Books on the topic 'Radical minority'
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1
Singler, Beth, and Eileen Barker. Radical Transformations in Minority Religions. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315226804.
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Gloria, Anzaldúa, and Keating AnaLouise 1961-, eds. This bridge we call home: Radical visions for transformation. New York: Routledge, 2002.
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The prophetic minority: American Jewish immigrant radicals, 1880-1920. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985.
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4
Radical Changes in Minority Religions. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
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Barker, Eileen, and Beth Singler. Radical Transformations in Minority Religions. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
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Barker, Eileen, and Beth Singler. Radical Transformations in Minority Religions. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
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Barker, Eileen, and Beth Singler. Radical Transformations in Minority Religions. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
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Barker, Eileen, and Beth Singler. Radical Transformations in Minority Religions. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
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9
(Editor), Cherrie Moraga, and Gloria Anzaldua (Editor), eds. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. 3rd ed. 3rd Woman Press, 2002.
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Cherríe, Moraga, and Anzaldúa Gloria, eds. This bridge called my back: Writings by radical women of color. 3rd ed. Berkeley, CA: Third Woman Press, 2001.
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Anzaldúa, Gloria, and Cherríe Moraga. This bridge called my back: Writings by radical women of color. State University of New York Press, 2015.
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12
Weinberg, Leonard, and Eliot Assoudeh. Political Violence and the Radical Right. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.21.
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This chapter, on contemporary radical right violence in Western Europe and North America, begins with a definitional question: what do we mean by “radical right” or “radical right populism”? Relying on the work of Cas Mudde and others, the stress is on nationalism, exclusionism (certain groups are not considered part of the national community), elitism, and monism (the idea that political questions have only one correct answer). The chapter then seeks to understand the conditions that give rise to radical right violence, relying on the work of Ehud Sprinzak and others. The stress is on particularistic violence and its use against minority groups seeking to assert claims to improved status in society. Vigilantism, employing violence outside the law in order to exert social control over the minority, is a common attribute. Finally, the chapter reviews the major forms of radical right violence, emphasizing “lone wolf” attacks and ethnic riots.
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Petrie, Malcolm. Nation, Locality and Radical Identity. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474425612.003.0002.
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Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.
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The Radical Women Manifesto: Socialist Feminist Theory, Program And Organizational Structure. Red Letter Pr, 2001.
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Buštíková, Lenka. The Radical Right in Eastern Europe. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.28.
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The radical right in Eastern Europe is similar to its West European cousins in its emphasis on mobilization against minorities. Until recently, that mobilization was exclusively against minorities with electoral rights who have been settled for centuries. The arrival of more than a million Syrian refugees in Europe expanded the portfolio of minorities to rally against and, paradoxically, Westernized the East European radical right in its opposition to Islam and migrants with non-European backgrounds. However, this chapter argues that the radical right in Eastern Europe has three unique characteristics that distinguish it from its older West European cousins: (1) left-leaning positions on the economy, (2) linkages between identity and political opening, which leads to the association of minority policies with democratization, and (3) the coexistence of radical right parties with radicalized mainstream parties.
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Carrasco, Rosario. Visualizing radical democratic citizenship in the Chilean higher education system. 2007.
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this bridge we call home: Radical visions for transformation. Routledge, 2002.
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18
Mansfield, Nick. Soldiers as Citizens. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620863.001.0001.
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Rank and file soldiers were not ‘the scum of the earth’. They included a cross section of working-class men who retained their former civilian culture. While they often exhibited pride in regiment and nation, soldiers could also demonstrate a growing class consciousness and support for political radicalism. The book challenges assumptions that the British army was politically neutral, if privately conservative, by uncovering a rich vein of liberal and radical political thinking among some soldiers, officers and political commentators. This ranges from the Whig ‘militia’ tradition, through radical theories on tactics and army reform, to attempted ultra-radical subversion amongst troops and the involvement of soldiers in riots and risings. Case studies are given of individual 'military radicals', soldiers or ex-soldiers who were reforming and later socialist activists. Popular anti-French feeling of the Napoleonic Wars is examined, alongside examples of rank and file bravery which fostered widespread loyalty and patriotism. This contributed to soldiers being used successfully in strike breaking, and deployed against rioters or Chartist revolts. By the late Victorian period, popular imperialism was an important part of working-class support for Conservatism. The book explores what impact this had on rank and file soldiers, whilst outlining minority support for socialism.
