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1
Wendling, Karen. "A Classification of Feminist Theories." Les ateliers de l'éthique 3, no. 2 (April 12, 2018): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044593ar.
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In this paper I criticize Alison Jaggar’s descriptions of feminist political theories. I propose an alternative classification of feminist theories that I think more accurately reflects the multiplication of feminist theories and philosophies. There are two main categories, “street theory” and academic theories, each with two sub-divisions, political spectrum and “differences” under street theory, and directly and indirectly political analyses under academic theories. My view explains why there are no radical feminists outside of North America and why there are so few socialist feminists inside North America. I argue, controversially, that radical feminism is a radical version of liberalism. I argue that “difference” feminist theories – theory by and about feminists of colour, queer feminists, feminists with disabilities and so on – belong in a separate sub-category of street theory, because they’ve had profound effects on feminist activism not tracked by traditional left-to-right classifications. Finally, I argue that, while academic feminist theories such as feminist existentialism or feminist sociological theory are generally unconnected to movement activism, they provide important feminist insights that may become important to activists later. I conclude by showing the advantages of my classification over Jaggar’s views.
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COSTA, Michelly Aragão Guimarães. "O feminismo é revolução no mundo: outras performances para transitar corpos não hegemônicos “El feminismo es para todo el mundo” de bell hooks Por Michelly Aragão Guimarães Costa." INTERRITÓRIOS 4, no. 6 (June 4, 2018): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v4i6.236748.
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El feminismo es para todo el mundo, é uma das obras mais importantes da escritora, teórica ativista, acadêmica e crítica cultural afronorteamericana bell hooks. Inspirada em sua própria história de superação e influenciada pela teoria crítica como prática libertadora de Paulo Freire, a autora nos provoca a refletir sobre o sujeito social do feminismo e propõe um feminismo visionário e radical, que deve ser analisado a partir das experiências pessoais e situada desde nossos lugares de sexo, raça e classe para compreender as diferentes formas de violência dentro do patriarcado capitalista supremacista branco. Como feminista negra interseccional, a escritora reivindica constantemente a teoria dentro do ativismo, por uma prática feminista antirracista, antissexista, anticlassista e anti-homofóbica, que lute contra todas as formas de violência e dominação, convidando a todas as pessoas a intervir na realidade social. Para a autora, o feminismo é para mulheres e homens, apontando a urgência de transitar alternativas outras, de novos modelos de masculinidades não hegemônicas, de família e de criança feminista, de beleza e sexualidades feministas, de educação feminista para a transformação da vida e das nossas relações sociais, políticas, afetivas e espirituais. Feminismo. Revolução. bell hooks. Feminismo is for everybody bell hooksFeminism is revolution in the world: other performances to transit non-hegemonic bodiesAbstractEl feminismo es para todo el mundo, is one of the writer's most important works, activist theorist, academic and cultural critic African American, bell hooks. Inspired by her own overcoming history and influenced by critical theory as a liberating practice of Paulo Freire, the author provokes us to reflect on the social subject of feminism and proposes a visionary and radical feminism that must be analyzed from personal experiences and situated from our places of sex, race, and class to understand the different forms of violence within the white supremacist capitalist patriarchy. As an intersectional black feminist, the writer constantly advocates the theory within activism, for a feminist practice anti-racist, anti-sexist, anti-classist and anti-homophobic practice that fights against all forms of violence and domination, inviting all people to intervene in social reality. For the author, feminism is for women and men, pointing to the urgency of moving other alternatives, new models of non-hegemonic masculinities, family and child feminist beauty and feminist sexualities, feminist education for life transformation and of our social, political, affective and spiritual relationships. Feminism. Revolution. bell hooks
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Cohen, Jennifer. "What’s “Radical” about [Feminist] Radical Political Economy?" Review of Radical Political Economics 50, no. 4 (September 18, 2018): 716–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613418789704.
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This article offers an analysis of seven articles from the Review of Radical Political Economics’ series “What ‘Radical’ Means in the 21st Century.” Without reference to feminism, the authors’ definitions of “radical” hinge critically on insight from feminist radical political economy. Instead of feminist radical political economy fitting under a broader body of political economy that coheres around radicalism, it is in feminist insight that radical political economy finds roots: according to the series’ authors, it is what makes radical political economy radical. Yet although the Union for Radical Political Economics hosted the development of the building blocks of feminist theory in economics between 1968 and 1991, feminist contributions remain largely unacknowledged. I offer strategies for repositioning feminism not as a side project but as a critical source of insight for radical political economy. JEL Classification: B54, B51, B24
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Persard, Suzanne C. "The Radical Limits of Decolonising Feminism." Feminist Review 128, no. 1 (July 2021): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01417789211015334.
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From yoga to the Anthropocene to feminist theory, recent calls to ‘decolonise’ have resulted in a resurgence of the term. This article problematises the language of the decolonial within feminist theory and pedagogy, problematising its rhetoric, particularly in the context of the US. The article considers the romanticised transnational solidarities produced by decolonial rhetoric within feminist theory, asking, among other questions: What are the assumptions underpinning the decolonial project in feminist theory? How might the language of ‘decolonising’ serve to actually de-politicise feminism, while keeping dominant race logics in place? Furthermore, how does decolonial rhetoric in sites such as the US continue to romanticise feminist solidarities while positioning non-US-born women of colour at the pedagogical end of feminist theory? I argue that ‘decolonial’, in its current proliferation, is mainstreamed uncritically while serving as a catachresis within feminist discourse. This article asks feminism to reconsider its ease at an incitement to decolonise as a caution for resisting the call to decolonise as simply another form of multicultural liberalism that masks oppression through imagined transnational solidarities, while calling attention to the homogenous construction of the ‘Global South’ within decolonising discourse.
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Duriesmith, David, and Sara Meger. "Returning to the root: Radical feminist thought and feminist theories of International Relations." Review of International Studies 46, no. 3 (May 4, 2020): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210520000133.
