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1

Radical feminism today. London: SAGE, 2001.

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2

The radical future of liberal feminism. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1986.

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3

Eisenstein, Zillah R. The radical future of liberal feminism. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1993.

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4

Feminism as radical humanism. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1994.

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5

Pauline, Johnson. Feminism as radical humanism. St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1994.

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6

Douglas, Carol Anne. Love and politics: Radical feminist and lesbian theories. San Francisco: Ism Press, 1990.

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7

Quintessence-- realizing the archaic future: A radical elemental feminist manifesto. 2nd ed. Boston: Beacon Press, 1998.

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8

Fat activism: A radical social movement. Bristol, England: HammerOn Press, 2016.

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9

Radikaru ni katareba: Ueno Chizuko taidanshū = radically speaking. Tōkyō: Heibonsha, 2001.

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10

The BiG SiN: Die Lust zum Sündigen : Mary Daly und ihr Werk. [Rüsselsheim]: Christel Göttert Verlag, 2011.

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11

Ferdinand, Ursula. Das Malthusische Erbe: Entwicklungsstränge der Bevölkerungstheorie im 19. Jahrhundert und deren Einfluss auf die radikale Frauenbewegung in Deutschland. Münster: LIT, 1999.

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12

Sweetapple, Christopher, ed. The Queer Intersectional in Contemporary Germany. Gießen: Psychosozial-Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30820/9783837974447.

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Anti-racist and queer politics have tentatively converged in the activist agendas, organizing strategies and political discourses of the radical left all over the world. Pejoratively dismissed as »identity politics«, the significance of this cross-pollination of theorizing and political solidarities has yet to be fully countenanced. Even less well understood, coalitions of anti-racist and queer activisms in western Europe have fashioned durable organizations and creative interventions to combat regnant anti-Muslim and anti-migrant racism within mainstream gay and lesbian culture and institutions, just as the latter consolidates and capitalizes on their uneven inclusions into national and international orders. The essays in this volume represent a small snapshot of writers working at this point of convergence between anti-racist and queer politics and scholarship from the context of Germany. Translated for the first time into English, these four writers and texts provide a compelling introduction to what the introductory essay calls »a Berlin chapter of the Queer Intersectional«, that is, an international justice movement conducted in the key of academic analysis and political speech which takes inspiration from and seeks to synthesize the fruitful concoction of anti-racist, queer, feminist and anti-capitalist traditions, movements and theories. With contributions by Judith Butler, Zülfukar Çetin, Sabine Hark, Daniel Hendrickson, Heinz-Jürgen-Voß, Salih Alexander Wolter and Koray Yılmaz-Günay
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13

Douglas, Carol Anne. Love and Politics: Radical Feminist Theories. Pergamon Pr, 1988.

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14

Armstrong, Isobel. The Radical Aesthetic. Blackwell Publishing Limited, 2000.

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15

The Radical Aesthetic. Blackwell Publishers, 2000.

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16

Radical Feminism, Writing, And Critical Agency: From Manifesto To Modern (S U N Y Series in Feminist Criticism and Theory). State University of New York Press, 2005.

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17

Radical Feminism, Writing, And Critical Agency: From Manifesto To Modern (S U N Y Series in Feminist Criticism and Theory). State University of New York Press, 2005.

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18

Daly, Mary. Quintessence...Realizing the Archaic Future: A Radical Elemental Feminist Manifesto. Beacon Press, 1999.

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19

Feminist Interpretations of Mary Daly (Re-Reading the Canon). Penn State University Press, 2000.

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20

The Radical Women Manifesto: Socialist Feminist Theory, Program And Organizational Structure. Red Letter Pr, 2001.

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21

Anti-Electra: The Radical Totem of the Girl. Univ Of Minnesota Press, 2019.

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22

Sean, Sayers, and Osborne Peter 1958-, eds. Socialism, feminism, and philosophy: A radical philosophy reader. London: Routledge, 1990.

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23

Radical Reproductive Justice: Foundation, Theory, Practice, Critique. The Feminist Press at CUNY, 2017.

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24

Stone, Alison. Sexual Difference. Edited by Lisa Disch and Mary Hawkesworth. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199328581.013.43.

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This chapter explains the main conceptions of sexual difference that have influenced feminist theory, tracing their roots in the psychoanalysis of Freud and Lacan, and then introducing the radical rethinking of sexual difference put forward by Luce Irigaray. For Irigaray, in the Western symbolic order there has only ever been sexual hierarchy, not genuine sexual difference. Her political program for changing the symbolic order to create a positive feminine subject-position—one that is not merely the underside or negative opposite of the masculine position—has been developed practically by some Italian feminists. Conceptions of sexual difference have also helped feminist theorists to rethink embodiment beyond the sex/gender distinction. The chapter concludes by considering how conceptions of sexual difference have made various current directions in feminist theory possible, including the new “material feminisms.”
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25

Dunnington, Kent. Humility, Pride, and Christian Virtue Theory. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818397.001.0001.

