Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Racialisation'

This thesis demonstrates that advertising is an important and neglected site of racialisation. It argues that advertising plays a crucial role in the cultural politics of 'race' but that, in order to examine this role, we need a more subtle understanding of the production and consumption of advertising meanings. That the relationship between advertising and racialisation remains understudied is arguably a result of traditional academic approaches to the media which have tended to focus exclusively on textual interpretations of media products by academics themselves. This project has attempted to move beyond such approaches by investigating the social relations of production and consumption of British television advertising in a number of sites, in addition to analysing the content of such advertisements. The project focuses upon young consumers; this is a group to which advertising most frequently targets racialised imagery, a group whose 'cultures' have been actively influenced by racialised minorities, and who are arguably the most 'media literate' of consumers. It employs a variety of research techniques, including content analysis, participant observation in an advertising agency, individual interviews with industry personnel and group discussions with young people in two contrasting London schools. It concludes that, in contrast to accounts of advertising that emphasise 'rational' economics, all stages of the advertising process are rife with racialised meanings. The thesis shows how advertising is sometimes consumed in different ways from those intended by its producers, and that there are significant differences in consumption among different groups of consumers. Such differential patterns of consumption are not adequately explained by reference to traditional social categories such as 'race', gender and class; instead relational categories of difference and distinction have greater explanatory value. The thesis incorporates an attempt to provide a critical handle on the advertising industry, and draws attention to the consistent presence of relations of power in the cultural politics of advertising. It discusses the notion of 'resistance' to such relations by the young people interviewed and concludes that previous research has tended to over-simplify, and over-estimate the extent of, consumer resistance to advertising's dominant meanings.

Two dominant themes can be identified in political and media debates which followed various incidents of urban unrest in Britain during the 1980s. Events in St. Pauls, Bristol, in April 1980, in Toxteth, Liverpool in July 1981, and in the Handsworth district of Birmingham in October 1985, were amongst those which were frequently held to represent a new and troubling development in British cities. In the report which followed his Inquiry into the disturbances in Brixton in April 1981, Lord Scarman recorded the 'horror and incredulity' with which the British public watched violent scenes unfold on television news reports (Scarman, 1981; 1.2). Accompanying the view that urban unrest was anathema in British society was the frequent suggestion that the events in many cities in the early and mid-1980s were essentially 'race riots', clashes between black people and the police. Many of the arguments which explained the disturbances in terms of the 'race' of those involved are critically discussed in this study. The thesis develops a theoretical framework based upon the concept of racialisation. It is argued that a full understanding of racialised discourse must pay attention to both the particular local circumstances in which they appear, and well-established themes which have unfolded over time. An important aspect of the study is the examination of other discourses with which racialised ideas have co-joined, reflecting the way in which notions of 'race' are socially constructed. The final part of the thesis returns to debates of the 1980s and argues that the racialisation of unrest in that decade was closely inter-twined with conservative perspectives which sought to deny socio-economic causes in favour of explanations based upon the supposed cultural or personal proclivities of those involved.

This research identifies and examines the circumstances and processes surrounding the migration and racialisation of doctors from the Indian subcontinent to Britain. Theoretically the research will critically evaluate several current debates within sociology and reconstructs a different set of criteria to that which has until recently governed investigations into racism. The research argues that the concept of 'race' is an ideological construction with no analytical role to play in the investigation of racism and discrimination. The real object of analysis is the development and reproduction of racism as an ideology within specific historical and material conjunctures determined by the uneven development of capitalism. Within this context a full explanation of the migration and racialisation of doctors from the Indian subcontinent requires not only an examination of the post-war era, but also an investigation of the origins of that migration and racialisation during the pre-1945 period when India was the subject of British rule. A great deal of contemporary research on migration and racism, has tended to concentrate on unskilled and semi-skilled migrant labour. This study will focus on the neglected area of the 'professions', through an investigation of doctors from the Indian subcontinent and their relationship with the British 'professional' occupation of medicine. Through the exegesis and critique of the 'sociology of professions', the research will demonstrate that doctors from the Indian subcontinent represent a racialised fraction of the new middle class. The main question surrounding the analysis of the relationship between Indian doctors and the British 'professional' occupation of medicine as 'gatekeepers' of the occupation, will focus on the relationship between professionalism and racism. The research will contend that the content of professionalism does not merely define certain occupations as 'professions', but more importantly, professionalism like racism is an ideology. Professionalism not only operates to justify and legitimate the supposed special status of medicine, but it also reinforces racist exclusionary practices in a 'sanitised' form within the occupation. This provides the research with the rare opportunity of analysing the nature and content of two ideologies operating within the same arena: the relationship between racism and professionalism. This will illustrate that the racism which black migrant 'professional' labour is subject to, does not only operate in a functional way for capitalism in providing labour for the less desirable specialisms of medicine, but also operates through the mediation of the occupation of medicine to help reproduce the 'professional status' of the occupation.

In my doctoral dissertation I explore the key role played by the eighteenth-century enlightened narrative of civilisation in the shaping of a Eurocentric/racist construction of the world. I do this by analysing how, in sources from the realms of moral philosophy and natural history, the intertwining discourses of luxury, sensibility, taste and climate that fuelled the narrative of civilisation created an understanding of human nature that made eighteenth-century scientific racism possible. The entire non-European world (the East, Africa and America) was presented as a space inhabited by unnatural bodies. Although Europe itself was not characterised as monolithic, (these writers saw a clear boundary between Northern and Southern Europe), the joint efforts of both moral philosophers and natural historians clearly distinguished Europe and the European body from the rest of the world. The Eurocentric/racist eighteenth-century construction of the world was so powerful in naturalising the European human and national prototype as a universal normative standard that it even found agents in other continents who were willing to argue that they too belonged to the European civilisation. Even those whom Europeans explicitly cast as inhabiting spaces unfit for the unfolding of civilisation, and thus as spaces where the European human prototype inevitably degenerated, might insist that they too conformed to the European human and national prototype. The idea of Europe as the centre of the world would not have triumphed had agents outside Europe not participated in its making. This was the case of the New Granadan Creoles, the founding fathers of the Colombian nation, who far from questioning the Eurocentric racist/lens of civilisation whereby European savants had dismissed the non-European world as inferior, instead reinforced it.

This thesis is based on a qualitative study of a black voluntary organisation, the Sheffield Black Justice Project. The purpose of the organisation is to offer practical advice to local black people about any aspect of the criminal justice process and the main part of its work involves operating a Help On Arrest Scheme. The thesis sets out to explore significant gaps in sociological knowledge about the participation of black people in voluntary organisations, the racialisation of identity and criminal justice issues. The research was concerned with an investigation of how volunteers from a variety of racialised groups understood the meaning and role of 'race' as they participated in the Black Justice Project. It assessed how far a successful collective response was possible in this specific social context and evaluated the extent to which the project was able to balance the needs and interests of local black people with those of supporting statutory organisations. Three central research questions have been addressed. Firstly, the research has examined the nature of and reasons for the volunteers' involvement in the Black Justice Project. Secondly, it has considered how volunteers perceived their identity to be racialised in relation to other black and white people both within the project and more widely. Thirdly, it has compared and contrasted the understanding of the volunteers with that of custody officers working in South Yorkshire Police, to provide detailed information about the ways in which each group interprets both the relationship between black people and the police and black people's experiences of criminal justice. The fieldwork consisted of two methodological elements. Firstly, a series of semistructured interviews was conducted with the three main groups involved in the research. A sample of thirty volunteers of varied racialised origin was interviewed. Those involved with the management of the project were also interviewed as well as various police officers, including one-third of custody officers in Sheffield. Secondly, informal participant observation of the project was undertaken over a period of two years. Overall, the thesis demonstrates that the Black Justice Project's apparent success resulted from a careful management of its image rather than a comprehensive implementation of the black perspective defined by the volunteers. However, it was found that the black perspective itself was based on the highly questionable notion of an essentialised black identity. The thesis demonstrates how racialised identity is always a process of accommodation, negotiation and transformation involving both group identification and categorisation by others. The research also revealed that the job-related objectives of the volunteers were thwarted by the custody officers who, it was found, effectively adhered to their job related priorities and so racialised the project's Help On Arrest Scheme. It was found that these two groups had a very different interpretation of the nature of police-black relations to the extent that the volunteers regarded raciaIised policing as the norm whereas the officers regarded it as an extremely infrequent deviation from it.

This thesis aims to explore how some young Australian children construct their racialised ideas of difference and social relations. It adopts a qualitative method of inquiry and is based on face-to face, semi-structured interviews with a small sample of twelve Western Australian children aged three, five and seven years. The study adopts a relatively recent perspective on children, within which they are viewed as having an active role in their own learning process and as possessing a certain level of competence (Lloyd-Smith & Tarr, 2000; James & James, 2004) that allows them to “comprehend, process and articulate their needs and experiences” (Connolly, 1996, p.172). The study also adopts a perspective of the multiplicity of the forms of racism (Hall, 1986; Miles, 1989, 1993) and their dynamic, contingent nature, specific to different political and social contexts. Within this understanding children are viewed not just as passive recipients of racist discourses, but as active agents who, in order to make sense of their social world, strive to deal with the often contradictory nature of information received in relation to the racial Other (Rizvi, 1993a; Connolly, 1996). Bronfenbrenner’s ecological perspective on human development adopted by this study, allows us to position the development of children’s racialised thinking within the specific contexts of immediate environments (Microsystem), where children experience and create reality (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). At the same time, however, it helps us to see how the experiences within the child’s environments are influenced, if not determined, by the broader social processes and institutions (Exosystem), which in many aspects reflect the ideologies (Macrosystem) of racism within Australian society (Jayasuriya, 1999). The study argues that young Australian children’s racialised construction of difference needs to be addressed, possibly through the development of curricula and programs with an anti-racist rather than multicultural focus. Such curricula have a potential to provide children with opportunities to look critically at the dangers of racisms and to challenge everyday racist assumptions. Further qualitative research is needed to unearth the complexities of young Australian children’s racialised thought.