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AbstractFeminist International Relations (IR) theory is haunted by a radical feminist ghost. From Enloe's suggestion that the personal is both political and international, often seen as the foundation of feminist IR, feminist IR scholarship has been built on the intellectual contributions of a body of theory it has long left for dead. Though Enloe's sentiment directly references the Hanisch's radical feminist rallying call, there is little direct engagement with the radical feminist thinkers who popularised the sentiment in IR. Rather, since its inception, the field has been built on radical feminist thought it has left for dead. This has left feminist IR troubled by its radical feminist roots and the conceptual baggage that feminist IR has unreflectively carried from second-wave feminism into its contemporary scholarship. By returning to the roots of radical feminism we believe IR can gain valuable insights regarding the system of sex-class oppression, the central role of heterosexuality in maintaining this system, and the feminist case for revolutionary political action in order to dismantle it.
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Pandey, Renu. "Locating Savitribai Phule’s Feminism in the Trajectory of Global Feminist Thought." Indian Historical Review 46, no. 1 (June 2019): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983619856480.
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Initially, the feminist thought was based on Humanist approach, that is, the sameness or essentialist approach of feminism. But recently, gender and feminism have evolved as complicated terms and gender identification as a complicated phenomenon. This is due to the identification of multiple intersectionalities around gender, gender relations and power hierarchies. There are intersections based on age, caste, class, abilities, ethnicity, race, sexuality and other societal divisions. Apart from these societal intersections, intersection can also be sought in the theory of feminism like historical materialist feminisms, postcolonial and anti-racist feminisms, liberal feminism, radical feminisms, sexual difference feminisms, postmodern feminisms, queer feminisms, cyber feminisms, post-human feminisms and most recent choice feminisms and so on. Furthermore, In India, there have been assertions for Dalit/Dalit bahujan/ abrahmini/ Phule-Ambedkarite feminisms. Gender theorists have evolved different approaches to study gender. In addition to the distinction between a biosocial and a strong social constructionist approach, distinctions have been made between essentialist and constructionist approaches. The above theories and approaches present differential understandings of intersections between discourse, embodiment and materiality, and sex and gender. The present article will endeavour to bring out the salient points in the feminist ideology of Savitribai Phule as a crusader for gender justice and will try to locate her feminist ideology in the overall trajectory of global feminist thought. The article suggests that Savitibai’s feminism shows characteristics of all the three waves of feminism.
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Elliott, Jane. "The Currency of Feminist Theory." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 5 (October 2006): 1697–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2006.121.5.1697.
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In her essay “what feminism means to me,” the second-wave feminist vivian gornick describes her entry into 1970s feminism in terms that have become very familiar. First, there is the “exhilaration” that comes from feminist analysis, “the particular type of joy [that arises] when a sufficiently large number of people are galvanized by a social explanation of how their lives have taken shape and are gathered together … elaborating the insight and repeating the analysis” (64–65). Then there is the seemingly inevitable declension. “[A]round 1980,” Gornick reports, “feminist solidarity began to unravel. As the world had failed to change sufficiently to reflect our efforts, that which had separated all women before began to reassert itself now in us…. Personalities began to jar, conversations to bore, ideas to repeat themselves” (66–67). While Gornick's account may at this point seem routine, her perspective on the routine makes her description remarkable: in contrast to countless other such reports, Gornick places no blame on the internal politics of feminism itself, either in the form of the critique by radical women of color or in the turn to theory. And, in the absence of this blame laying, something else becomes visible: in Gornick's reckoning, the problem was not so much that feminist analysis was challenged and hence destabilized by internal critique but rather that it remained the same for too long, so that it stopped being exciting and came to feel boring and repetitive instead. In suggesting that repetition in and of itself may be a problem for feminism, Gornick's account gestures toward some of the complex and, I think, usually unexplored relations that feminist theory implies between the new, the politically useful, and the intellectually compelling.
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Van Leeuwen, Mary Stewart. "Christian Maturity in Light of Feminist Theory." Journal of Psychology and Theology 16, no. 2 (June 1988): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164718801600206.
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Beginning with a methodological statement regarding the integration of faith and learning, the article proceeds to a brief historical overview of definitions of human maturity, followed by a critical evaluation of ideas of maturity implicit in liberal Marxist, and radical feminist movements. Particular attention is paid to certain aspects of “postradical” or “differentiating” feminisms which are compatible with a biblical world view.
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Newman, Amy. "Feminist Social Criticism and Marx's Theory of Religion." Hypatia 9, no. 4 (1994): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00647.x.
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Feminist philosophers and social theorists have engaged in an extensive critique of the project of modernity during the past three decades. However, many feminists seem to assume that the critique of religion essential to this project remains valid. Radical criticism of religion in the European tradition presupposes a theory of religion that is highly ethnocentric, and Marx's theory of religion serves as a case in point.
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Bernick, Susan E. "The Logic of the Development of Feminism; or, Is MacKinnon to Feminism as Parmenides Is to Greek Philosophy?" Hypatia 7, no. 1 (1992): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1992.tb00694.x.
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Catharine MacKinnon's investigation of the role of sexuality in the subordination of women is a logical culmination of radical feminist thought. If this is correct, the position of her work relative to radical feminism is analogous to the place Parmenides's work occupied in ancient Greek philosophy. Critics of MacKinnon's work have missed their target completely and must engage her work in a different way if feminist theory is to progress past its current stalemated malaise.
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Mitić, Petra. "Equal and Different: Feminism as Radical Humanism." Филолог – часопис за језик књижевност и културу 22, no. 22 (December 30, 2020): 374–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21618/fil2022374m.
