and demographic data were collected alongside cross-sectional staging and imaging, and timings and frequency of urethral endoscopic surveillance or urethral washing cytology.
ResultsOverall, 159 (35.2%) patients received one (or more) surveillance urethroscopy. A minority of surveillance urethroscopies were annual, with hugely variable frequency or intervals ranging from every 4–50 months. Only 81 (19.6%) patients had urethral surveillance in keeping with the frequency suggested by NICE guidelines. At 10 years, disease-specific mortality was 42.0%, and overall or all-cause mortality was 44.7%. The overall UR rate (as detected by staging CT and/or urethroscopy) was 1.0% (n = 4); all four cases of UR were found in patients with positive urethral margins after RC who did not undergo immediate urethrectomy.
ConclusionsOur regional urethral surveillance practice following RC is heterogeneous and suboptimal in comparison to NICE guidelines. Our UR rate was so low that we are unable to assert whether early detection has any clinical benefit, and therefore we cannot advocate routine urethral surveillance, but suggest that patients with positive urethral margins should be offered immediate urethrectomy post RC. In addition, we encourage collaborative urological research and data collection to generate higher volume series, more representative and generalisable data, and more meaningful conclusions.
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Harteveld, Eelco, and Elisabeth Ivarsflaten. "Why Women Avoid the Radical Right: Internalized Norms and Party Reputations." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (October 18, 2016): 369–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000745.
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Radical Right Parties (RRPs) consistently attract more male than female voters. Puzzlingly, there is no equally consistent gender difference in policy preferences on the main issues of these parties – immigration and minority integration policies. Indeed, in some countries, for instance the UK, women have as restrictive immigration policy preferences as men, but are still less likely to vote for RRPs. This article proposes a novel answer to this gender gap puzzle that emphasizes the normative conflicts about prejudice and discrimination that surround RRPs across Europe. It uses representative survey data to show, for the first time, that women are more likely than men to be motivated to control prejudice, and that this difference in motivations has political consequences. More specifically, the study demonstrates that the higher prevalence of internal motivation to control prejudice among women accounts for the gender gap in voting for RRPs that become trapped in conflicts over discrimination and prejudice. Voting patterns for RPPs that have been able to defuse normative concerns about prejudice, such as the Progress Party currently in government in Norway, are different.
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Park, Jihwan, Mi Jung Rho, Hyong Woo Moon, Jaewon Kim, Chanjung Lee, Dongbum Kim, Choung-Soo Kim, Seong Soo Jeon, Minyong Kang, and Ji Youl Lee. "Dr. Answer AI for Prostate Cancer: Predicting Biochemical Recurrence Following Radical Prostatectomy." Technology in Cancer Research & Treatment 20 (January 1, 2021): 153303382110246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15330338211024660.
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Objectives: To develop a model to predict biochemical recurrence (BCR) after radical prostatectomy (RP), using artificial intelligence (AI) techniques. Patients and Methods: This study collected data from 7,128 patients with prostate cancer (PCa) who received RP at 3 tertiary hospitals. After preprocessing, we used the data of 6,755 cases to generate the BCR prediction model. There were 16 input variables with BCR as the outcome variable. We used a random forest to develop the model. Several sampling techniques were used to address class imbalances. Results: We achieved good performance using a random forest with synthetic minority oversampling technique (SMOTE) using Tomek links, edited nearest neighbors (ENN), and random oversampling: accuracy = 96.59%, recall = 95.49%, precision = 97.66%, F1 score = 96.59%, and ROC AUC = 98.83%. Conclusion: We developed a BCR prediction model for RP. The Dr. Answer AI project, which was developed based on our BCR prediction model, helps physicians and patients to make treatment decisions in the clinical follow-up process as a clinical decision support system.
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Panayotov, Bogdan. "Crime and terror of social exclusion: The case of 13 imams in Bulgaria." European Journal of Criminology 16, no. 3 (February 18, 2019): 369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370819829650.
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According to conventional wisdom, radicalization is explained through the presence in a city of, for example, organized crime, melting pots, illegal drugs and arms trafficking. However, the Bulgarian case (and specifically the precedent of 2014) challenges this logic because it shows a correlation between social marginalization and radicalization. This article explores this link and determines that the causes of radicalization include the lack of an adequate state presence in areas inhabited by certain marginalized minority groups in Bulgaria and the latter’s choice to adopt radical views to gain money and merely to make both ends meet.
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de Coninck, Frédéric. "L’exil, une reinterpretation de la reforme radicale au XXe siecle." Moreana 44 (Number 171-, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.44.3-4.8.
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The social configuration of exile means the minority presence of a social group that builds a different lifestyle and different beliefs from the majority while coexisting with that majority in the same place. This configuration, valued in a surprising way, in the Jewish prophetism of the exile period, has long faced strong oppositions. The Christendom society wanted, from this point of view, a homogeneous society. The Reformation has produced divisions, but has not destroyed, as a first step, the local uniformity of convictions and life choices. The radical Reformation, which has valued, from 1523, individual choice against a religion imposed or controlled by the state had all the attributes needed to conceive itself as living in a position of exile. This has not been the case. The pressure for social homogeneity was too strong at the time. It was not before the twentieth century, when rereading the legacy of the radical Reformation in the context of an increasingly fragmented society, that the subject was finally raised.