This thesis argues that despite claims that the UK is a post-racial society, (sur)names are understood in a racialised way. 31 semi-structured interviews and one survey-based interview were conducted. 29 of the 32 participants had changed their surname from one they perceived to be symbolically representative of their own embodied racial identity to one that they felt was not, or vice versa. This thesis claims that some (sur)names are socially constructed as invisible and normal, i.e. white British, whilst ‘Other’ names are deemed foreign and highly conspicuous. It is asserted that (sur)names inform stereotypes of a person’s embodied racial appearance. The confusion and intense interest encountered by the name-changers in relation to a perceived disjuncture between their embodied racial identity and the racialised categorisation of their name, exposes processes of racialisation. Name, embodied racial appearance and accent interact in different ways and contexts in deciding how a person is racialised and what their access is to the privilege associated with the majority identity of white Britishness. It is suggested that names are racially hierarchized according to the racial and/or national identity that the name is seen to represent. The thesis uses literature on race, racism, whiteness, racial passing, inbetween people and nationalism, in order to explore the racist and nationalist undertones of many participants’ encounters in regard to a racial disjuncture between name and body. Whilst supporting the point that race is a social construction rather than biological fact, the thesis nonetheless asserts that difference is conceived not just in terms of culture but in relation to embodied notions of race. Names should be acknowledged as being an important marker of biological conceptions of race. Race is still common currency in the UK, and this matters because power is differentially attributed within racialisation processes. Racism is not over.

In Part Two I present a series of analyses of nineteenth century discourses. In Chapters Five and Six my focus is on texts which describe the history, geography and ethnology of Africa. I establish evidence of the prevalence of racist accounts of the continent during the period and argue that the texts exemplify contradictions between different racist ideologies. I also argue that these contradictions are related to a historical shift between two distinctive ways of constructing social collectives. In Chapter Seven I pursue this argument further through discussion of the nineteenth century discipline of phrenology. I show that Scottish theorists and practitioners of phrenology made a significant contribution to the development of scientific racism, and that the biological determinism which is fundamental to the phrenological project corresponds to a distinctive way of constructing social collectives. I explore the history of the discipline and its relationships to orthodox science and to Christianity in this context. In Chapter Eight I offer an analysis of some aspects of the significance of racism of the construction of collective categories identifying populations within Scotland. I pursue this analysis in two directions. First, I cite and analyse nineteenth century histories of Scotland which refer to the "racial" composition and "racial" qualities of the population of Scotland. Second, I discuss scholarly and governmental literature which describes the contemporary Irish and Highland populations of nineteenth century Scotland. In the final chapter I summarise the results of the analyses presented in Chapters Five to Eight, and conclude by drawing out the implications of these results for the problems raised in Part One. I pursue the issue of the construction of Scottish "national identity" through discussion of recent debates concerning nineteenth century Scottish politics and culture, and I suggest that this area could be more fully researched by taking account of the significance of imperialism and racism.

In this thesis I argue for anti-realism about race. Simply put, human races do not exist. The debate between biological naturalists, social constructionists, and anti-realists about race takes place against a backdrop of broad agreement about the scientific findings on human biological diversity. For the most part, the debate is not about the facts of human diversity, but about how to interpret those facts. A racial interpretation of human diversity relies on a definition of race which is too weak to revive race as a legitimate category of biological classification. Social constructionists define race socially, which leads to a distorted history of the concept, and limits the ways in which our racial categories might be constructed. Yet human biological diversity (which is not properly described as ‘racial’) and social factors do play important roles in the construction of our racial categories. We should replace racial ontology, I suggest, with the process ontology of racialisation. I argue that racialisation is the product of the ongoing interaction between a number of factors: social, cultural, historical, biological, lingual, religious, geographic, psychological, political, and so on. I call this view ‘interactive constructionism’. The products of this process are racialised groups, not races. Races are not real, racialised groups are. We should be interactive constructionists about racialised groups.

This Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis study aims to explore the experiences and understandings of childhood and education of four young people who identify as mixed Black and White heritage. The research utilises the theoretical positions of Critical Race Theory and intersectionality, drawing on psychoanalytic theories of power, racism and racialisation to interpret participants’ experiences. Participants took part in semi-structured interviews, exploring the research questions A) ‘What are mixed young people’s experiences of race and culture?’ and B) ‘How do mixed young people interpret their experiences of childhood and education?’. Analysis led to the proposal of a series of ‘higher-order’ superordinate themes across participants. For research question A, higher order superordinate themes were, ‘The significance of culture/heritage’, ‘Mixedness as challenging constructions’, ‘The significance of intersectionality’, ‘Blackness as problematic’, and ‘Mixedness as an identity’. For research question B, higher order superordinate themes were, ‘Isolation and belonging’, ‘Racialised perceptions in the development of self-identity’, and ‘The power of educational experiences’. Implications for practice are explored by considering ‘How can Educational Psychology Practice develop through these accounts?’ with reference to specific cultural and ethnic competencies in the British Psychological Society ‘Standards for the accreditation of Educational Psychology Training’ (BPS, 2015).

Cette recherche doctorale est consacrée à l’analyse des représentations et des pratiques mises en oeuvrepar les professionnels hospitaliers d’établissements franciliens à l’égard de patients qu’ils identifientcomme roms. S’appuyant sur une ethnographie de la relation de guichet, elle propose une étude desfrontières morales qui fondent le processus de catégorisation raciale mis en oeuvre lors de la prise encharge de ces patients. Cette analyse révèle la superposition de frontières professionnelles auxfrontières raciales et morales tracées par les enquêtés, exposant ainsi différents usages professionnelsdu processus de racialisation des usagers. L’observation des usages quotidiens de la racialisation lorsde la relation de soin, de la prise en charge par les services et de l’accueil dans les établissements desanté démontre, non seulement l’existence d’une corrélation entre représentations racialisantes ettraitements différentiels des usagers, mais également le renforcement de cette tendance parl’imposition, via des réformes hospitalières inspirées du nouveau management public, d’objectifs derentabilité financière aux institutions de santé
This doctoral research analyses the representations and practices of Ile-de-France’s hospitalprofessionals towards patients they identify as Roma. Based on an ethnography of administrativeencounters, it examines the moral boundaries of the racial categorisation process implemented duringpatient-provider relationships beginning with patient admission. The analysis reveals the superpositionof professional boundaries upon moral and racial boundaries drawn by healthcare professionals, andthe different professional uses they make of the racialisation process. The observation of daily uses ofracialisation during patient-provider relationships, interactions at the health service level and at theinstitutional level not only proves the link between agents’ racial representations and racialdiscrimination towards users, but also demonstrates how this pattern is reinforced by the objective ofprofitability imposed on healthcare institutions by new public management reforms

Baltimore fait partie des grandes métropoles américaines qui se sont lancées dans le cercle vertueux du développement durable. Traditionnellement acquise aux votes démocrates, constituée d’une majorité d’Afro-Américains appartenant aux classes sociales défavorisées, et portant les profonds stigmates de la crise industrielle et des récessions économiques successives, la ville offre un terreau favorable aux expériences de gestion urbaine intégrant la notion de durabilité. Bien plus, tant du point de vue des caractéristiques économiques et démographiques que de celui de l’héritage marqué de la ségrégation, c’est la dimension sociale du développement durable et la justice environnementale qui sont en jeu. Depuis 2000, la municipalité a initié deux grands projets intégrant le développement durable dans ses dimensions de « sustainability », « livability » et « smart growth », pouvant être regroupées sous l’appellation de « green politics ». L’essentiel de ses efforts porte sur la revitalisation de deux ghettos du centre-ville tombés en complète déshérence, East Baltimore et West Baltimore. Nous concentrerons notre réflexion sur deux exemples précis de « green politics » (la réhabilitation d’une partie du ghetto d’East Baltimore avec le Grand Piano ; la Red Line, ligne de train qui doit relier les deux ghettos et des zones de friches industrielles au quartier des affaires). À partir de ces exemples, nous étudierons les modes de gouvernance mis en place et le rôle joué par les différents acteurs qui y participent (« anchor institutions », grandes fondations, acteurs publics et associations de quartier). Nous nous interrogerons sur l’émergence de formes inédites de citoyenneté façonnées par ces nouveaux modes de participation à l’aménagement urbain durable. Il s’agira de comprendre si le développement durable est conçu au service des habitants du ghetto afin de lutter contre la pauvreté et les injustices sociales et environnementales, ou si, au contraire, la racialisation de ce concept favorise la gentrification, crée de nouvelles formes de ségrégation et aboutit à la fin programmée des ghettos
Baltimore is part of the big American metropolises committed in a race for sustainable development. Traditionally a democratic stronghold, with a majority of city dwellers who are poor Afro-Americans, and harshly battered by the industrial crisis and the economic recession, Baltimore City is the perfect laboratory for urban planning projects experimenting sustainable development. Furthermore, with regard to its economic and demographic characteristics and the importance of segregation in the city, the social dimension of sustainable development and the issue of environmental justice are at stake. Since 2000, the Mayor and the City Council initiated two ambitious projects integrating the various aspects of sustainable development (« sustainability », « livability » and « smart growth »), which are all belonging to « green politics ». These efforts are focused on East Baltimore and West Baltimore, two huge ghettos surrounding the financial district in the downtown area. The core of our analysis concerns two projects of green politics (the rehabilitation of a part of the East Baltimore ghetto through the Grand Piano; the Red Line, a train connecting the ghettos, some industrial wastelands and the Central Business District). Through these examples, we will put under study the types of urban governance and urban regimes at work, and the role played by the different stakeholders (« anchor institutions », philanthropic foundations, public actors and neighborhood associations). New forms of citizenship may appear with unheard modes of participation to sustainable urban planning. Sustainable development may be an opportunity to improve the living conditions in the ghetto and fight against poverty and social and environmental injustices. The seamy side of the story may be a racialization of sustainable development nourishing gentrification, creating new forms of segregation and bringing about the death of the ghettos

Little is known about the everyday racialisation experiences and self-identification practices of foreign-born non-South African communities in South Africa such as refugees, asylumseekers and immigrants. To explore this everyday phenomenon, I employed an interpretative phenomenological analysis approach and interviewed 46 Eritrean refugees and asylumseekers living in Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. This study is embedded in the field of race, ethnicity and immigration studies. Racialisation theory, racial and ethnic identity theories, and immigrant adaptation theories were employed to interpret the findings. Results indicate that most participants largely resisted and challenged their racialisation by both bureaucratic forms and local South Africans in their everyday social interactions. Participants were racially perceived and classified by ordinary South Africans, as coloured, indian, alternately as coloured and indian, black, and as racially ambiguous. Some viewed racial identities as meaningless categories. Others self-identified ethnically in a contextually contingent and dynamic ways as Eritreans, Habesha and Tigrinya. Still others racially selfidentified as black, and as coloured. Through their complex and novel practices of racial selfidentification patterns, the participants re-defined traditional racial self-identification practises in South Africa. For some, skin colour and phenotype did not inform their racial self-identification and the majority inconsistently moved between racial categories depending on the social context and in complex ways. The participants‘ experiences suggest that traditional South African racial categories are encountering resistance and re-definition by foreign-born refugee and asylum-seeker communities; furthermore, such communities are introducing new ways of racial self-identification practices in everyday life in post-Apartheid South Africa.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2018.
Sociology
PhD
Unrestricted