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In its attempts to defend the right of women to claim their own subjectivity,as well as the equal right to participate in the social system institutions, the mainstream of feminist thinking has been marked crucially by the question of woman and her identity. This question could be said to occupy a central place in feminist texts and discussions which started even before the women’s movement was officially created. But since feminist disagreements about how these issues should be approached appropriately have already resulted in serious misunderstandings and mutually severe accusations, this paper aims at shedding light at the very nature of these polarities. In doing so, the focus has been placed on how the terms equal and different have been theorised. These dissenting voices have certainly proved productive in the context of theory itself, but have done much harm in the domain of social activism which failed to initiate truly substantial changes within western society and culture. The same countereffect is also visible in theory, which has generated a diversity of feminisms, but has definitely failed to offer a comprehensive critique of the perniciously repressive culture. The lack of gender equality has always been an important dimension of this culture, but still just a segment and one particular mechanism of the invisible matrix which has never actually stopped producing binary hierarchies. They are being manifested in different forms today but have retained fundamentally unchanged and unchallenged structures, promoting an ideologically induced perception of reality to appear natural and self-evident. The paper puts forward the claim that a humanistic and anti-capitalist feminism is a framework broad enough to overcome all exclusions and one-sided definitions and to head towards one such comprehensive feminism – bringing us back to the original radicalism of the women’s movement. To do so, it is necessary to reconsider the general confusion within postmodernist discourse, and especially the controversy related to what humanism should stand for today.
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Miriam, Kathy. "Toward a Phenomenology of Sex-Right: Reviving Radical Feminist Theory of Compulsory Heterosexuality." Hypatia 22, no. 1 (2007): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2007.tb01157.x.
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In this essay, Miriam argues for a phenomenological-hermeneutic approach to the radical feminist theory of sex-right and compulsory heterosexuality. Against critics of radical feminism, she argues that when understood from a phenomenological’ hermeneutic perspective, such theory does not foreclose female sexual agency. On the contrary, men's right of sexual access to women and girls is part of our background understanding of heteronormativity, and thus integral to the lived experience of female sexual agency.
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Robinson, Victoria. "Radical revisionings?: the theorizing of masculinity and (radical) feminist theory." Women's Studies International Forum 26, no. 2 (March 2003): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-5395(03)00016-5.
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Yamada, Ryūsaku. "Feminism in Radical Democracy and Japanese Political Theory: Mouffe, Pateman, Young, and “Essentialism”." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 1 (June 16, 2021): 8–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-01010003.
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Abstract This paper examines feminist arguments in radical democracy and Japanese responses to them. Although feminist insights are significant intellectual sources of radical democracy, recent political theorists have tended to exclusively consider radical democracy as agonistic pluralism. The radical democratic thinker Chantal Mouffe, who is very popular among Japanese political theorists and philosophers, criticizes the “essentialist” tendency of two feminist political theorists, namely Carole Pateman and Iris Marion Young. First this paper examines Mouffe’s critique of the two theorists. Second, it evaluates the relevance of Mouffe’s criticism of Pateman and Young by reconsidering their ideas on democracy and citizenship. Third, it engages the works of a few Japanese political theorists who respond to the issue of essentialism and points out the problems involved in the introduction of radical democracy in Japan and in Japanese feminist political theory. Finally, this paper concludes that we are still in the early stages of introducing and absorbing foreign feminist political theories into Japan as opposed to developing original Japanese feminist political theory to share with the world.
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Ferguson, Ann. "A Feminist Aspect Theory of the Self." Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 13 (1987): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1987.10715941.
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The contemporary Women’s Movement has generated major new theories of the social construction of gender and male power. The feminist attack on the masculinist assumptions of cognitive psychology, psychoanalysis and most of the other academic disciplines has raised questions about some basic assumptions of those fields. For example, feminist economists have questioned the public/private split of much of mainstream economics, that ignores the social necessity of women’s unpaid housework and childcare. Feminist psychologists have challenged cognitive and psychoanalytic categories of human moral and gender development arguing that they are biased toward the development of male children rather than female children. Feminist anthropologists have argued that sex/gender systems, based on the male exchange of women in marriage, have socially produced gender differences in sexuality and parenting skills which have perpetuated different historical and cultural forms of male dominance. Feminist philosophers and theorists have suggested that we must reject the idea of a gender-free epistemological standpoint from which to understand the world. Finally radical feminists have argued that the liberal state permits a pornography industry that sexually objectifies women, thus legitimizing male violence against women.
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Robinson, Fiona. "FEMINIST IR/IPE THEORY: FULFILLING ITS RADICAL POTENTIAL?" Review of International Political Economy 4, no. 4 (October 1997): 773–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672299708565792.
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Ruiz, Maria R. "B. F. Skinner's Radical Behaviorism: Historical Misconstructions and Grounds for Feminist Reconstructions." Psychology of Women Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1995): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1995.tb00285.x.
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Feminist critiques of traditional psychological approaches have generated feminist revisions, most notably in psychoanalytic and developmental theory. Although behaviorism has attracted strong objections from feminist critics, claims of its antithetical positioning vis-à-vis feminist theory construction have generally remained unchallenged. A preliminary step in formulating grounds for a synthesis is to clarify multiple meanings of behaviorism. Specifically, the fusion of Watson's methodological behaviorism and Skinner's radical behaviorism in the literature must be disentangled in order to address the latter's potential as a conceptual framework for constructing feminist theory. Key conceptual features of radical behaviorism that suggest its potential as a vehicle for building a feminist epistemology include: radical behaviorism's contextualistic world view, its interpretation of agency, its treatment of private experience and self knowledge, and its understanding of the pivotal functions of the verbal community.
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Johnson, Pauline. "Learning from the Budapest School women." Thesis Eleven 151, no. 1 (April 2019): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619839245.
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What can Western feminism hope to learn from women whose feminisms were originally shaped by experiences behind the ‘Iron Curtain’? In the first instance, an acute sensitivity to the importance of a politics that is responsive to needs. In its social democratic heyday, Western feminism had embraced a politics of contested need interpretation. Now, though, a neoliberal version has converted feminism into an attitudinal resource for the individual woman who is bent upon success. The takeover was made easy by the poor self-understanding of social democratic feminism. My paper will compare Agnes Heller’s theory of ‘radical needs’ and Maria Márkus’s account of the ‘politicization of needs’ and apply both to the normative clarification of endangered feminist agendas. We look to the Budapest School women for more than just a way of conceptualizing the political radicalism of modern feminism as a social movement. Women need heroes too and a reflection upon the dignified and admirable lives of Agnes Heller and Maria Márkus has much to contribute to an ongoing search for a feminist ethic of the self.