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This book proposes an account of humility that relies on the most radical Christian sayings about humility, especially those found in Augustine and the early monastic tradition. It argues that this was the view of humility that put Christian moral thought into decisive conflict with the best Greco-Roman moral thought. This radical Christian account of humility has been forgotten amid contemporary efforts to clarify and retrieve the virtue of humility for secular life. The book shows how humility was repurposed during the early modern era—particularly in the thought of Hobbes, Hume, and Kant—better to serve the economic and social needs of the emerging modern state. This repurposed humility insisted on a role for proper pride alongside humility, as a necessary constituent of self-esteem and a necessary motive of consistent moral action over time. Contemporary philosophical accounts of humility continue this emphasis on proper pride as a counterbalance to humility. By contrast, radical Christian humility proscribes pride altogether. The book shows how such a radical view need not give rise to vices of humility such as servility and pusillanimity, nor need such a view fall prey to feminist critiques of humility. But the view of humility set forth makes little sense abstracted from a specific set of doctrinal commitments peculiar to Christianity. The book argues that this is a strength rather than a weakness of the account since it displays how Christianity matters for the shape of the moral life.
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26

1943-, Bell Diane, and Klein Renate 1945-, eds. Radically speaking: Feminism reclaimed. North Melbourne, Vic: Spinifex Press, 1996.

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27

Zarkov, Dubravka. From Women and War to Gender and Conflict? Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.3.

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This chapter charts a brief history of the conceptual tools used to understand gender relations with respect to wars and armed conflicts. The chapter begins by summarizing some of the dominant theories of second wave feminism, including radical feminism, liberal feminism, black, lesbian and Third World feminism. It explores critiques of feminist theory, as well as the roles of equality and agency in feminist studies on women and war, the tensions between Western feminism and feminism outside of the West, and the impact of a constructivist analytical lens on feminist scholarship. It depicts how specific violent conflicts influenced feminist thinking in the 1990s and the early 2000s, tracing a genealogy from genocide in Rwanda and the war in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to 9/11 and the War on Terror.
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28

Gilley, Jennifer. Feminist Publishing/Publishing Feminism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039805.003.0002.

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This chapter explores two case studies that each illustrate an attempt to infuse feminist politics into the economically driven apparatus of book publishing: Sisterhood Is Powerful (1970) and This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color (1981). Exploring the publication history of Sisterhood Is Powerful provides a landmark case study of feminist experimentation in publishing that was inevitably fraught with controversy due to the ideological struggles of the time over economic and political “purity.” This Bridge Called My Back was published under an unusual type of contract in which contributors, rather than receiving a one-time payment at the beginning, would continue to receive payments for every ten thousand copies sold. Overall, these studies show the variety of ways in which feminists tried to get around the “taint” of publishing's relationship to the power structure in order to enact a feminist sensibility not just in the content of their writing but also in its production and dissemination.
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29

Hekman, Susan J. Feminine Subject. Polity Press, 2014.

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30

Radical Philosophy: An Introduction. Routledge, 2015.

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31

Radical Philosophy: An Introduction. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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32

The feminine subject. Polity, 2014.

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33

Psychoanalysis and Feminism: A Radical Reassessment of Freudian Psychoanalysis. Basic Books, 2000.

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34

Schneider, Beth E., and Janelle M. Pham. The Turn toward Socialist, Radical, and Lesbian Feminisms. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.4.

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The emergence of socialist, radical, and lesbian feminisms during the 1960s was a reaction to, and critique of, liberal feminism. Activists in this women’s liberation branch of the second wave strongly agreed that liberal feminism, with its focus on rights, choice, and personal achievement, was insufficient in its analysis of women’s status and condition. Each of the three strands differed in their analysis of the roots of the problem and in their approaches to social change. This chapter details “the turn” to socialist, radical, and lesbian feminism during the 1960s and 1970s with a focus on the ideological underpinnings, strategies, and organizations, examining the differences between and within each strand. Each of these strands faced varying levels of criticism for their lack of attentiveness to the diversity of women’s experience beyond the interests of a mostly White, middle-class constituency. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research on these feminisms.
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35

Bey, Marquis. Them Goon Rules: Fugitive Essays on Radical Black Feminism. University of Arizona Press, 2019.

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36

Feminism and Art History Now: Radical Critiques of Theory and Practice. I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, 2017.

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37

Kramer, Sina. Excluded Within. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190625986.001.0001.