This thesis asks two central questions. First, what is the range of racialised discourses that constitute the subjectivities of some Pakeha ('white'/European) women? Second, can an examination of racialised discourses be useful for present social justice and antiracist pedagogy? The research examines and analyses a range of discourses of Whiteness that contribute to the constitution of contemporary Pakeha women as racialised subjects. Central to the thesis is an analysis of dominant discourses and the contemporary challenges that analyses of racism and aspects of identification present in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The study is qualitative and draws on insights from discourse analysis theory, critical Whiteness theory and feminist approaches to theories on racism and 'white' supremacy. The analysis is located in the historicised context of contemporary Aotearoa/New Zealand where a Treaty, Te Tiriti O Waitangi, which was signed by some hapu, the tangata whenua of Aotearoa, and representatives of the British Crown in 1840, underpins current socio-cultural politics of biculturalism. The thesis argues/contends that racialised discourses, in particular various discourses of Whiteness are available to contemporary Pakeha women. The analysis is grounded in both a preliminary focus group and individual interviews of 28 Pakeha women ranging in age from 24 to 86 years, the majority of whom were aged between 40 and 55 years. With few exceptions, participants revealed that they were constituted within discourses of Whiteness through their communication choices and discursive strategies in the interviews in two distinct ways: firstly in their perceptions expressed in their narratives and recollections, and secondly in the discursive forms used in participants' interactions during the focus group and interviews. These 28 women, some of whom had participated in antiracist education such as Treaty of Waitangi workshops, utilised discourses that exposed the pervasiveness and significance of racialised discourses as they attempted express how they learned to be 'white'. Participants maintained and reproduced discourses of Whiteness that had gendered and some class influences contained in their perceptions, talk and significantly in their silences. The analysis shows how remnants of essentialist ideologies of 'race' based in the nineteenth century imperialism are constantly reworked and are seemingly invisible to those constituted within these racialised discourses, apparently giving these outdated representations no chance to fade away. Based on the analysis, critical pedagogies of Whiteness in education that incorporate an epistemic approach are suggested, which have the potential to facilitate Pakeha women's ability to conceptualise their racialised discursive location. As an outcome of this understanding, the thesis maintains that Pakeha will have the capability to strategically reconceptualise their discursive constitution in order to address the complex forms of identity, understanding of difference and representation. Furthermore, these reconceptualisations have the potential to reveal the central relationship between dominant discursive formulations and social norms and structures, a vital constituent in contemporary social justice education.

Partant de l'observation d'un décalage existant entre la définition d'une école française à portée universelle et l'émergence de thèmes identitaires comme catégorie pratique dans les discours des acteurs scolaires, nous interrogeons le processus d'ethnicisation des relations sociales. Pensé comme une montée de la communauté face au laïque, il se dessine bien plus comme un creux, un manque, une perte. L'ouvrier n'étant qu'une figure de la modernité mise à mal par l'effondrement de l'idéologie du progrès social, cet écart s'ethnicise peu à peu dans la visibilité de l'immigration. Pour autant, l'application de l'ethnicité à la sociologie de l'immigration comme tentative de renouvellement des perspectives reste pour nous une question ouverte. De la notion d'égalité contre l'apparent égalitarisme de l'école pour tous, nous serions passés à la ségrégation urbaine et scolaire, puis à l'inégalité de traitement. Ici, dans le champ large de l'ethnicité, l'enjeu plus précis souligné est la construction des populations de l'immigration en minorités. Nous passons peut-être ainsi d'une ethnicisation des enfants de l'immigration à une racialisation des enfants des minorités ethniques, pour désigner des groupes définis et/ou se définissant par leur origine ou leur culture, dans une assignation à un statut dominé et une position de relégation. L'ethnicisation de la société étant un processus de production de rapports sociaux, tenant à la modification d'une définition d'appartenance à une nation qui ne tient pas ses promesses ou ses engagements d'intégration, non dans le sens d'une assimilation manquée des Autres, mais selon notre proposition dans le sentiment d'insécurité partagé par tous à divers degrés, de la peur de l'assignation à un statut de marge social, économique et territorial.

Le thème de cette thèse est le racisme existant à l’époque contemporaine. Á partir d’une analyse comparée entre le Brésil et la France, on a cherché à comprendre et expliquer la logique de ce phénomène social.. Le choix des deux pays, entre autres raisons, est dû au fait que quelques auteurs révèlent l’importance d’un nouveau type de racisme qui serait basé sur des différences culturelles. Il s’agit donc de vérifier dans quelle mesure ce racisme opère d’un mode distinct de celui du racisme traditionnel. En même temps, on cherche à comprendre quelles différences il peut y avoir dans le racisme présent sur des lieux où les différences culturelles sont moins perceptibles et démarquées. On part de l’hypothèse principale que la logique de ce racisme ne trouve pas ses fondements dans les différences culturelles mais bien dans le processus d’intégration sociale des individus. Dans ce sens, cette thèse a pris pour objet d’étude le processus d’intégration français, « mythe républicain », et le processus d’intégration brésilien, « mythe de la démocratie raciale », et la « racialisation » existante sur le marché du travail de ces deux pays. La recherche se base sur une analyse comparée qui prend pour objet empirique la relation entre noirs et blancs, et entre immigrants – africains et maghrébins – et Français, dans le contexte de leurs insertions dans le marché du travail du Brésil et de la France, respectivement. Au travers d’une analyse quantitative, nous cherchons à démontrer les inégalités et l’effet de la race et de la nationalité sur la participation des individus au marché du travail ; dans une deuxième phase, par des entrevues semi-structurées, ont été analysées les représentations sociales sur le racisme des travailleurs noirs au Brésil et des immigrants africains et maghrébins en France. Les entrevues ont été réalisées dans quatre localités : Paris, Nice, Salvador et Porto Alegre. À partir de l’analyse des entrevues, on a exploré deux thèmes principaux : les représentations sociales sur le racisme et la perpétuation de l’ordre racial dans le marché du travail.
O tema dessa tese é o racismo existente no período contemporâneo. A partir de uma análise comparada entre o Brasil e a França buscou-se compreender e explicar a lógica desse fenômeno social. A escolha desses dois países, entre outros motivos, deve-se ao fato de que alguns autores destacam a importância de um novo tipo de racismo que estaria mais baseado em diferenças culturais.Trata-se, portanto, de verificar em que medida esse racismo opera de modo diferente daquele racismo tradicional. Ao mesmo tempo, busca-se compreender que diferenças podem haver no racismo presente em localidades onde as diferenças culturais são menos perceptíveis e demarcadas. Parte-se da hipótese principal que a lógica desse racismo não encontra fundamentos nas diferenças culturais, mas sim no processo de integração social dos indivíduos. Nesse sentido, essa tese tomou por objeto o processo de integração francês, “mito republicano”, e o processo de integração brasileiro “mito da democracia racial” e a racialização existente no mercado de trabalho desses dois países. A pesquisa baseia-se em uma análise comparada que toma por objeto empírico a relação entre negros e brancos e entre imigrantes – africanos e magrebinos – e franceses no contexto de suas inserções no mercado de trabalho do Brasil e da França, respectivamente. Através de uma análise quantitativa procuramos evidenciar as desigualdades e o efeito da raça e da nacionalidade sobre a participação dos indivíduos no mercado de trabalho; em um segundo momento, através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas foram analisadas as representações sociais sobre o racismo dos trabalhadores negros no Brasil e dos imigrantes africanos e magrebinos na França. As entrevistas foram realizadas em quatro localidades: Paris, Nice, Salvador e Porto Alegre. A partir da análise das entrevistas dois temas principais foram investigados: as representações sociais sobre o racismo e a perpetuação da ordem racial no mercado de trabalho.

The present thesis explores intersectional and institutional conditions for counteracting domestic violence in the Swedish welfare state. Empirically, the study focuses on professional discourses and practices concerning fathers’ violence against mothers and children in the context of separation, in three domains of practice: 1) Children’s education; 2) Disputes concerning custody, contact and residence; and 3) Welfare benefits such as financial aid. Theoretically, the study draws on feminist political theory and sociology, childhood studies and critical race studies. The empirical material consists of court orders and interviews with staff and victimised mothers. Two main social processes that undermine implementation of children’s rights are identified and discussed: Familialisation and selective repression. The thesis is based on four articles: Article I, (Skolan, familjerätten och barnen) School, family law and children exposed to violence, explores how staff at school and preschool understands their professional task, when in encounters with children in difficulties due to family law proceedings. The results suggest that two competing perspectives shape staff understandings of risks, solutions and violence. When arguing from the child’s rights’ perspective, the staff prioritises children’s safety and participation, while an upbringing perspective tends to construct violence mainly as a problem of order, with disquieting implications for vulnerable children. Article II, (Pedagoger i det sociala uppdragets gränstrakter: Att hantera familjerättsliga processer, hot och våld)Pedagogues in the borderland of their social task: Dealing with family law proceedings, threats and violence, investigates strategies used by preschool and school staff, when encountering gendered conflicts and violence between parents. How do the staff cope with their own and children’s vulnerability? An analytical model of six types of proactive and reactive strategies, ranging from keeping distance to normalisation of own vulnerability, is utilised in the analysis and discussed in relation to organisational and professional circumstances and intersecting social relations of inequality. Article III, Contact and evaluations of violence: An intersectional analysis of Swedish court orders, examines obstacles to implementation of children’s rights in contested parental contact cases in which there are indications of violence. The analysis shows that the contact presumption is strong, and generally overrides protection. This norm applies even where there are convictions or explicit reports of child abuse or domestic violence. In cases with ‘non-Nordic’ fathers however, the contact presumption is less likely to override protection than in cases with ‘Nordic’ fathers. Article IV, Financial oppression and post-separation child positions in Sweden, deals with post-separation child positions in two domains of practice in the Swedish welfare state: Welfare benefits such as financial aid, and child contact. The area of concern is financial oppression in the context of parental separation. Findings suggest that financial abuse in the context of parental separation is a non-question in the domain of welfare benefits, and in the domain of child contact framed as a conflict between equal parties. The age order as a form of domination may be reinforced by the practice of both domains.