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Stear, Nils-Hennes. "Sadomasochism as Make-Believe." Hypatia 24, no. 2 (2009): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2009.01030.x.
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In “Rethinking Sadomasochism,” Patrick Hopkins challenges the “radical” feminist claim that sadomasochism is incompatible with feminism. He does so by appeal to the notion of “simulation.” I argue that Hopkins's conclusions are generally right, but they cannot be inferred from his “simulation” argument. I replace Hopkins's “simulation” with Kendall Walton's more sophisticated theory of “make-believe.” I use this theory to better argue that privately conducted sadomasochism is compatible with feminism.
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Foster, Emma. "Ecofeminism revisited: critical insights on contemporary environmental governance." Feminist Theory 22, no. 2 (February 7, 2021): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700120988639.
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Echoing other articles in this special issue, this article re-evaluates a collection of feminist works that fell out of fashion as a consequence of academic feminism embracing poststructuralist and postmodernist trends. In line with fellow contributors, the article critically reflects upon the unsympathetic reading of feminisms considered to be essentialising and universalistic, in order to re-evaluate, in my case, ecofeminism. As an introduction, I reflect on my own perhaps unfair rejection of ecofeminism as a doctoral researcher and early career academic who, in critiquing 1990s international environmental governance, sought to problematise the essentialist premise on which it appeared to be based. The article thereafter challenges this well-rehearsed critique by carefully revisiting a sample of ecofeminist work produced between the late 1970s and the early 1990s. In an effort to avoid wholesale abandonment of the wealth of feminist theory often labelled as second wave, or the rendering of feminisms of the past as redundant as feminist theory changes over time, this article re-reads the work of ecofeminists, such as Starhawk, Susan Griffin and Vandana Shiva, to demonstrate their contemporary relevance. In so doing, the article argues that a contemporary re-reading of ecofeminism offers insights allowing for a radical rethinking of contemporary environmental governance.
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Ferguson, Michaele L. "Vulnerability by Marriage: Okin's Radical Feminist Critique of Structural Gender Inequality." Hypatia 31, no. 3 (2016): 687–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12263.
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The central thesis of Susan Okin'sJustice, Gender, and the Family—that the ideology of the traditional family is the linchpin of contemporary gender inequality in the US—remains significant more than a quarter‐century after the book's publication. On a political register, Okin's insistence on structural analysis of gender inequality is an important corrective to recent mainstream feminist emphasis on individual women's choices. On an academic register, her work reveals the incoherence of scholarly classifications of feminist theories as “liberal feminist” or “radical feminist” by confounding such distinctions. I argue that her thesis is best understood in relation to the early radical feminism of Juliet Mitchell'sWoman's Estate, a book Okin praised. Placing Okin's work in the context of its radical roots clarifies her “linchpin thesis,” but also reveals the limitations of her argument: in her emphasis on what Iris Young has termed the “distributive paradigm of justice,” Okin unnecessarily adopts a much narrower definition of the family than did Mitchell, and overestimates the influence of economic vulnerability after divorce on women's capacity to exit marriage. I suggest modifications to her theory, and conclude by showing the continuing relevance of her argument for analyzing recent legal, policy, and demographic shifts.
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Thomas, K. Bailey. "Intersectionality and Epistemic Erasure: A Caution to Decolonial Feminism." Hypatia 35, no. 3 (2020): 509–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2020.22.
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AbstractIn this article I caution that María Lugones's critiques of Kimberlé Crenshaw's intersectional theory posit a dangerous form of epistemic erasure, which underlies Lugones's decolonial methodology. This essay serves as a critical engagement with Lugones's essay “Radical Multiculturalism and Women of Color Feminisms” in order to uncover the decolonial lens within Crenshaw's theory of intersectionality. In her assertion that intersectionality is a “white bourgeois feminism colluding with the oppression of Women of Color,” Lugones precludes any possibility of intersectionality operating as a decolonial method. Although Lugones states that her “decolonial feminism” is for all women of color, it ultimately excludes Black women, particularly with her misconstruing of Crenshaw's articulation of intersectionality that is rooted within the Black American feminist tradition. I explore Lugones's claims by juxtaposing her rendering of intersectionality with Crenshaw's and conclude that Lugones's decolonial theory risks erasing Black women from her framework.
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Meynell, Letitia. "The Power and Promise of Developmental Systems Theory." Les ateliers de l'éthique 3, no. 2 (April 12, 2018): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044598ar.
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I argue that it is time for many feminists to rethink their attitudes towards evolutionary biology, not because feminists have been wrong to be deeply sceptical about many of its claims, both explicit and implicit, but because biology itself has changed. A new appreciation for the importance of development in biology has become mainstream and a new ontology, associated with developmental systems theory (DST), has been introduced over the last two decades. This turn challenges some of the features of evolutionary biology that have most troubled feminists. DST undermines the idea of biological essences and challenges both nature/nurture and nature/culture distinctions. Freed from these conceptual constraints, evolutionary biology no longer poses the problems that have justified feminist scepticism. Indeed, feminists have already found useful applications for DST and I argue that they should expand their use of DST to support more radical and wide-ranging political theories.
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Wonders, Bec. "Mapping second wave feminist periodicals: Networks of conflict and counterpublics, 1970–1990." Art Libraries Journal 45, no. 3 (July 2020): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/alj.2020.16.
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The second wave of feminism saw a surge in women's publishing that resulted in a women-controlled communications infrastructure within feminist periodicals. As a result of women actively contributing to the ‘letters to the editor’ pages, second wave periodicals offer rich source material for tracing the development of feminist theory. Indicative of an invested and participatory counterpublic of readers, second wave periodicals also reveal the internal disagreements and debates which feminists were grappling with during the 1970s and 1980s. Spare rib, Trouble & strife, Revolutionary/radical feminist newsletter and Outwrite were feminist periodicals that all published coverage of the 1982 Lebanese war, and discussed the subsequent implications of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. Conflict over how correctly to cover the disagreements, both editorially and ideologically, dominated the correspondence pages of these periodicals. However, mediating conflict was uniquely suited to the medium of a periodical, as it allowed for less outspoken women to see themselves as contributors and add to a plurality of opinion. The visual mapping of these debates by means of Social Network Analysis highlights how the circulation of feminist periodicals enabled communication in the form of a webbed network of debate. The periodical format, and in particular the letters pages, offered a much-needed forum for criticism and disagreement to play out, and in turn the advancement of feminist discourse. As historical source material, they tell the story of a complex and diverse movement, unsettling the notion of a neat chronology of distinct decades of feminist history.