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Edele, Mark. Motivations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198798156.003.0006.
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Both contemporaries and later historians have seen the mass surrenders of 1941 as a ‘plebiscite’ against Soviet power. This chapter investigates the extent to which this thesis can be supported by empirical evidence. It analyses the reasons for defection and shows that defeatism and the will to survive this war were slightly more important than political considerations. While a large minority was indeed opposed to Stalinism and motivated to go over to the enemy by their politics, only a radical minority wanted to take up arms against the Soviet side. The large majority, thus, were refugees from this war and from Stalinism rather than willing collaborators.
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Lenard, Patti Tamara, and Peter Balint. Debating Multiculturalism. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197528372.001.0001.
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Multiculturalism has been subject to backlashes across democratic states. These voices argue that after years of accommodation, minorities have failed to integrate and ought to be encouraged more forcefully to abandon norms and values that are in tension with those of their broader society. In this context, Debating Multiculturalism brings together two prominent scholars of the political theory of multiculturalism. Both agree with the need for minority accommodation in liberal democracies, but disagree on the pathway forward. Patti Tamara Lenard argues that multiculturalism must be robustly defended. Lenard argues that the accommodation of cultural and religious practices is key to achieving substantive political inclusion in democratic states. Rather than generating segregation and separation, the accommodation of such practices ensures that minorities can participate across multiple domains of politics as equal citizens. She examines claims for cultural preservation, too, and argues that an emphasis on political inclusion can explain why preservationist claims should be respected. In contrast, Peter Balint argues against the need for minority rights in multicultural contexts. Balint defends a radical form of neutrality, “active indifference,” which can achieve the accommodation of minority ways of life, without recourse to minority rights. He argues that if the problem arises because of a favoring of majority ways of life, then rather than add minority rights as a solution, majority privilege should simply be removed. This solution is not only fairer, but avoids many of the problems that have plagued minority rights. The book concludes with both authors critiquing each other’s positions.
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R. Ross, Kenneth, Daniel Jeyaraj, and Todd M. Johnson, eds. Christianity in South and Central Asia. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474439824.001.0001.
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Christianity has had a long, varied history in South and Central Asia. Today, it faces challenges old and new in a rapidly changing and diverse population. Socio-religious crosswinds involving Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam, along with Communism and Radical Fundamentalism have left lasting impacts upon the region’s societies today. Christianity faces immense struggles, including navigating ingrained social stratification, culturally-accepted discrimination, as well as state-sponsored persecution. Despite the challenges, the gospel of kingdom moves forward through a resilient minority, an opportunistic diaspora, and the rise of indigenous theologies that provide a fresh witness of Christ in revolutionary ways. The future of Christianity in the region is expected to yield new insights into the global impact of the message of Christ.
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Orzoff, Andrea. Interwar Democracy and the League of Nations. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.16.
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Historians and contemporaries saw interwar democracy as incomplete, illegitimate, and inept. The League of Nations has been similarly characterized. Yet democracy endured across the Continent, threatened far more by Nazism than by internal actors. The League’s democratic internationalism failed to prevent a second world war, sanctioned Great Power imperialism, and neglected minority problems especially in Eastern Europe. But the League’s Secretariat shaped international discourse on humanitarian norms for the rest of the century, working with institutions and non-governmental organizations to bring about real good. This essay offers a tour d’horizon of interwar European democracy and democratic internationalism. While not minimizing the destructive influence of the radical right, it notes that in many cases seemingly undemocratic groups, institutions, and practices ended up stabilizing democracy.
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Metz, Michael V. Radicals in the Heartland. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042416.001.0001.