La démarche générale de cette thèse consiste à étudier la façon dont sont administrés les espaces nommés squats, bidonvilles et campements illicites par les pouvoirs publics et, par extension, leurs habitant-es, à l'aune de l'étude de la catégorie d'habitat « campements roms » mise en mots dans une circulaire le 5 août 2010. L'analyse de la mise en œuvre de la gestion et de l'expulsion de ces espaces est fondée sur une ethnographie des bidonvilles initiée en 2012 dans différentes villes de France et plus particulièrement dans la ville de Marseille ainsi que sur des entretiens, diverses formes d'observations et l'analyse de littératures grises. De l'élaboration des politiques publiques à leur mise en œuvre par les associations opératrices d'État dans la ville de Marseille (avec un focus sur l'année 2020), cette thèse analyse l'action publique à l'échelle locale afin de proposer une interprétation de la situation nationale. Ce travail, en s'intéressant à la façon dont sont nommés et classés certains habitats précaires identifiés comme illicites voire illégaux, met en lumière les logiques de catégorisation des habitant-es de ces espaces. Ce qui est formulé comme une politique prenant pour objet le logement administre en réalité les populations l'habitent, i.e. les personnes désignées comme roms dans la circulaire de 2010. La thèse met en lumière que l'opération de mise en mots de ces espaces comme « squats », « bidonvilles », « campements », mais aussi « copropriétés dégradées » par les pouvoirs publics nous informe peu sur la nature de ces espaces (les matériaux dont ils sont faits, leur légalité ou leur pérennité) mais relève d'un processus de catégorisation des populations qui les habitent. Toutes les personnes perçues comme roms habitant en bidonville à Marseille ne connaissent pas les mêmes logiques de classement de leur habitat, et ainsi la même mise en œuvre d'un suivi social permettant l'accès à certains droits : selon leur nationalité, leur(s) langue(s), leur statut administratif, la politique publique ne revêt pas le même aspect, aussi bien concernant son volet social (suivi social à partir du diagnostic social énoncé dans la circulaire de 2012) que son volet sécuritaire (les expulsions du lieu d'habitation et du territoire français). Cette thèse entend participer à la réflexion sur la façon dont sont catégorisées les personnes dites roms migrant-es en France en s'intéressant aux rapports sociaux de race, de sexe et de classe à l'œuvre dans l'administration de l'habitat précaire nommé squat, bidonville et campement
The general approach of this thesis is to study the way in which spaces known as squats, shanty towns and illegal encampments are administered by the public authorities and, by extension, their inhabitants, in the light of the study of the housing category 'Roma encampments' that was defined by a circular on 5 August 2010. The analysis of the implementation of the management and eviction of these spaces is based on an ethnography of shantytowns initiated in 2012 in various French cities and particularly in the city of Marseille, as well as on interviews, various forms of observation and the analysis of grey literature. From the development of public policies to their implementation by state-operated associations in the city of Marseille (with a focus on the year 2020), this thesis analyses public action at the local level in order to propose an interpretation of the national situation. By looking at the way in which certain types of precarious housing identified as illicit or even illegal are named and classified, this work sheds light on the ways in which the residents of these areas are categorised. What is formulated as a housing policy actually administers the people who live there, i.e. the people designated as Roma in the 2010 circular. The thesis highlights the fact that the process of labelling these spaces as 'squats', 'shanty towns', 'encampments' and also 'copropriété dégradée' by the public authorities tells us little about the nature of these spaces (the materials of which they are made, their legality or their longevity), but is part of a process of categorising the people who live there. Not all people perceived as Roma living in shantytowns in Marseille are subject to the same logic for classifying their housing, and thus to the same implementation of social monitoring enabling access to certain rights: depending on nationality, language(s) and administrative status, public policy does not take on the same aspect, both in terms of its social aspect (social monitoring based on the social diagnosis set out in the 2012 circular) and its security aspect (housing evictions and deportation from the French territory). This thesis aims to contribute to the debate around the way in which so-called Roma migrants are categorised in France by looking at the social relations of race, gender and class at work in the administration of precarious housing known as squats, shanty towns and encampments

Cette thèse a pour objet l’espace des clubs de cadres et de dirigeants racialisés, au sens des regroupements s’appropriant la forme « club » et problématisant l’appartenance à un groupe à la fois doté en ressources socioéconomiques et racialisé, autrement dit dont l’altérité est radicalisée. Au croisement de la sociologie des mobilisations, des élites, de la racialisation et de la migration, la thèse interroge les conditions d’émergence et les principes de structuration de cet espace en se fondant sur une enquête de terrain combinant plusieurs méthodes (entretiens, observation, sociographie, analyse documentaire). La sociogenèse montre que cet espace naît d’un mouvement d’autonomisation de la gauche politique et d’insertion de la cause dans l’espace économique et patronal. La thèse montre ensuite que cet espace est constitué par trois pôles, dont les discours sont plus ou moins critiques ou conformistes envers une idéologie dominante de réussite caractérisée, en France, par la valorisation de la méritocratie et de l’élitisme scolaires, un interdit communautaire, et une injonction d’acculturation et d’invisibilisation des marqueurs de différence. L’analyse des trajectoires des fondateurs, des propriétés des membres, des ressources et des relations des clubs avec la sphère économique et politique et l’espace patronal de représentation montre que les rapports des clubs à l’idéologie sont étroitement liés à leurs propriétés de classe. L’observation révèle enfin les effets internes de la proximité plus ou moins forte des clubs avec l’espace patronal de représentation ainsi que la sphère politique et médiatique, avec des relations sociales oscillant entre concurrence et convivialité
The object of this thesis is the space of racialized executives and business owners’ clubs, i.e regroupings which appropriate the form of a “club” and problematize the belonging to a group both endowed with socio-economic resources and racialized in the sense that its alterity is radicalised. At the junction of the sociology of collective action, elites, racialization and migration, the thesis questions the conditions of emergence and the principles of structuration of that space by basing itself on a fieldwork combining several methods (interviews, observation, sociography, analysis of documents). We first show that this space stems from a double movement of autonomisation from the political left and of insertion of the cause in the economic sphere and the employers’ space of representation. The thesis goes on to show that that space is constituted by three poles which, on the discursive level, are more or less critical of or conforming to a dominant ideology of success characterised by the valorisation of educational meritocracy and elitism, a community interdict, and an injunction of acculturation and invisibilisation of the markers of difference. The analysis of the founders’trajectories, the members’ properties, the clubs’resources and relations with the economic and political sphere, as well as with the employers’ space of representation shows that the clubs’ stances toward the dominant ideology of success are linked to their class properties. Observation finally reveals internal social relation oscillating oscillating between competition and conviviality, depending on the club’s proximity with the employer’s space of representation and political or economic sphere

Sur l’ensemble de la période de colonisation française de Madagascar, des milliers de personnes travaillent dans l’enseignement colonial officiel avec le statut « d’Européen » qui les distingue des colonisés. Agents de l’État colonial, ces enseignantes et ces enseignants sont des actrices et des acteurs quotidiens du colonialisme français. L’étude de cette population enseignante, de leur entrée dans le Service de l’enseignement à leur sortie, de la composition du groupe, de leur parcours, de leur travail et de leur place dans la société coloniale permet d’aborder sous un nouvel angle la situation coloniale, en prenant en compte les complexités et les différences internes au groupe des colonisateurs. Cette histoire ne concerne pas seulement le territoire précis de Madagascar, mais éclaire en retour certains aspects de l’histoire sociale des enseignantes et des enseignants en métropole. Une approche thématique a été utilisée pour faire ressortir les points de convergences et de ruptures propres à l’ensemble des phénomènes étudiés, appuyée par des approches chronologiques pour analyser des évolutions précises, notamment concernant la perception du colonialisme et de la « mission civilisatrice », ainsi que les cas de fonctionnaires remis à disposition de la métropole. Cette étude met en évidence les divergences et les intérêts communs à ces enseignants et enseignantes, à partir des différences de professions, de statut et de sexe, mais aussi à partir de variables utilisées dans une approche prosopographique, telles que le temps de présence à la colonie, les origines géographiques ou le type d’enseignement dans lequel ces personnes travaillent (européen ou indigène)
On the entire Madagascar’s French colonization period, thousands of people work in official colonial education with a "European" status which distinguishes them from the colonized. As agents of the colonial State, these teachers are daily actors of French colonialism. Studying these teachers, from the moment they enter the "Service de l'enseignement" to the one they leave, studying the group's composition, their routes, work and place in the colonial society enables to tackle colonial situation under a new point of view, taking account of the complexities and the internal differences within the colonizer's group. This history applies not only to the precise territory of Madagascar, it also clarify some aspects of teachers' social history in the metropole. A thematic approach was used in order to bring to light convergence and rupture points which belongs to the studied phenomena along with chronological approaches in order to analyse precise evolutions, in particular for the perception of colonialism and "civilizing mission" so as the cases of the state agents who were "made available again" to the metropole. This work highlights discrepancies and common interests of these teachers going from differences in the occupations, status and gender but also from variables used in a prosopographical way, like the duration of the presence in the colony, geographical origins or type of education in which they work (European or indigenous)