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Ferguson, Ann. "Twenty Years of Feminist Philosophy." Hypatia 9, no. 3 (1994): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00457.x.
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This paper provides an overview of twenty years of feminist philosophy in Northamerka. The professionalization of feminist theory that has occurred through the mains treaming of feminist philosophy creates a danger of a gap between theory and practice that creates the danger of co-optation. Three stages of feminist philosophizing are outlined, including the radical critique, gender difference and difference/post-modemist stages. The last stage, it is argued, leads to an conceptual impasse about feminist strategies for social change.
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Card, Claudia. "Radicalesbianfeminist Theory." Hypatia 13, no. 1 (1998): 206–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1998.tb01358.x.
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Cheshire Calhoun has been working to distinguish lesbian oppression from the sexist oppression of women in general, with the idea that different strategies may be needed to oppose each. On a radical feminist understanding of sexism, however, lesbian oppression is a very important part of the oppression of females generally. Women's liberation requires opposition to lesbian oppression. Or so I argue in supporting radicalesbianfeminism as a unified theory.
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Runyan, Anne Sisson, and V. Spike Peterson. "The Radical Future of Realism: Feminist Subversions of IR Theory." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 16, no. 1 (January 1991): 67–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437549101600103.
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Noyé, Sophie. "Materialist and queer feminism in France: Politics of Counter-Hegemony = Féminisme matérialiste et queer en France: Politiques contre-hégémoniques." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4878.
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Abstract: This article questions the relationship between materialist feminism and queer movement in France. It addresses the pluralization of feminist emancipation in France since the mid-1990s in light of the conflict between materialist and queer feminisms, which started as the queer theory was developed in France in the nineties. The starting point is the hypothesis that the link between these two political theoretic discourses is possible since it actually takes places in the current “queer-feminist” movement’s activist practices. The article argues that this combination is meaningful and deserves to be better theorized because it carries with it a radical message of inclusiveness. The alliance of the two approaches questions the definition of the feminist subject, and especially the formulation of a political unity that is not essentialist. The article analyses the extent to which the counter-hegemonic approach provides with tools to answer this issue.Key words: Materialist feminism, queer movement, feminist subject, Politics of Counter-Hegemony.Résumé: Cet article interroge le rapport entre le féminisme matérialiste et le mouvement queer en France. Il envisage la pluralisation des formes d’émancipation féministe en France depuis le milieu des années 1990 à la lumière de la controverse entre les féminismes matérialiste et queer, qui a comencé quand la théorie queer s’est développée en France dans les années 1990. Mon hypothèse initiale postule que le rapprochement entre ces deux visions théorico-politiques est possible car il se pratique concrètement dans les mouvements queer-féministes actuels. Cet article affirme que cette articulation est pertinente et mérite ainsi d’être théorisée davantage car elle propose une forme d’inclusivité radicale. L’alliance entre ces deux courants questionne en effet la définition du sujet féministe, et, en particulier, une unité politique qui soit non essentialiste. Cet article analyse dans quelle mesure la stratégie contre-hégémonique donne des outils intéressants pour répondre à cet enjeu.Mots-clés: Féminisme matérialiste, mouvement queer, sujet féministe, contre-hégémonie.
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Alcoff, Linda. "Justifying Feminist Social Science." Hypatia 2, no. 3 (1987): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1987.tb01344.x.
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In this paper I set out the problem of feminist social science as the need to explain and justify its method of theory choice in relation to both its own theories and those of androcentric social science. In doing this, it needs to avoid both a positivism which denies the impact of values on scientific theory-choice and a radical relativism which undercuts the emancipatory potential of feminist research. From the relevant literature I offer two possible solutions: the Holistic and the Constructivist models of theory-choice. I then rate these models according to what extent they solve the problem of feminist social science. I argue that the principal distinction between these models is in their contrasting conceptions of truth. Solving the problem of feminist social science will require understanding that what is at stake in the debate is our conception of truth. This understanding will serve to clarify, though not resolve, the various approaches to and disagreements over methodologies and explanations in feminist social science.
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Workman, Simon. "Maeve Kelly: Women, Ireland, and the Aesthetics of Radical Writing." Irish University Review 49, no. 2 (November 2019): 304–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2019.0408.
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This article considers the work of Irish writer and feminist Maeve Kelly arguing that she has been not only a radical and, to some extent, seminal voice within modern Irish writing, but an author whose work self-consciously reflects upon the production and mediation of Irish women's writing within British and Irish culture. While Kelly is not unique in adopting a feminist approach in her writing, aspects of her fiction are somewhat discrete within modern Irish literature in terms of how they express, delineate, and resolve the challenges – material, psycho-cultural, aesthetic – attendant upon the representation of feminist political thought and occluded Irish female experience. Particularly within an Irish context, Kelly's writing provides a significant case study of the aesthetic problematics of politically radical fiction. Her oeuvre represents a vital contribution to Irish writing of the twentieth century as well as to the history of women in post-war Ireland.
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Hirschmann, Nancy J. "Jane Addams as Feminist Heroine: Democracy and Contentious Politics." Politics & Gender 11, no. 03 (September 2015): 554–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000306.
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I have long been a puzzled admirer of Jean Elshtain's work, going back to graduate school whenPublic Man, Private Woman(Elshtain 1981) first came out, and I read it for a class in feminist theory taught by Nancy Hartsock. I remember another student, a Marxist, wrinkling her nose and saying about the author, “she's really pretty conservative, don't you think?” I had a hard time understanding this question. As a newcomer to feminism in the early 1980s, I perhaps naively thought that anyone who recognized that gender was an important category for political analysis, that it was a realm of inequality, and that canonical political theory actually had a lot to say about it despite the fact that most of our professors always blithely ignored it, was, by definition, pretty radical.