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Why are some claims seen or heard as political claims, while others are not? Why are some people not seen or heard as political agents? And how does their political unintelligibility shape political bodies, and the terms of political agency, from which they are excluded? Excluded Within: The (Un)Intelligibility of Radical Political Actors argues that these people, and these claims, are excluded within these political bodies and terms of political agency. They remain within and continue to do the work of defining the terms of the bodies from which they are excluded. But because their remaining within these bodies is disavowed or repressed, these potentially radical actors are politically unintelligible to those bodies. This rich and methodologically creative work draws on philosophy, critical theory, feminist theory, and critical race theory to articulate who we are by virtue of who we exclude, and what claims we cannot see, hear, or understand.
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38

Antler, Joyce. Jewish Radical Feminism: Voices from the Women's Liberation Movement. New York University Press, 2020.

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39

Jewish radical feminism: Voices from the women's liberation movement. NYU Press, 2018.

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40

Antler, Joyce. Changing Education: Women As Radicals and Conservators (Suny Series, Feminist Theory in Education). State University of New York Press, 1990.

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41

Kramer, Sina. Constitutive Exclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190625986.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces “constitutive exclusion” and makes the case for it as a framework for understanding why some claims are unintelligible as political claims, and some actors unintelligible as political agents. While many theoretical frameworks—political theory, critical theory, feminist theory, queer theory, and Afro-pessimism—rely on constitutive exclusion, none take it up explicitly. I do so around three claims: First, political borders are drawn through the internal exclusion of radical political actors, whose claims are then rendered unintelligible. Second, a politics of recognition is insufficient as a response to these exclusions, as recognition is often consistent with domination and disavowal. Third, the radical potential buried within internal exclusions is accessible by means of a method attentive to the temporality and materiality of these exclusions. The critical work of the book is in service of a future in which we no longer define ourselves through such exclusions within.
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42

Meeker, Natania, and Antónia Szabari. Radical Botany. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286638.001.0001.

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Radical Botany uncovers a long speculative tradition of plant fiction that conjures up new languages to grasp the life of plants—their vegetality—in all its specificity and vigor. The first part of the book reaches back to seventeenth-century materialisms to show how plants, rather than being systematically excluded from human deliberation, have in fact participated in modernity. The French authors with whom the work begins turn to plants to think through the problems and paradoxes that face all forms of life considered first as matter. Within this framework, plants are ascribed an agency and vitality that might otherwise seem foreign to them, but they are also envisioned as beings that resist incorporation into human contexts and thus have something to teach humans about their limitations and vulnerabilities. Classically, the botanical sciences that develop over the course of the long eighteenth century function as a project for ordering, visualizing, labeling, and classifying life. In Radical Botany, the authors unearth an alternative set of engagements with the plant as a life form—a tradition that conceives of vegetal life as resisting representability even as it participates in the production of new representational modes—including the novel, early cinema, and contemporary virtual reality—and new affects—including queer desires, feminist affinities, and ecological solidarities. The radical botanical works this book explores not only prioritize plants as active participants in “their” world but suggest that the apparent passivity of plants can function as a powerful destabilizing force in its own right.
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43

Kantola, Johanna. State/Nation. Edited by Lisa Disch and Mary Hawkesworth. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199328581.013.45.

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This chapter discusses the feminist debates about state and nation, naming them “feminist theories of the state” and “gender and nation” debates. It shows how feminists have moved away from essentialist notions of women and men and state and nation. Instead of seeing state and nation being real essentialized objects, feminist theories tend to explore them as relational entities that perpetually need to be reproduced through discourses, practices, or material circuits. Feminist scholars explore the power relations behind these constructions, the femininities and masculinities they rely on and reproduce, and their differentiated gender impacts—concepts now theorized as highly context specific rather than universal. A cross-cutting theme in current feminist research is the manifold impacts of neoliberalism in states and nations, and in feminist engagements with them. Feminist scholars explore how neoliberalism is combined with other ideologies, such as conservatism, radical-right populism, or homonationalism, and the gendered outcomes of this.
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44

Antler, Joyce. Changing Education: Women As Radicals and Conservators (S U N Y Series, Feminist Theory in Education). State University of New York Press, 1990.

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45

Des Jardins, Julie. Women’s and Gender History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199225996.003.0008.

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This chapter looks at women’s history and its successor, gender history, which emerged as strong new approaches beginning in the 1970s—precisely when the wider feminist movement began to have its most profound impact on at least Euro-American societies. Gender history and women’s history are not the same. The former, larger category overlaps with the latter, and also with areas such as masculinity history, critical race theory, and queer studies. However, it has only been since the 1980s that historians have considered ‘gender’ an historical subject or ‘a useful category of historical analysis’. Nevertheless, various radical, Marxist, and progressive historians had planted the seeds of gender history as early as the 1920s and 1930s, even as they privileged neither women nor gender as subjects. Their questioning of power structures and engagement of politics and relativist concepts were integral to the development of the field later in the twentieth century.
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46

Dow, Bonnie J. The Movement Makes the News. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038563.003.0003.