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Rensmann, Lars, and Thijs de Zee. "The Pandemic Factor." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 69–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400404.
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Abstract This article examines how and why the covid-19 pandemic featured as a central issue in the Alternative for Germany's 2021 Bundestag election campaign. Using a wide range of political communication tools, the radical right party's opposition to public health policies against the pandemic ranged from a critique of hygienic measures to hosting coronavirus denialism and conspiracy myths suggesting that “the elite” had manufactured “corona hysteria” to subjugate the German people. Mirroring its general radicalization process toward an anti-system movement party, the AfD's campaign primarily gave voice to an ideologically driven, conspiracist, and authoritarian-nationalist core electorate, which has its center of gravity in the East. In the environment of an emerging “pandemic divide,” the party also sought to appeal to a robust minority of corona skeptics. More generally, the AfD's campaign points to the still underresearched role of science denialism and conspiracy myths in radical right mobilizations of a counterfactual age.
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Janssen, Heleen J., Maarten van Ham, Tom Kleinepier, and Jaap Nieuwenhuis. "A Micro-Scale Approach to Ethnic Minority Concentration in the Residential Environment and Voting for the Radical Right in The Netherlands." European Sociological Review 35, no. 4 (April 26, 2019): 552–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz018.
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Abstract Existing empirical research on the link between ethnic minority concentration in residential environments and voting for the radical right is inconclusive, mainly due to major differences between studies in the spatial scale at which minority concentration is measured. We examined whether the presence of non-western ethnic minorities in the residential environment, measured at four spatial scales, is related to individuals’ intention to vote for the Dutch Party for Freedom (Dutch acronym PVV). We combined individual level survey data and register data, and we used multi-level structural equation models to examine possible mediation by anti-immigrant attitudes and political dissatisfaction. The models show different effects at different scales. At the micro scale (100 by 100 meter grids) we find a curvilinear effect: individuals with 30–50 per cent non-western minorities in their direct living environment are most likely to report to vote for the PVV. At higher spatial scales (up to municipal level) we find that the higher the proportion of non-western minorities, the more likely individuals are to report to vote for the PVV. These effects can however not be explained by anti-immigrant attitudes or political dissatisfaction. We even find that at the micro scale the presence of non-western minorities is related to less anti-immigrant attitudes.
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Abe, H., S. Yoshidomi, Y. Nagatomi, M. Hasumi, and T. Sameshima. "Passivation of Silicon Surfaces by Formation of Thin Silicon Oxide Films Formed by Combination of Induction-Coupled Remote Oxygen Plasma with High Pressure H2O Vapor Heat Treatment." MRS Proceedings 1426 (2012): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/opl.2012.863.
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ABSTRACTWe report formation of thin silicon oxide films on the silicon surfaces by combination of oxygen radical and high pressure H2O vapor heat treatment for passivation of silicon surfaces at a low temperature. Oxygen plasma was generated by 13.56 MHz radio frequency induction-coupled remote plasma with mixed gases of O2 and Ar at 2 sccm, 2x10-2 Pa and at a power of 50 W. Oxygen radical was produced from the plasma via a metal mesh closing plasma in the reactor. The top surfaces of 20 Wcm n-type silicon substrates with the rear surface coated by thermally grown SiO2 layers were exposed by oxygen radical from 1 to 5 min to oxidize the silicon surface. The samples were subsequently annealed with 9.0x105 Pa H2O vapor heat treatment at 260oC for 3 h. The effective minority carrier lifetime estimated using photo-induced carrier microwave absorption system in the case of 635 nm light illumination at 1.5 mW/cm2 to the top surface increased from 1.3x10-4 to 5.1x10-4s as the oxygen radical treatment duration increased from 1 to 5 min. The recombination velocity decreased from 380 to 90 cm/s. 500 kHz capacitance response with bias gate voltages characteristics of metal oxide semiconductor structure resulted in the effective oxide thicknesses (EOT) ranging from 1.3 to 1.7 nm. These results indicate a capability of thin oxide formation and effective passivation of silicon surfaces at a low temperature.
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Fijołek-Kwaśniewska, Katarzyna. "Partie tworzące koalicję Zjednoczonych Patriotów (2016− 2019) wobec mniejszości tureckiej i Republiki Turcji." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.019.13812.
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The aim of this paper is to identify the individual political elements of the United Patriots’ coalition. The nationalist electoral alliance formed in 2016 by Attack, the IMRO -Bulgarian National Movement and National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria took a part of the third Boyko Borissov government. Starting this new partnership with the populist radical right, the GER B has resigned from promoting EU values, including minorities’ rights, much more than before. This coalition established xenophobia and making racists statements as a standard of Bulgarian parliamentary discussion. Its attitude towards the Turkish minority in Bulgaria and the Republic of Turkey shows hostility and prejudice.