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Jonte-Pace, Diane. "Object Relations Theory, Mothering, and Religion: Toward a Feminist Psychology of Religion." Horizons 14, no. 2 (1987): 310–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900037828.
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AbstractAlthough psychoanalytic object relations theory has been acclaimed for its ability to revitalize the psychological understanding of religion, the implicit sensitivity of object relations theory to feminist concerns has not been recognized. This paper suggests that object relations theory shares with feminist thought three central foci: relationality, mature dependency, and a revaluing of the mother-infant relationship. Through this coincidence of concern object relations theory can move toward a feminist psychology of religion which avoids not only Freud's reductionism toward religion, but also his patricentrism. The psychological antecedents of religious experience, ritual, and the image of God are examined from the object relational perspective, and are located in the maternal-infant matrix. It is suggested that this linkage of culture and mother offers a radical challenge to the psychoanalytic perspective.
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Nuti, Alasia. "How should marriage be theorised?" Feminist Theory 17, no. 3 (September 16, 2016): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700116666235.
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Feminists have noted the injustice of the institution of marriage and the asymmetric power dynamics within gender-structured marriages. Recently, feminists have found an unexpected supporter of this struggle against marriage in some liberal political theorists. I argue that this new wave of interest in the wrongness of marriage within liberalism reveals shortcomings from a feminist perspective. While some liberals fail to realise that instead of being disestablished, the institution of marriage should be radically reformed, others do not recognise that such a reform should be theorised by starting from our non-idealised conditions of gender inequality and from an analysis of how the institution of marriage intersects with other spheres of gender injustice. This article provides recommendations for the radical reform of marriage by following some methodological premises of feminist theory. To illustrate how the reform of marriage should be theorised, it focuses on the intersection between the sphere of gender injustice represented by immigration and that of marriage.
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Sanchez, Melissa E. "“Use Me But as Your Spaniel”: Feminism, Queer Theory, and Early Modern Sexualities." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 127, no. 3 (May 2012): 493–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2012.127.3.493.
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In this essay, I take A Midsummer Night's Dream and The Faerie Queene as case studies that show how critical commonplaces may become so entrenched that they limit the horizons of what we can see in a given text, genre, or period. The essay has two purposes. The first is theoretical. I aim to make explicit the often unspoken (perhaps even unconscious) theoretical subtexts that have shaped readings of female sexuality, and I propose some historical reasons for the dominance of certain strains of feminism—those best known as “subordination feminism” and “cultural feminism”—in criticism of early modern literature. The second purpose is hermeneutic. I explore the alternative readings that become available if we approach Shakespeare's and Spenser's work through the lens of one competing strand of feminist thought, described by its practitioners as “prosex” or “sex-radical” feminism. In this essay, my reading of A Midsummer Night's Dream and The Faerie Queene limits its interpretive frameworks to those offered by sex-radical feminism and the strands of queer theory that emerged from it. Drawing on these often overlooked frameworks, I explore the tensions and hierarchies among women in the play and the poem to challenge the assumption that women's relationships are always egalitarian and nurturing; I propose that homo- and heteroerotic desires are not mutually exclusive but may coexist in these works; and I argue that female masochism is not always a pathology that enables patriarchy but can be a legitimate form of desire that challenges traditional ideas of normal and proper female behavior.
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Jose, Jim. "No More Like Pallas Athena: Displacing Patrilineal Accounts of Modern Feminist Political Theory." Hypatia 19, no. 4 (2004): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2004.tb00146.x.
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The history of modern feminist political theories is often framed in terms of the already existing theories of a number of radical nineteenth-century men philosophers such as James Mill, John Stuart Mill, Charles Fourier, Karl Marx, and Friedrich Engels. My argument takes issue with this way of framing feminist political theory by demonstrating that it rests on a derivation that remains squarely within the logic of malestream political theory. Each of these philosophers made use of a particular discursive trope that linked the idea of women's emancipation with the idea of social progress. I argue that this trope reproduced the masculinist signification and symbolism inherent in their particular political philosophies. I argue for a more positive, less masculinist, account of the history of feminist political thought.
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Budiman, Christian, and Christian Budiman. "Penelitian Feminis dalam Kajian Budaya:Titik-Temu dan Kontribusi." Jurnal Kawistara 11, no. 1 (May 12, 2021): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/kawistara.62913.
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Gender studies have generated a perspective called feminist research that is not merely research on women, but also research for women. Driven by a will to prioritize women’s experiences and, therefore, the aim to emphasize the importance of their subjective experiences, feminist researchers tend to apply qualitative research methods by placing great emphasis on women as subjects of knowledge. The differences in disciplinary backgrounds and the methodological and epistemological positions of feminist are also increasingly blurred by the mutual borrowing of concepts and thoughts across disciplines, especially from literary theory, history, and cultural studies. In cultural studies, with its recent development recently, feminist research tends to be more oriented towards the basic assumptions of poststructuralism and/or postmodernism. They reject the perspective of a monolithic woman so that, therefore, there is no single and unitary truth about the story of woman’s reality. In this regard, culture is an important issue on the academic and political agenda of feminists. Not only is culture inseparable from gender and power factors, but it can also produce a better understanding of subjectivity. By understanding gender specifically as discourse, they do not deny the possibility of female subjectivity that is multiple, fragmented, and open up opportunities for differences and variations. Compared to the other feminist research positions, feminist cultural studies seem more hybrid, radical, and subversive.
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Beilin, Elaine V., and Hilary Hinds. "God's Englishwomen: Seventeenth-Century Radical Sectarian Writing and Feminist Criticism." Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 17, no. 1 (1998): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/464329.
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Rhodes, Carl. "Sense-ational organization theory! Practices of democratic scriptology." Management Learning 50, no. 1 (September 28, 2018): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350507618800716.