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This chapter begins the story of 1970's “grand press blitz,” when a barrage of print stories on the movement set the stage for network news' first reports on women's liberation. It couples a discussion of all three networks' first, brief, hard news reports on feminist protest in January—the disruption of the Senate birth control pill hearings by a women's liberation group—with an extensive analysis of two series of lengthy soft feature stories on women's liberation broadcast by CBS and NBC in March and April. On one level, both network series created a sort of moderate middle ground of acceptable feminism anchored by their legitimation of liberal feminist issues related to workplace discrimination, but they diverged sharply in other ways that indicated key differences in their purposes and their imagined audiences. The CBS and NBC series provide a sort of baseline for national television representations of the movement in 1970; between them, they display the wide range of rhetorical strategies contained in early network reports. The CBS stories offered a generally dismissive and visually sensationalized narrative about the movement, particularly its radical contingent, displaying the gender anxiety assumed to afflict its male target audience. In contrast, the NBC series presented a generally sympathetic narrative about the movement's issues that unified radical and liberal concerns rather than using the latter to marginalize the former.
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47

Taiz, Lincoln, and Lee Taiz. Wars of the Roses. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190490263.003.0015.

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During the latter half of the eighteenth century, opposition to the sexual theory intensified among social and religiously conservative asexualists who felt threatened by the political theories of the Enlightenment. For some, the Linnaean system was a stalking horse for libertinism, radical Jacobinism, feminism and anarchy. They maintained their ideological purity citing philosophical, religious and pedagogical reasons for rejection. Among the opponents were the Marquis de Condorcet, Hans Möller and William Smellie. Lazzaro Spallanzi and Charles Alston tried, but failed, to repeat Camerarius’s experiments. Flowers were so feminized symbolically the idea that most flowers were hermaphroditic seemed perverse, but Mary Wollstonecraft attacked hyper-feminine poetic metaphors for women as inimical to the struggle for equality. Meanwhile, hybridization experiments by Joseph Gottlieb Koelreuter eliminated the last rational objection to the sexual theory and demolished the preformationist theory, in both ovist and spermist versions. Christian Konrad Sprengel laid the foundation for floral ecology.
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48

Rossdale, Chris. Resisting Militarism. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474443036.001.0001.

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In the past 15 years, anti-militarist activists in the UK have auctioned off a tank outside an arms fair, superglued themselves to Lockheed Martin’s central London offices and stopped a battleship with a canoe. They have also challenged militarism on an everyday level in many other ways. This book tells the story of their resistance. It explores why anti-militarists take part in such actions, considers the politics of different tactics and examines the tensions and debates within the movement. Resisting Militarism draws on a range of critical theoretical traditions including anarchist, feminist, postcolonial, poststructural and queer theory. These are engaged to both animate and interrogate anti-militarist politics, with particular emphasis placed on activists’ use of prefigurative direct action. As it explores the multifaceted, imaginative and highly subversive world of anti-militarism, the book also makes two overarching arguments. First, that anti-militarists can help us to understand militarism in novel and useful ways. And secondly, that the methods and ideas used by anti-militarists can be a potent force for radical political change.
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49

Barger, Lilian Calles. The Feminine Principle. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695392.003.0010.

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This chapter examines the language of identity and the search for group solidarity among women and found in the idea of sisterhood. A common story of oppression became the means for group cohesion. Through consciousness-raising, women’s liberation carried the seeds of a radical theology and sought to forge a common story of struggle. Feminist theologians turned to women’s history and biography and the new narrative theology as a means to create sacred stories of oppression and liberation. They attempted to recover the feminine principle and the image of the Great Mother, threatening the movement with essentialism and obscuring the differences among women due to race and class.
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50

Cooper, Brittney C. Epilogue. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040993.003.0007.

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Despite the fact that Black feminism, as a critical locus of Black women’s twentieth century knowledge production, has become a fully institutionalized field of academic specialization since the late 1970s, the contention of this book has been that there is still a requisite and tacit failure to take Black women’s work, as thinkers and theorists on broader questions affecting Black people, seriously. Yes, Black feminist women’s arguments about the centrality of gender to racial concerns have gained major academic currency, as evidenced by the broad use of intersectional discourse in numerous fields and disciplines. And yes, the new Black Lives Matter Movement, particularly as conceived by Garza, Tometi, and Cullors has made Black feminist politics the currency of Black radical thought. But the fact that Alicia Garza’s comments written in the second decade of the twenty-first century, sound eerily similar to commentary from Anna Julia Cooper writing in the nineteenth century, and Pauli Murray, Toni Cade Bambara and bell hooks writing in the twentieth suggests that not enough has changed.
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