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Entering the 1960s, the University of Illinois typified “Middle America,” with its midwestern campus, middle-class enrollment, and midcentury quiescence—the unlikeliest of settings for protest, rebellion, and riots in the streets. But all of that came to pass. Born of free-speech issues in the Red Scare era and nourished by anger with an unpopular war, protests grew into a general antiestablishment frustration, climaxing in a student strike and days-long violent disturbances that shut down one of the nation’s largest land-grant universities. How could this happen, here? The story is one of self-important legislators, well-intentioned administrators, a conservative citizenry, and “outside agitators,” but mostly of a minority of confident, determined, somewhat naïve students. Virtually all white, relatively privileged, raised in a postwar economic boom, believers in and embodiment of American exceptionalism, they would confront moral questions around race, justice, war, life, and death that became existential as the body count rose in Vietnam. This is the story of how those Illini students responded. No one could have predicted rebellion would happen here. But it did. These young people helped bring down one president, shamed a second, and helped lead the nation to end a wretched war. By their agency they changed history. And if such a movement could happen in such an unlikely place, who is to say that another, equally unlikely, might not happen again?
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Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár, and Maciej Janowski. “Rebuilding the Boat in the Open Sea”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829607.003.0005.
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The reconfiguration of the state system and the dissolution of federations after 1989 prompted debates on the aims of state building and the nature of constitutionalism. The difference in the dynamics of these debates points to the radical divergence of experiences across the region from the peaceful “divorce” of Czechoslovakia to the much more violent reconfiguration of the post-Soviet and post-Yugoslav spaces. In this context one of the key topics of debate concerned the (re)creation of independent states with and without pre-existing traditions, but also the negotiation of sovereignty in view of the European federal project most of these countries aimed to enter as soon as possible. The chapter also looks at the intellectual repercussions of the ethnic conflicts after the transition, arguing that the minority issue, which raised the problems of citizenship and participation in the political community, often became a central aspect of democratization.
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Leitz, Lisa, and David S. Meyer. Gendered Activism and Outcomes. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.35.
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U.S. women’s peace and anti-war activism grew from their involvement in the abolition and suffrage movements of the nineteenth century, and some have continued to foster women-focused organizations in the twenty-first century. This chapter examines the relationship between the historical development of women’s peace activism and a U.S. political system that frequently excluded women from international relations. Women enlarged the U.S. peace movement’s objectives to include issues of gender, but while some also advocated for racial and class equality, minority activists often faced prejudice and discrimination within the movement. Several tensions in women’s peace activism are explored, including the ideological debate between essentialists and social constructionists about the relationship of gender to war, as well as strategic and tactical debates between proponents of institutional politics and proponents of radical protest tactics. Involvement in this movement helped enhance women’s political and organizing skills and often nourished other activism, especially feminist activism.
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Barger, Lilian Calles. The Political Is the Total. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695392.003.0003.
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This chapter illuminates how theology came to view itself and the unresolved political questions generated by modernity that liberation theologians challenged. The theo-political negotiation that began in sixteenth-century Europe, the reverberations of the Enlightenment and Romantic heart religion, remained as a residue within post-war theology. Both Catholics and Protestant liberationists voiced the attitude of the radical wing of the Reformation, an influential minority appealed to by many subsequent dissenters. The chapter surveys a set of key theo-political negotiations resulting in the Great Separation between religion and politics contributing to the mid-century irrelevancy of theology. The thought of Martin Luther, Thomas Müntzer, and Friedrick Schleiermacher are examined as offering key ideas. In response, liberationists argued for a critical theology against an inherited privatized religion and the assumed autonomy of theology that denied its political character. Refusing to bypass politics, they instigated a call for a critical world-shaping theology.
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Keels, Micere. Campus Counterspaces. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501746888.001.0001.
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Frustrated with the flood of news articles and opinion pieces that were skeptical of minority students' “imagined” campus microaggressions, the author of this book set out to provide a detailed account of how racial-ethnic identity structures Black and Latinx students' college transition experiences. Tracking a cohort of more than five hundred Black and Latinx students since they enrolled at five historically white colleges and universities in the fall of 2013, the book finds that these students were not asking to be protected from new ideas. Instead, they relished exposure to new ideas, wanted to be intellectually challenged, and wanted to grow. However, the book argues, they were asking for access to counterspaces—safe spaces that enable radical growth. They wanted counterspaces where they could go beyond basic conversations about whether racism and discrimination still exist. They wanted time in counterspaces with likeminded others where they could simultaneously validate and challenge stereotypical representations of their marginalized identities and develop new counter narratives of those identities. This critique of how universities have responded to the challenges these students face offers a way forward that goes beyond making diversity statements to taking diversity actions.