La race est autant une catégorie sociale qu’une catégorie analytique, et cette dualité représente un défi pour les chercheurs et chercheuses qui s’intéressent aux rapports de pouvoir dans les sociétés racialisées. Afin d’étudier la reproduction et la contestation de la race dans l’ordre racial multiculturel en Colombie, je propose d’analyser les discours et la pratique d’acteurs sociaux qui, en interaction avec les institutions étatiques, contribuent à la reproduction et à la transformation de la race et des ordres raciaux dans lesquels ils s’insèrent. Je m’intéresse en particulier à l’entreprise identitaire des acteurs sociaux et politiques racisés qui participent à la reproduction ou à la transformation de l’ordre racial multiculturel. Ces acteurs, nombreux et variés, vont des leaders ethniques jusqu’aux chercheurs. Si tous ces acteurs peuvent être qualifiés d’entrepreneurs raciaux, cette thèse se concentre sur un groupe spécifique de jeunes Afrodescendant.e.s de Bogotá, pour une grande partie d’entre eux provenant des familles mixtes, ayant eu accès à l’Université, faisant l’expérience d’une ascension sociale et travaillant dans des domaines relatifs à la défense des droits de la population noire en Colombie. Je montrerai l’importance de ces facteurs dans leur identification en tant qu’Afrodescendant.e.s à travers l’analyse de leurs discours et de leurs processus identitaires. En même temps qu’ils en sont exclus, ils reproduisent et contestent le cadre multiculturel en élargissant la conception ethnicisée de la population noire à une conception directement liée à l’expérience historique du racisme et de la racisation, qui s’insère dans le contexte global de la diaspora africaine. Enfin, en ayant recours à l’approche intersectionnelle, à travers l’analyse des relations familiales et intimes des personnes enquêtées, je mettrai en évidence non seulement comment le privé devient politique mais également comment le politique imprègne le privé, afin de rendre compte de la place centrale du corps et de la blanchité dans le processus de racisation et dans les stratégies qui visent à défier celle-ci
Race is as much social as an analytical category. Its duality represents a challenge for researchers interested in power relations within racialized societies. To study how race is simultaneously reproduced and contested in Colombia’s multicultural racial order, I set out to analyze social actors whose discourses and practices, in interaction with official institutions, contribute to reproduce and transform race and the racial orders within which they are embedded. My focus is on the identity entrepreneurship of racized social and political actors who participate in both the reproduction and transformation of the multicultural racial order. From ethnic leaders to researchers, these actors are many and diverse. Although they may all be described as racial entrepreneurs, this dissertation is centered on a specific group of young Afro-descendants from Bogotá, many of whom come from mixed-race families, are college-educated, are experiencing upward social mobility, and are working with black rights advocacy organizations in Colombia. I will show the importance of these factors for their identification as Afro-descendants through an analysis of their discourses and identity processes. They reproduce and contest the multicultural framework of which they are excluded by broadening the ethnic conception of the Black population to a conception that is directly linked to the historical experience of racism and racialization, one that is embedded within the global context of the African diaspora. Finally, by turning to an intersectional approach, through the analysis of their family and intimate relationships, I will demonstrate how privacy is politicized and politics privatized, to account for the central position of the body and of whiteness in both the racialization process and the strategies that aim at challenging it

Cette thèse a pour objet deux politiques qui paraissent paradigmatiques de la manière dont on a pensé et problématisé la question du rapport à l'autre et à l'étranger dans la France des années 2000 : la politique de lutte contre les discriminations raciales et la politique de naturalisation. En effet, à un projet d'intégration des immigrés et à une politique de régulation des flux, qui avait jusque-là caractérisé la manière dont la France avait conçu sa politique de gestion de l'immigration, s'est ajoutée, à la fin des années 1990, une problématisation en termes de discriminations raciales. Cette problématisation nouvelle paraissait appeler l'instauration d'une politique de l'altérité qui aurait dépassé une analyse en termes de frontière entre le national et l'étranger. Pourtant, la reconnaissance de l'existence des discriminations raciales se fait d'emblée de manière ambivalente. Plus encore, c'est la question nationale, et plus précisément celle de l'incorporation à la nation par la naturalisation, qui accompagne cette reconnaissance, à tâtons, des discriminations raciales, et qui fait l'objet d'un réinvestissement politique inédit. En se fondant sur une enquête de terrain, par observation participante et par entretiens, menée, cette recherche propose d'articuler une sociologie des politiques publiques à une anthropologie des pratiques sociales. Elle montre que la redéfinition des politiques françaises de l'altérité s'analyse à l'aune de l'articulation, dans l’espace social, des problématiques de l'immigration et de la nation avec celle de la racialisation
The object of this thesis is to study two policies appearing to be paradigmatic of the way relationship to the other and the alien was thought about and conceptualised in France in the years 2000: policy against racial discrimination and policy of naturalization. Ln the end of the years 1990, the paradigm of racial discriminations was added to the existing policies, which until then had been structured by two major idea" integrating migrants and regulating migration flow. This new problematization seemed to call for the launching of a policy of otherness thought of to go beyond the previous analysis in terms of border. However, acknowledging the existence of racial discrimination is from the beginning ambivalent. Overmore, it is the question of the nation, and more precisely of the incorporation in nation through naturaliization that is the frame of this timid acknowledgment of racial discrimination and that is politically reinvested in a new way at this occasion. Based on a fieldwork, combining observation and interviews, this research intends to hold together a sociology of public policies and an anthropology of social practices. Lts purpose is to show that the actual redefinition of French policies of otherness cannot be analysed without taking into account the way the questions of migration, nation and racialization interfere in social space

There is a noticeable absence of studies reflecting the personal views and experiences of black British African Caribbean (BBAC) people as students and clinical participants in UK nursing careers. Previous research about their nursing career choices has always been reported as part of other mixed BME cohorts and migrant groups. Indications in the literature suggest that they were being actively discouraged by their families from choosing nursing as a career, because of their parents’ and grandparents’ negative experiences as migrant workers in the NHS, leading to very low or non-participation in the profession. This study set out to address this gap by giving them a distinct voice, independent of other cohorts. It explored the factors which influence their decision and their experiences, throughout a variety of life stages, from school through to university and into clinical practice. This was to identify whether the findings from earlier research are still relevant from their perspectives rather than that of their parents. Participants and schools in the study were recruited by purposive sampling, and data was collected in three phases, a pilot study phase, a survey phase and an interview phase. A quantitative and qualitative interpretive approach were adopted underpinned by a mixed methods design. Descriptive statistical analysis of the survey and qualitative content analysis (QCA) of the interview transcripts were utilised to enable interrogation of the data. Findings are discussed within the context of available empirical evidence, related policy perspectives and theoretical underpinnings. Four main themes emerged from the study, as specific influencing factors on their experiences. These are: careers advice and choice for nursing, support, discrimination/racism and personal resilience. The findings reveal that BBAC people receive little or no careers advice about nursing at any of their life stages. Consequently, they make uninformed decisions about modern nursing careers, leaving a gap in their knowledge. However, they are not discouraged from choosing nursing as a career, by their families. When they choose a nursing career, they are fully supported and encouraged by their parents and families, in order to survive as students and clinical practitioners. However, institutional support as students and practitioners is weak and very poor. Despite this, they do not intend to actively discourage their own children from making nursing a career choice. Racism, discrimination and racialisation remain core factors influencing their social, educational and other lived experiences, despite numerous equality legislation and implementation. These have a continuous negative impact on them as visible minority students and practitioners in the NHS. They respond to these negative experiences by developing personal resilience aided by strong social and cultural support provided by their families and community. These findings make a unique contribution to the knowledge base by giving BBAC participants their own distinct voice. This was achieved through listening to them at varied points in their life stages, from school through to university and as eventual professionals in nursing. This is important new knowledge, which has ensured a clear recognition of their personal perspectives, in their own voices. These insightful new observations are necessary to build a specific knowledge base about them and are very positive for future participation of BBAC people in nursing careers and the NHS. An adapted model for inclusive participation is proposed, based on the findings of the research.

A partir de six terrains d’étude menés dans plusieurs régions du Sénégal (Petite Côte, Saloum, Saint-Louis, Sénégal oriental et Dakar), cette thèse explore l’articulation différenciée des enjeux de classe et de race dans des contextes de mobilités et de migrations issues d’Europe et d’Amérique du Nord. Les trajectoires, pratiques et modes relationnels enquêtés sont liés au tourisme balnéaire et culturel, à l’entrepreneuriat individuel en situation post-touristique, à des mobilités pour étude, et aux parcours professionnels du volontariat et de l’expatriation. Ces configurations sociales mondialisées, souvent inscrites dans des champs de recherche dissociés, favorisent l’analyse croisée de la construction de deux ethnicités, la blanchité et l’africanité, conçues comme notions emic et etic. Leurs productions socio-identitaires se déploient, se croisent et se répondent, selon des mécanismes récurrents de hiérarchisation de classes et de confrontation raciale à l’échelle des interactions individuelles et des dynamiques collectives. Elles font aussi écho à des logiques de stratification et de sélection sociale, intrinsèques à la société sénégalaise, qui vont au-delà du marqueur chromatique et se combinent à des représentations culturalistes et ethniques. Les échelles socio-historiques, les asymétries de classe transnationales, les identifications religieuses, phénotypiques et genrées, présents dans les contextes de mobilités et migrations étudiés, soulignent la valeur heuristique des catégorisations identitaires de la blanchité dans les processus de classification sociale, racialisée et ethnicisée, au regard des définitions plurielles de l’africanité. Analyser ces mécanismes d’assignation et de distinction dans une société africaine telle que le Sénégal permet également de penser la question postcoloniale au cœur des ambivalences du champ social et invite à interroger la positionnalité des chercheur.e.s dans la pratique ethnographique et la production des savoirs sur l’Afrique
Based on six fieldworks conducted in several regions of Senegal (Petite Côte, Saloum, Saint-Louis, Oriental Senegal and Dakar), this thesis explores the social mechanisms which articulate class and race issues in different contexts of mobility and migration from Europe and North America. The trajectories, practices and ways of socializing investigated are related to seaside and cultural tourism, individual entrepreneurship in post-tourist contexts, study abroad programs and professional flows of voluntary service and expatriation. These social and globalized settings, often addressed in distinct fields of research, underlie a cross analysis of the constructions of two ethnicity – whiteness and africaness – considered as emic and etic notions. The social identities they produce respond to one another and reveal recurring patterns in social hierarchy and racial confrontation throughout individual interactions and collective dynamics. They also echo logics of social stratification and selection within the Senegalese society, which are combined with culturalist and ethnic representations, beyond color markers. The contexts of mobility and migration investigated are embedded into specific socio-historical backgrounds, transnational asymmetry of class and process of identification based on religion, phenotype and gender. They all reflect the heuristic value of whiteness and its production of identity in social, racialized and ethnicized categorization, regarding multiple meanings of africaness. Analyzing these mechanisms of social distinction in an African society such as Senegal leads to face postcolonial thinking with the ambiguities of social spheres. It also questions the positionality of researchers through ethnography and in the production of knowledge about Africa