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This article critically reviews the use of non-conventional writing in organization studies from the 1980s to the present day as it relates to the relationship between freedom, politics and theory. Just as research justifies itself through an elaboration of methodology, it is suggested that we can consider ‘scriptology’ – the reflexively aware articulation of the relationship between writing and knowledge – as a means to liberate knowledge production in organization studies from its self-imposed conservatism. While there are numerous actual examples of non-conventional scriptologies in use, it is argued the most politically radical and emancipatory of them can be found in contemporary feminine and feminist writing. Such writing provides a new textual aesthetic for organization studies that promises a democratic and egalitarian practice where expression seeks to defy the rules that would inhibit it rather than adhere to the ones that would authorize it. Such scriptologies can provide a way that knowledge can try, in its way, to be free.
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Miriam, Kathy. "Toward a Phenomenology of Sex-Right: Reviving Radical Feminist Theory of Compulsory Heterosexuality." Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 22, no. 1 (January 2007): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/hyp.2007.22.1.210.
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Miriam, Kathy. "Toward a Phenomenology of Sex-Right: Reviving Radical Feminist Theory of Compulsory Heterosexuality." Hypatia 22, no. 1 (2007): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hyp.2006.0070.
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Petrov, Branislava. "The Immanence and the Transcendence of the Emerging Subject in Marx’s Philosophy of History." Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 17, no. 2-3 (December 30, 2020): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v17i2-3.455.
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The Author’s aim in this paper is to expose the hidden distortions in Marx’s understanding of the subject of history, such that occur under the influence of the patriarchal ideology. In order to do so, the author will first offer what she believes is the most satisfying explanation of the subject in Marxism, namely, the idea of subject as an emerging immanence. The Author will further claim that Marx’s attempt to overcome Hegelian teleological image of the world and to replace its transcendental subject with an immanent one, remains essentially flawed. The cause of this shortcoming the author will find in the contradiction inherent to Marx’s idea of subject. In the conclusion, the author will name feminism as the key theory for overcoming this contradiction. Author(s): Branislava Petrov Title (English): The Immanence and the Transcendence of the Emerging Subject in Marx’s Philosophy of History Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje Page Range: 94-98 Page Count: 5 Citation (English): Branislava Petrov, “The Immanence and the Transcendence of the Emerging Subject in Marx’s Philosophy of History,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020): 94-98. Author Biography Branislava Petrov, Philosopher and Feminist Author Branislava Petrov is a philosopher and a feminist author based in Novi Sad, Serbia. She presented her work at various conferences all over Europe, some of them being: Workshop “Helene Druskowitz and Friedrich Nietzsche, 2018,” organised by Institute of Philosophy, Zagreb, Croatia; Historical Materialism Conference Athens 2019, Athens, Greece; Feminist Futures Festival 2019, Germany, Essen; Internatiolal Scientific Conference of Medical University of Kharkov, Ukraine, 2019 and 2020., etc. Her work under the title: “Ideology and Social Structures Behind the Problem of Domestic Violence” has been published in 2019 edition of the last mentioned conference. Her work under the title: “The Difference Between Marxist Radical Feminist and Liberal Feminist Approach to the Problem of Transgender Ideology” has been published in 2020 edition of the same. She organizes online reading groups focusing on the works of Second Wave feminism. She is critical of modern day liberal, as well as so called radical feminism. She is currently working on a piece titled “Feminism and Identities,” which will be presented at the online conference “Women Philosophers in South-Eastern Europe—Past, Present and Future,” organized by Institute of Philosophy, Zagreb, Croatia. She works as a freelance writer and translator. She speaks English and Greek languages.
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Robalino, Micaela. "Building Girls' Capacity in Philadelphia - Meaningful Access to Participatory Action Research and Platforms of Feminist Standpoints." Perceptions 4, no. 2 (May 24, 2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/pj.v4i2.111.
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The partnership of feminist theory and participatory action research (PAR) aims at democratizing the relationship between 'subjects' of research and researchers in order to advance non-hierarchical social activism. However, there is still a gap between theorization and analysis of the manifestations of feminist participatory action research, particularly that which concerns girls and women of color. Feminist action research can dismantle this disparity by building spaces where voices have potential roles in affecting change; transforming personal experiences into politicized knowledges and standpoints. But how do radical epistemologies lead to social change? How do ─in the words of bell hooks─ radical spaces support marginality as a space of resistance? This project examines these questions by looking at how Girls Justice League (GJL) ─a non-profit organization committed to building girls capacity─ goes about carrying out participatory action research in the City of Philadelphia. As a meta analysis of efforts that support situated knowledges, this research project uses a qualitative approach ─including two semi-structured interviews with GJL board members, a personal-narrative-oriented focus group, and an analysis of GJL's reports─ to understand GJL's effort to build girls and women's capacity through feminist PAR. The study finds that the PAR strategies that GJL follows are linked directly to their three-fold mission statement, which provides a useful framework to understand the implementation of resistance into radical spaces. Building girls capacity through a unique structure, approach, and practical implementation of feminist PAR is an empowering stepping stone into paving the way for social change. GJL's model shows the urgency to replicate feminist PAR in other social justice organizations, institutions, and academic settings as a way of building access to inter-disciplinary research-oriented participatory forums.
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Gabriele, John P. "Toward a Radical Feminist Stage Rhetoric in the Short Plays of Lidia Falcón." Symposium: A Quarterly Journal in Modern Literatures 51, no. 1 (March 1997): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397709709598502.
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Ciccoricco, David. "Narrative, Cognition, and the Flow of Mirror’s Edge." Games and Culture 7, no. 4 (July 2012): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555412012454223.
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Faith, the protagonist of Mirror’s Edge, marks an empowered female character that is not hypersexualized, and the decision to employ a first-person perspective (thereby subverting any gaze offered by a third-person view) supports this design objective through gameplay. But despite Faith’s welcome debut on the main stage of commercial gaming, the game raises more significant questions through its engagement with the multifarious concept of “fluidity” or “flow,” which is integral to both the gameplay of Mirror’s Edge and the themes in it. Is Faith’s flow—in line with radical critical moves in literary history and cultural theory of the late 20th century to gender this trope—essentially or inevitably feminine, or for that matter, feminist? Does the game ultimately avoid, perpetuate, or contest the gendered discourses that it evokes? What can its simulations of a fictional mind in action tell us about our own? This article draws on cognitive, feminist, and narrative theoretical frameworks to question what the concept of fluidity means for a video game that mobilizes it through both narrative design and gameplay.