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Hague, Gill. History and Memories of the Domestic Violence Movement. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356325.001.0001.
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This book is a one-off history of the women’s domestic violence movement in the UK with some international and global content. It celebrates transformative women’s activism on violence against women from the 1960s on. Interviews with activists, practitioners and abuse survivors provide reflection on this inspiring movement of social change for women, shaped by a generation of pioneering activists. The book is illustrated with memories, anecdotes and memoir, and with poems celebrating women’s activism. It also reflects on the movement challenging rape and sexual violence. It presents an analysis of the radical early politics of the domestic violence refuges and Women’s Aid in terms of the empowerment of women, collective working and attempting to break down differences between women providing and using services. This particular history is almost lost from view and the book aims to recall and celebrate it. Further, it details the challenges of the Black women’s movement and the development of specialist services for Black, minority ethnic and refugee (BMER) women. Legal, strategy and policy developments are outlined. Also covered are cutbacks, the difficulties of seeking funding within competitive commissioning frameworks and attacks on the sector in recent years, disproportionately experienced by BMER projects. The discussions include attention to harmful practices like ‘honour’-based violence, FGM and forced marriage. The book also discusses international activism on domestic violence, the relevance of shelters/refuges across the world and trans-national women’s partnerships. It outlines the development of feminist research on violence against women. Projects, campaigns and key activists are honoured throughout.
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Fernández L'Hoeste, Héctor D. Lalo Alcaraz. University Press of Mississippi, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496811370.001.0001.
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The book proposes a critical study of the work by Latino cartoonist Lalo Alcaraz, a key voice in the controversial topic of immigration. It contends that his production is significant for its documentation of the travails of the community and its assessment of the frictions resulting from a radical shift in national demographics: the rise of Latinos as the largest minority ethnicity and the eventual transition of the general population into a mode of plurality rather than majority. In his cartoons and comic strips, readers can recognize how Latinos have been used by opportunist politicians and media personalities seeking personal benefit. It is also possible to visualize how, in many cases, the political system has operated against Latinos in an almost systematic fashion, failing to acknowledge their lengthy historical record and contributions as Americans. The book chronicles the cartoonist’s evolution from a cultural actor willing to criticize injustice for the sake of retribution to one who effectively identifies and denounces the mechanisms behind rampant societal inequity—most crucially, the dynamics and implications of a hidden mainstream norm, supportive of a cultural ideology benefiting an exclusive segment of the population. In the evolution of his production, the search for a more acute representation and dissection of prejudice and exclusion becomes plain. In a sense, Alcaraz’s work is a testament not only to the growing pains of Latinos, but most importantly to those of the entire nation, as it comes to terms with the redefinition of US identity in the twenty-first century.
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Barney, William L. Rebels in the Making. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076085.001.0001.
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Rebels in the Making narrates and interprets secession in the fifteen slave states in 1860–1861. It is a political history informed by the socioeconomic structures of the South and the varying forms they took across the region. It explains how a small minority of Southern radicals exploited the hopes and fears of Southern whites over slavery after Lincoln’s election in November of 1860 to create and lead a revolutionary movement with broad support, especially in the Lower South. It reveals a divided South in which the commitment to secession was tied directly to the extent of slave ownership and the political influence of local planters. White fears over the future of slavery were at the center of the crisis, and the refusal of Republicans to sanction the expansion of slavery doomed efforts to reach a sectional compromise. In January 1861, six states in the Lower South joined South Carolina in leaving the Union, and delegates from the seceded states organized a Confederate government in February. Lincoln’s call for troops to uphold the Union after the Confederacy fired on Fort Sumter in April 1861 finally pushed the reluctant states of the Upper South to secede in defense of slavery and white supremacy.