Cette enquête d’ethnologie traite des rapports de pouvoir entre les Aïnous, la société et l’État japonais, et cherche plus particulièrement à décentrer le point de vue de la majorité concernant les Aborigènes et la conquête coloniale, en étudiant les transformations socioculturelles des Aïnous à travers la lente appropriation de l’île par le Japon. Elle privilégie, en étudiant les archives de l’histoire combinées aux données d’une ethnologie de terrain, ce que les Aïnous disent d’eux-mêmes et d’un passé marqué par le traumatisme de leur incorporation au corps national japonais après un long processus d’acculturation les ayant relégués au rang de minorité ethnoculturelle au statut encore précaire. Les historiographies japonaises et occidentales concernant la colonisation de l’ancienne île d’Ezo, se basant essentiellement sur le point de vue des conquérants, occultent par principe celui de ce peuple qu’elles qualifient parfois de disparu, et dont la subordination matérielle forcée avait déjà commencé bien avant, malgré la création d’un réseau de négoce exceptionnel. Nous pensons que ces archives et les données d’un long travail ethnographique peuvent nous aider à mieux comprendre cette communauté et les événements ayant façonné les épisodes de son histoire et de celle du Japon, longues séquences de transformations de leurs organisations socioculturelles et politiques respectives. Depuis l’annexion d’Ezo, et la longue préparation qui la précéda, l’étude de cet ensemble de données nous éclaire sur les modes opératoires des deux temps de la gouvernementalité d’un pouvoir ayant cherché à les manipuler à des fins politiques, après les avoir réifiés. Cet essai d’ethnohistoire, s’inscrivant dans le champ plus spécifique de l’anthropologie de la violence en situation coloniale et postcoloniale (symbolique lorsqu’elle prend les traits ponctuels de la discrimination raciale ou du déni d’existence, ethnique durant la période de la loi de l’indigénat de 1899 et des expérimentations de l’anthropologie physique), cherche à prendre en compte l’historicité de sources bibliographiques et ethnographiques jusque-là peu étudiées tout en se basant sur un long travail de terrain auprès des Aïnous, afin de nuancer la production d’une histoire du pouvoir exclusivement basée sur les discours de l’État, tendant à minimiser le fait aïnou au point de le rendre anecdotique, voire absent de l’histoire du pays. Il nous semble que les Aïnous sont les créateurs et les détenteurs d’une historicité que l’on a longtemps voulu leur nier pour mieux les déposséder. Loin d’être restée passive face à ces bouleversements, la communauté aïnoue se caractériserait plutôt par une valorisation de la combativité et une forte capacité de résistance à travers certaines figures héroïques (chefs de guerre d’antan, artistes, écrivains et militants d’aujourd’hui), malgré les tentatives d’acculturation à répétition auxquelles elle a dû faire face. De plus, la création d’un statut concernant l’indigénat aïnou dans une nation se pensant monoethnique nous semble annoncer une volonté de conceptualiser des structures coloniales, bientôt appliquées et modifiées dans les autres territoires annexés. Enfin, à travers son exploitation académique en tant que sujets de l’anthropologie physique japonaise à ses débuts, elle semble avoir joué un rôle important dans la constitution des nouveaux savoirs du Japon moderne importés de l’Occident. Ces analyses cherchent à apporter un éclairage nouveau sur leur pensée et ces stratégies en phase avec leur temps et d’une grande contemporanéité que les Aïnous sont parvenus à élaborer malgré un contexte défavorable, pour répondre et réagir aux transformations socioculturelles qui les ont traversés jusqu’à ce jour
This research of ethnology studies the relationships of power between the Ainu, Japanese society and the Japanese State, and more specifically tries to shift the point of view of the majority concerning Aborigines and colonial conquest by studying the sociocultural transformations of the Ainu across the slow acquisition of Ezo by Japan. By studying historical archives combined with the data of ethnological fieldwork, it focuses on what the Ainu say about themselves and a past marked by the trauma of their incorporation into the Japanese national body after a long process of acculturation, which has relegated them to a precarious rank as an ethno-cultural minority. Both Japanese and Western historiographies concerning the colonization of the former island of Ezo, rely heavily on the conquerors’ perspective. These unilateral views obscure the existence of the Ainu’s own historiography, mostly silenced because of their forced material subordination. This allowed the colonial power to describe them as a vanished primitive people despite the fact that they created an exceptional international trading network in the past and possess a long history of resistance to domination. These archives and data from extended ethnographic fieldwork can help us to better understand this community and the events that shaped its history and that of Japan, and the long sequences of transformations of their respective socio-cultural and political organizations. Considering both the annexation of Ezo, as well as the long preparation that preceded it, the study of this set of data sheds light on the patterns of the colonial and postcolonial power’s governmentality, and efforts to manipulate the Ainu for political purposes, after having dehumanized and objectified them. This ethno-historical essay, in accordance with the more specific field of anthropology of violence in colonial and postcolonial contexts (violence can be symbolic when it takes on the occasional traits of racial discrimination and denial of existence, or ethnic, such as during the period of physical anthropology experiments or the long period following the Former Aborigines Act in 1899), seeks to take into account the historicity of previously little studied bibliographic and ethnographic sources. It also relies on long-term fieldwork with the Ainu. The result is a reinterpretation of the production of a history of power based exclusively on the State’s views and thoughts that aimed to minimize the Ainu’s existence to the point of relegating it to mere anecdote or possibly even rendering it invisible in the country’s history. Besides this critical situation, it appears that the Ainu are the creators and the holders of a historicity that has been denied for too long in order to better dispossess them. The Ainu, through academic exploitation as subjects of physical anthropology, appear to have been used in order to assess the practical application of Western colonial ideals and to support the modernization and creation of a Japanese colonial empire. Struggling desperately to free themselves from the shackles of the Former Aborigines Act of 1899 and from socio-cultural and academic violence by reversing stereotypes of ethnicity, the Ainu have patiently managed to integrate into the international network of indigenous activism, developing a vast cultural reinvention program focused on the main principles of autochthony. These analyses seek to shed new light on the Ainu’s way of thinking, the contemporary strategies to obtain the concrete application of their indigenous rights which they have managed to develop despite an unfavorable context, and to respond and react to the socio-cultural transformations they have been facing up to the present
本民族学調査は、アイヌと日本の国家並び社会とのあいだに生じる権力関係を対象とし、日本による漸進的なアイヌモシリ（北海道）占有の過程における、アイヌの社会文化的変容の考察を通じて、先住民と植民地主義的征服に関する多数派の観点を相対化することが目指される。本調査では、歴史資料に加え、現地での民族学調査に基づくデータを扱うが、それは、アイヌが自身とその過去について行う証言を重視するためである。アイヌによって語られる過去は、長きにわたる異文化受容の過程の後に、日本の国体に吸収され、文化民族的少数者という不安定な地位に追いやられたことに起因する外傷の痕跡を色濃く残している。一方、蝦夷ヶ島の植民に関する日本と西洋の史書は、基本的に征服者の視点に基づいており、それによれば、アイヌは並外れた交易のネットワークを築いていたにも関わらず、その強制的な物質的従属ははるか以前に遡るとみなされたり、また時にアイヌは既に消滅したものとみなされたりもする。つまりこれらの史書では、アイヌ自身の視点は端から隠蔽されているのである。従って、アイヌの共同体について、また、アイヌの歴史と日本の歴史における挿話を生み出してきた諸事件について、さらには、アイヌと日本双方の社会文化的・政治的な組織の変容の論理的筋道についてよりよく理解するためには、歴史資料のみならず、長年に渡る民族誌学的調査のデータを検討することが必要となるであろう。そして、こうしたデータの総体を検討することにより、蝦夷地の併合以降、並びに、それに先行する長い準備期間という、統治性に関わる二つの期間において、まずはアイヌを物化し、次いで政治的な目的で利用するための権力が、どのように形成されたのかが明らかとなるであろう。より厳密にいうのであれば、本民族誌学的試論は、コロニアル、ポストコロニアル的な状況下における暴力についての人類学という特殊領域に属し（その暴力は、人種差別や存在の否認といった限定的表現をとるときには象徴的なものとなり、形質人類学的実験や先住民に関する法律が施行されていた時期には民族的なものとなる）、アイヌのもとでの長年のフィールドワークに基礎をおきながら、これまであまり研究されてこなかった文献や民族誌学的情報の歴史性を重視し、そうすることで、アイヌの偉業を瑣末事とみなし、時に国史から抹消するまでに過小評価してきた、国家の言説に基づく権力の歴史の産物を相対化することを目指している。強権的な歴史観においては、アイヌからの収奪を促進するため、アイヌの歴史性は否定されてきたが、実際にはアイヌは、歴史性の創造者でありまたその保持者であるというのが本調査での見解である。自らを襲う幾多の変動に対し、アイヌは決して受動的であったわけではない。アイヌの共同体はむしろ、度重なる異文化受容の試練に対して発揮された、闘争性と強靭な抵抗力とによって特徴付けられるのであり、それは、数々の英雄的人物（往年の戦争指導者、芸術家、作家そして今日の活動家）の行動が示すとおりである。また、単一民族を自称する国家の内部で、アイヌに対する行政法的な地位（「北海道旧土人」）が設けられたという事実からは、この後、他の併合地域にも適応され、修正されていくこととなる、植民地支配のための機構を理論化しようとする国家の意志を読み取ることが可能である。さらにアイヌは、西洋から輸入された現代日本の新たな学識の形成のために重要な役割を果たしたと考えられるが、それは、黎明期にあった日本の形質人類学の研究対象として、学術的に利用されることによってなのである。これらの法的な拘束や、社会文化的・学究的な暴力の束縛からの解放を求めて激しく抵抗するなかで、アイヌは、自然と融合した未開人といった固定観念の価値を自らに有利なように逆転すると共に、粘り強い活動の結果、積極行動主義をとる先住民たちの国際的なネットワークに連なることにも成功し、先住民性に関する諸原則に則りながら、文化を再発明するためのプログラムを練り上げている。2008年の国会決議によって、日本の先住民として認定された後も、アイヌはナショナリズムや内向的姿勢に陥ることなく、他の多くの先住民たちに倣いながら、人新世（anthropocène）という危機的な時代の最中、利潤追求の結果抑制が効かなくなったまま、地球規模で推し進められる経済的発展に脅かされた環境の守護者として、その地位を確立している。本調査における分析により、自身が置かれた不利な状況にも関わらず、今日も依然として強い影響を残す社会文化的な変容に対応し、対処していくため、これまでアイヌが練り上げてきた、今日の状況にも適う、極めて現代的な性格を有する彼らの思考とその戦略について、新たな理解がもたらされるであろう。