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De las Heras Gómez, Roma. "Thinking Relationship Anarchy from a Queer Feminist Approach." Sociological Research Online 24, no. 4 (December 20, 2018): 644–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418811965.
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Since the 2000s, general and academic concern in openly non-monogamous styles of relating has increased. In Spain, the rise in the general interest toward non-monogamy, meeting groups, and activism has become apparent during the current decade. One of the practical and theoretical paradigms that has been developed within non-monogamy is relationship anarchy. In this article, I will approach relationship anarchy in three different ways: as a philosophy of love, as a way of structuring affective bonds, and as a political philosophy. I shall then focus on the last one: relationship anarchy as a political philosophy, and what can be gained from thinking relationship anarchy from a queer, feminist perspective. I intend to make a theoretical contribution to the discourse of relationship anarchy as a political philosophy from feminist criticism of monogamy and of the naturalization of love; from the premises of lesbian feminism, compulsory heterosexuality, and the erotic pyramid; and from the concept of amatonormativity and sex-centrism in asexual theory. I shall then consider the usefulness of the relationship anarchy paradigm for radical queer politics in the current Spanish context. Finally, I will raise the concepts of the pyramid of relationships and the continuum (between attractions) system to pose how the different hierarchies that relationship anarchy puts in question are linked: amatonormativity, sex-centrism, and couple privilege.
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Loureiro, Gabriela Silva. "To be Black, Queer and Radical: Centring the epistemology of Marielle Franco." Open Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (May 8, 2020): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0005.
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AbstractThe aim of this article is to pay tribute to Marielle Franco, a Brazilian LGBTQ+ Black activist from the favela who was brutally executed in March 14, 2018. Taking Marielle’s life and death as a case study, I will demonstrate how she embodied Black feminist theory and practice and how her execution can be better addressed by situating it within the context of spatialities of race and the necropolitical governance of Rio de Janeiro.
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Charlesworth, Hilary, Christine Chinkin, and Shelley Wright. "Feminist Approaches to International Law." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 4 (October 1991): 613–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203269.
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The development of feminist jurisprudence in recent years has made a rich and fruitful contribution to legal theory. Few areas of domestic law have avoided the scrutiny of feminist writers, who have exposed the gender bias of apparently neutral systems of rules. A central feature of many western theories about law is that the law is an autonomous entity, distinct from the society it regulates. A legal system is regarded as different from a political or economic system, for example, because it operates on the basis of abstract rationality, and is thus universally applicable and capable of achieving neutrality and objectivity. These attributes are held to give the law its special authority. More radical theories have challenged this abstract rationalism, arguing that legal analysis cannot be separated from the political, economic, historical and cultural context in which people live. Some theorists argue that the law functions as a system of beliefs that make social, political and economic inequalities appear natural. Feminist jurisprudence builds on certain aspects of this critical strain in legal thought. It is much more focused and concrete, however, and derives its theoretical force from immediate experience of the role of the legal system in creating and perpetuating the unequal position of women.
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Shelton, Samuel Z. "Integrating Crip Theory and Disability Justice into Feminist Anti-Violence Education." Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 9, no. 5 (December 20, 2020): 441–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v9i5.704.
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In this paper, I critically reflect on my efforts to and experiences of integrating disability justice and crip theory into my intersectional, queer, feminist pedagogy. I begin by grounding my pedagogical practice in my experiences as an anti-violence advocate / activist in order to argue that disability theory and justice have the potential to not only expand anti-violence education, but also to transform it through careful attention to access, care, and interdependence. In this article, access refers to the possibilities of being fully present and supported within a given learning space; care describes the process of creating access through actions that make presence possible; and interdependence recognizes that access and care must co-exist because people need each other. I then identify parallels between anti-violence work and theories and movements against ableism because I have found this intersection to be pedagogically generative. Next, I describe what disability theory and justice, access, and crip politics (McRuer, 2006; Price, 2015) look like within the context of anti-violence education. In the second section of this paper, I write about how disability theory and justice brought to bear on anti-violence education can help to promote radical imagination and hope as well as deeper understandings of foundational concepts like consent. I also critically examine how anti-violence education can expand the possibilities of disability pedagogy through meaningful engagements with intersectional feminist theory and praxis. My purpose in developing these claims is to demonstrate the ongoing importance of bridging disability theory and justice with intersectional feminist practices of education.
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Hume, Mo, and Polly Wilding. "Beyond agency and passivity: Situating a gendered articulation of urban violence in Brazil and El Salvador." Urban Studies 57, no. 2 (March 28, 2019): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019829391.
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This paper argues for a situated politics of women’s agency in enduring intimate partner violence (IPV) in contexts of extreme urban violence. We contend that interrogating agency as dynamic and lived facilitates an acknowledgement of the multi-scalar entanglements of violence across urban spaces. Recognising the complexities in human agency holds the potential for a radical gendered urban politics to emerge whereby people are neither simplistically victims nor pawns of violent processes, but located within dynamic ‘webs of social relations’ (Cumbers A, Helms G and Swanson K (2010) Class, agency and resistance in the old industrial city. Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography 42(1): 54). Drawing on feminist theory, our conceptualisation of agency serves as a lens through which we can examine the dynamic and gendered nature of urban violence as rooted in multiple social relations (McNay L (2010) Feminism and post-identity politics: The problem of agency. Constellations 17(4): 512–525). The paper draws on research in the urban peripheries of Rio de Janiero and San Salvador.
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Udengwu, Ngozi. "Funmilayo Ranco: Feminist Self-Assertion in Late-20th-Century Yoruba Traveling Theatre." TDR/The Drama Review 63, no. 1 (March 2019): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00816.
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Funmilayo Ranco was a radical self-proclaimed feminist in 1960s Nigeria. As the only female actor-manager in the professional Yoruba traveling theatre, she upended the conventions of the popular form’s opening and closing glee entertainments to assert her complex gender expression.