Cette thèse interroge et compare les constructions des conditions noires entre Afrique et Amériques Latines. Plus précisément entre la société gabonaise et la société afro-mexicaine. Ces conditions noires sont travaillées par des restes idéologiques et des effets des phénomènes de racialisations et de subalternisations issus des expériences coloniales (Traite esclavagiste et Colonisation). Dans la première partie, il est décrit les itinéraires et les dynamiques de racialisations entre le Gabon et le Mexique Noir. La deuxième partie établit les logiques et les relations de pouvoir entre les deux sociétés. Ces dernières permettent de comparer les enjeux de citoyenneté incarnés sur la couleur des individus entre ces deux contextes. La troisième partie porte une attention aux réponses construites par les individus et les collectifs face à ces logiques et relations de pouvoir entre le Gabon et le Mexique. La quatrième partie montre l’essor des circulations des signes, idées « afro » et leurs incidences au niveau local entre les deux sociétés étudiées. Au travers d’une démarche transatlantique caractérisée par des ethnographies multi-situées, nous établissons une comparaison entre le Gabon et la Costa Chica. Cette dernière nous permet de rendre compte des logiques de pouvoir différentes et similaires, et des effets contemporains de la mondialisation « afro ». Cette dernière provoque des « découvertes » entre sujets afro-américains et africains produisant des sens en traversant l’Atlantique
This thesis questions and compares the constructions of black conditions between Africa and Latin America. More precisely between the Gabonese society and afromexican society. These black conditions are worked by ideological remains and effects of the phenomena of racializations and subalternisations from the colonial experiences (Slavery and Colonization). The first part describes the pathways and racializations dynamic between Gabon and Black Mexico. The second part establishes the logical and power relationship between the two societies. They allow the comparison of the citizenship issues incarnated through the color of individuals in these two contexts. The third part pays attention to the responses built by individuals and groups facing these logics and power relationship between Gabon and Mexico. The fourth section shows the growth of traffic signs, ideas of 'Afro' and their impact at local level between the two societies studied. Through a transatlantic approach characterized by multi-located ethnographies, we compare Gabon and the Costa Chica. It allows us to account for the different logic of power and similarities, and contemporary effects of the globalization of "Afro". The latter causes "discoveries" among African-American and African subjects producing direction across the Atlantic

En partant du constat de l’inégale distribution du droit à la mobilité internationale dans le monde contemporain, cette thèse interroge le biais racial dans les politiques migratoires. En nous appuyant sur une étude des modalités de la constitution du sujet politique national à partir de ses altérités constitutives, nous présentons la race comme un principe structurant dans la construction nationale. La tension raciale entre le citoyen et l’étranger sert de fil conducteur à ce travail. Nous identifions la figure du migrant-étranger comme l’Autre du national, en nous efforçant à penser les catégories de l’appartenance politique à travers l’exclusion raciale dont elles procèdent. En replaçant la formation nationale dans le contexte colonial, nous étudions la façon dont la race a été constituée comme une catégorie déterminante dans l’octroi des droits politiques. Si la généalogie coloniale de la gouvernance de la mobilité internationale montre que la libre circulation a été construite comme un privilège racial, cet ordre colonial reste sous-jacent dans la distribution contemporaine du droit à la mobilité comme le montrent l’étude comparative des passeports et l’examen d’un certain nombre de politiques migratoires contemporaines. Une approche phénoménologique de la frontière vient compléter l’analyse institutionnelle en proposant une étude des frontières matérielles comme systèmes de contrainte qui s’exercent directement sur les corps. L’expérience du corps racialisé vient alors renforcer l’hypothèse de la racialisation consubstantielle aux frontières nationales
Noting the unequal distribution of the right to international mobility in the contemporary world, this thesis questions racial bias in migration policies. Based on a study of the ways in which the national political subject is constructed from its constituent others, race is depicted as a structuring principle in national building processes. The racial tension between the citizen and the alien is the guiding theme of my work. I identify the figure of the alien-migrant as the national’s Other, and try to rethink the categories of political belonging through the racial exclusion from which they proceed. By placing national formation in its colonial context, I study how race has been constituted as a determining category in the granting of political rights. If the colonial genealogy of the governance of international mobility shows that free movement has been constructed as a racial privilege, this colonial order remains the underlying one in the contemporary distribution of the right to mobility as shown by the comparative study of passports and the examination of a number of contemporary migration policies. A phenomenological approach to the border completes the institutional analysis by proposing a study of material borders as systems of constraint exerted directly on bodies. The experience of the racialized body reinforces the hypothesis of the consubstantial racialization of national borders

Abstract This thesis acknowledges the social and cultural importance of education and the role the institution plays in the construction of knowledge – in this case of young Nunga males. It also recognizes that education is a contested field. I have disrupted constructions of knowledge about young Nunga males in mainstream education by mapping and rapping - or mappin and rappin Aboriginal English - the theories of race, masculinity, performance, cultural capital, body and desire and space and place through the use of Nunga time-space pathways. Through disruption I have shown how the theories of race and masculinity underpin ways in which Blackness and Indignity are played out within the racialisation of education and how the process of racialisation informs young Nunga males’ experiences of schooling. The cultural capital that young Nunga males bring to the classroom and schooling environment must be acknowledged to enable performance of agency in contested time, space and knowledge paradigms. Agency privileges their understanding and desire for change and encourages them to apply strategies that contribute to their own journeys home through time-space pathways that are (at least in part) of their own choosing.

La thèse étudie l’expérience de la racialisation rapportée par des personnes diplômées de l’enseignement supérieur en France. Elle s’appuie sur une enquête qualitative par entretiens biographiques menés entre 2017 et 2019 auprès de diplômé·e·s de Master, né·e·s en France de parents étrangers, ou arrivé·e·s en France pour leurs études. Elle met en perspective les parcours d’hommes et de femmes d’origines diverses (Afrique du Nord et subsaharienne, Asie, Amérique du Sud, Outremer, Europe), et de trajectoires sociales variées. Cette recherche interroge les variations dans les récits, et met en lumière le processus de conscientisation du rapport de race, en interaction avec le rapport de classe et de sexe. Dans ce travail, la conscientisation désigne un processus continu de traitement cognitif d’un signal, lequel conduit, dans un contexte donné, à interpréter une situation comme racialisante ou non. L’enquête montre que les caractéristiques sociales, politiques et migratoires des enquêté·e·s, leur degré d’exposition au risque discriminatoire ou l’idée de « frustration relative » ne suffisent pas à expliquer pourquoi certain·e·s enquêté.e.s interprètent leur expérience en termes de race et de racisme, quand d’autres ne le font pas. L’hypothèse principale défendue dans ce travail met l’accent sur le rôle de la socialisation dans la conscientisation des rapports de race. Mon travail discute et précise alors la notion de socialisation raciale en mettant en évidence sa complexité et sa pluralité. Il identifie trois dimensions essentielles de la socialisation raciale : la socialisation relationnelle (relations familiales, amicales, scolaires, professionnelles), la socialisation intellectuelle (accès aux connaissances, notamment sur le racisme), et la socialisation expérientielle (apprentissage de la « visibilité » et des contextes de stigmatisation et de discrimination). Le contexte français, caractérisé par la massification de l’enseignement supérieur et l’essor de l’antiracisme post- et décolonial, est également présenté comme un élément socialisateur. La thèse analyse les effets de la conscientisation du rapport social de race sur la relation à soi-même et à autrui. Elle montre que cette conscientisation peut prendre différentes formes, qui orientent le récit du parcours et de la vie quotidienne. Selon ces différentes formes, la personne enquêtée exprime une acceptation, une contestation, ou une minimisation de la position minoritaire. Chacune de ces formes influe également sur les ressentis, sur les perspectives scolaires et professionnelles, et sur la sociabilité. L’enquête montre comment la position de classe revendiquée par les enquêté.e.s influence la perception de leur place dans le rapport de race. En mettant l’accent sur le processus de conscientisation, la thèse enrichit la compréhension de l’articulation des rapports sociaux de race, de sexe et de classe
The dissertation studies the experience of racialization as reported by higher education graduates in France. It is based on a qualitative research through biographical interviews conducted between 2017 and 2019 with Master's degree graduates, born in France to foreign parents, or who arrived in France for their studies. It puts into perspective the life paths of men and women from various origins (North and sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, South America, overseas, Europe), and from different social backgrounds. This research questions the variations in narratives, and highlights the race conscientization process, in interaction with class and gender. In this study, conscientization refers to the continuous process of cognitive processing of a signal, which leads, in a given context, to the interpretation of a situation as racializing or not. The analysis of the interviews shows that social, political, and migratory characteristics of the respondents, their exposure to discriminatory risk, or the idea of "relative frustration" are not enough to explain why some interviewees interpret their experience in terms of race and racism, when others do not. The main hypothesis defended in this work emphasizes the role of socialization in the conscientization of race relations. My work discusses and specifies the notion of racial socialization by highlighting its complexity and plurality. It identifies three of its essential dimensions: relational socialization (family, friends, school, professional relationships), intellectual socialization (access to knowledge, especially on racism) and experiential socialization (learning about "visibility" and contexts of stigmatization and discrimination). The French context – characterized by the popularization of higher education and the rise of post- and decolonial anti-racism – is also presented as a socializing element. The dissertation analyzes the effects of the conscientization of race on the relationship to oneself and to others. It shows that this conscientization can take different forms, which guide the narrative of the life path and daily life. According to these different forms, the interviewee expresses acceptance, contestation, or minimization of the minority position. Each of these forms also influences feelings, educational and professional prospects, and sociability. The research shows how the class position claimed by the respondents influences the perception of their place in race relations. By emphasizing the conscientization process, the dissertation enriches the understanding of the articulation of race, gender and class

Les lotissements périurbains font aujourd'hui l’objet de nombreux discours critiques et de représentations le plus souvent négatives. Alliant matériaux ethnographiques recueillis dans le Nord de l’Isère et la région parisienne, et données statistiques de l’enquête Logement de l’INSEE, la thèse remet en cause plusieurs de ces idées répandues : celle du périurbain comme espace de ségrégation, lieu de « séparatisme social et politique » destiné à des ménages modestes dits « blancs ». Au contraire, elle montre que, loin d’être homogènes, les lotissements périurbains sont au cœur de la recomposition des rapports sociaux de classe, de sexe et de race au sein de la société française contemporaine. L’analyse, de la production des lotissements à leurs usages, souligne ainsi le rôle croissant des élus locaux dans la mise en oeuvre des politiques nationales de soutien à la propriété. Promouvant une « ouverture maîtrisée» de leurs territoires, ils contribuent à fixer sur place des habitants qui n’ont ni les mêmes trajectoires sociales, ni les mêmes perspectives de mobilité : des jeunes couples des centres urbains, des ouvriers des environs, des familles de cités HLM. Dès lors, la mixité du peuplement conditionne la diversité des usages et des modes de cohabitation sur la scène résidentielle. En particulier, en raison de son poids financier et matériel de plus en plus lourd sur l’économie domestique, la maison modifie le coût d’opportunité du travail salarié des femmes les moins qualifiées et renforce leur spécialisation dans le travail domestique, au contraire des femmes plus dotées en capitaux scolaires. En outre, l’arrivée récente de ménages issus de l’immigration maghrébine et d’Afrique subsaharienne dans les lotissements contribue à la racialisation des rapports de voisinage, qui ne recoupe qu’en partie les lignes de fractures sociales
Today, periurban private housing developments face much criticism and negative representations. Combining ethnographic materials collected in northern Isère and in the Parisian suburbs with statistical data from the INSEE “Logement” survey, this thesis challenges some of those prevailing ideas: that of the periurban area as a space of segregation, or a place of “political and social separatism” reserved for poor so called “white” households. On the contrary, this thesis shows that far from being homogeneous, periurban private housing developments are at the heart of a current restructuration process of class, sex and race relations in the French society. This analysis of both the production of housing developments and its uses underlines the increasingly important role of local representatives in the implementation of national policies supporting house-ownership. By promoting a “controlled opening” of their territories, these representatives contribute to the settlement of residents who have neither the same social trajectories nor the same prospects of mobility: young couples from urban centers, workers from the vicinity, families from public housing units. The mixed nature of residents therefore conditions the diverse uses and ways of living in these residential areas. More specifically, with mounting financial and material burden on domestic economy, owning a house changes the opportunity cost of employment of the least skilled women and strengthens their specialization in domestic work, as compared to women with more academic capital. Besides, the recent arrival of immigrant families from Maghreb or sub-Saharan Africa in the private housing developments contributes to the racialization of neighborhood relationships, which only in part recreates lines of social fractures

L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit international
The purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law

The study uses racialisation as a lens to understand the racist experiences of ordinary Asian Australians. It examines the racialisation processes underlying these experiences and explores the strategies employed to respond to and mitigate the impact of being racialised. It addresses the need to develop the theoretical and methodological underpinnings of racialisation and anti-racism in light of the dearth of research work on these especially in Australia. Different elements from various theories were drawn to frame the empirical investigation since no single theory was adequate as anchor for this qualitative study. In-depth interviews and focus groups with 64 Asian Australians generated rich narratives that provided interesting insights on the personal, political, and spiritual dimensions of human experience that connect the lives of racialised subjects. Deconstructing stories of racialised subjects laid bare the essence of racist experiences by revealing insights into when and how race becomes a salient signifier of difference. Racialisation provides a productive way of understanding racist experiences since it allows for the unpacking of the multi-layered linked processes of racial categorisation, racial differentiation and problematisation, marginalisation and exclusion, inferiorisation and devaluation. These processes are ordinarily part of the experiences of minority people. They constitute what can be called 'everyday racialisation'. The study uses stress-coping theory to examine the long-term and cumulative impact of being part of a racialised group. It shows how exposure to racism stressors has multifarious effects on the health and well-being of racialised subjects. The everyday racialisation of minority groups affects their socio-psychological functioning and limits the life chances and economic opportunities available to them. In addition, the study demonstrates how Asian Australians cope with the stress of their everyday racialisation by drawing from their personal repertoire of discursive, cognitive and behavioural strategies. These, in combination with outside support mechanisms, make up what can be termed ?everyday anti-racism? strategies. Racialisation provides valuable insights into when, how and why racialised subjects deploy these different strategies to negotiate, contest and bridge the constraints and boundaries imposed on them. The study offers an integrated model for understanding racialisation experience and lays the foundation for developing further the concepts of 'everyday racialisation' and 'everyday antiracism'.

"Race" has been used to identify difference among people of different origins. In early twentieth century Canada, a British ideal for civilization dominated and it was into this archetype that new immigrants were thrust. The remarkable progress of this society, heralded by western expansion, can be seen in the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway. Prince Rupert was created as the western terminus of the GTPR and was designed to fulfil the needs of a rapidly expanding Canadian frontier. Prince Rupert was a wholly planned community and firmly embedded in the dominant mores and norms of a British Canada. Prince Rupert, however, was not settled solely by people of British descent. Many continental Europeans, "Asians", and Native persons contributed to the emergence of this new city. "Race" was a common tool to differentiate peoples and define their experience of one another. The dominant British discourse excluded many of the new settlers. Interestingly, what was meant by "White" should not be conflated with British, because the boundary of "white" shifted to encompass continental Europeans if threatened by and obviously non-"white" other. Similarly, other groups s hould not be considered homogenous and treated as having had a shared common experience in Canada. Exploring how these diverse peoples co-existed in Prince Rupert means shifting the focus away from individual experiences and instead putting the emphasis on the process of racialization. Simply put, racialisation is the act of racialising people -- determining who they are based on race as a system of classifying human difference. It is a process because it involves the transmission of ideas over time and in a specific place; engaging people on many different fronts. This thesis will utilise the idea of "sites", ephemeral moments, and places -- real or perceived -- where exchanges took place regarding ideas concerning race. These sites are physical, spatial, economic, cultural, social and ideological. How the process of racialisation developed over time will be demonstrated by the use of sites in Prince Rupert British Columbia.
Graduate

On note de nos jours une intensification, aux États-Unis, de l’usage de la race en santé publique, une idée qui est parfois rejetée dans la mesure où elle est associée à des pratiques controversées. Les races sont vues, dans ce contexte, comme le produit du racisme, une technologie du pouvoir de l’État moderne qui a consisté à fragmenter l’humanité pour permettre les colonisations. C'est ainsi que la race a été prise en charge par le discours pour marquer la différence, discours qui est constitué d'un ensemble hétérogène de dispositifs, des institutions, des énoncés scientifiques, des normes et des règles. Le racisme s’est développé en parallèle avec l'affirmation d'un pouvoir sur la vie visant à assurer la gestion des corps et des populations, notamment par le biais des pratiques de santé publique. Cette thèse s'appuie sur une étude ethnographique réalisée sur un corpus de documents de la santé publique parus aux États-Unis et issus de bureaux fédéraux et d’une importante revue spécialisée dans le domaine sanitaire, et qui ont été publiés entre 2001 et 2009. Cette étude a analysé la manière dont la race est représentée, produite comme objet de connaissance, et régulée par les pratiques discursives dans ces documents. Les résultats confirment que le discours sur la race varie au cours du temps. Toutefois, les résultats indiquent la relative permanence en santé publique d'un régime racialisé de représentation qui consiste à identifier, à situer et à opposer les sujets et les groupes à partir de labels standardisés. Ce régime est composé d'un ensemble de pratiques représentationnelles qui, couplées aux techniques disciplinaires et à l’idée de culture, aboutissent à la caractérisation et à la formation d’objets racialisés et à des stéréotypes. De plus, cet ensemble d’opérations qui fabrique la racialisation, a tendance, avec la sanitarisation et la culturalisation, à naturaliser la différence, à reproduire l’ordre symbolique et à constituer les identités raciales. Par ailleurs, la racialisation apparaît tiraillée entre un pouvoir sur la vie et un pouvoir sur la mort. Enfin, cette étude propose une alternative postraciale qui envisage la constitution des groupes humains de manière fluide et déterritorialisée.
At present one can note an intensification of the usage of race in public health in the United States, an idea that is sometimes rejected because of its association with controversial practices. Races are viewed, in this context, as the product of racism, a technology of power of the modern State that consisted of fragmenting humanity to permit colonisations. Thus, race has been established within the discourse to mark difference, discourse that consists of a heterogeneous ensemble of apparatuses, institutions, scientific statements, norms and rules. Racism developed concomitantly with the affirmation of power over life aimed at ruling out bodies and populations through public health practices among others. This thesis is based on an ethnographic study of a corpus of public health documents in the United States from federal Government offices and a major public health journal published between 2001 and 2009. This study analyzed the ways in which race is represented, produced as object of knowledge, and regulated by discursive practices in these documents. The results confirm that the discourse on race varies throughout time. Hence, results indicate the relative permanence of a racialized regime of representation that consists of identifying, situating and opposing subjects and groups based on standardized labels. This regime constitutes an ensemble of representational practices which, together with disciplinary techniques and the use of culture as an idea, lead to the characterization and formation of racialized objects and stereotypes. Also, these operations that fabricate racialization, tend, together with medicalization and culturalization, to naturalize difference, reproduce the symbolic order, and constitute racial identities. On the other hand, racialization appears to be torn between a power over life and a power over death. Finally, this study suggests a post-racial alternative that envisages human group constitution as fluid and deterritorialized.

Representations of the Other in Contemporary Australia is a thesis consisting of a novel, Brother Nation, and an exegesis in a separate volume. Brother Nation is set in Australia at the beginning of the twenty-first century, a time of great political and social change. The novel explores ambiguities in issues of race, crime and moral justice through the eyes of an adolescent who comes of age amidst a chain of disturbing events. Omar Assaf is a sensitive sixteen-year-old with a problem—he needs to lose his virginity. However, like most boys his age, he is anxious and naive about matters of sex and love. When a young female friend, Belle, rejects his romantic overtures, Omar is crushed. He rapidly falls under the corrupting influence of his older brother, Sam, and Sam’s motley band of miscreant friends. Fuelled by drugs, alcohol and pornography, the boys roam the migrant suburbs of southwest Sydney, alleviating their boredom and frustration by flirting with crime, cruising in cars and pursuing girls. However, Omar soon learns that being involved with Sam and the boys has dangerous consequences. In compensating for his sense of emasculation, Omar finds himself taking part in a series of attacks, including a betrayal of Belle. Though ambivalent about and at times sickened by his complicity, Omar realises much too late that he and his brother have entered a theatre where their fate will be determined by broader, more powerful forces than he could ever have imagined. The exegesis charts the creation of Brother Nation via the author’s movement from a mode of autopoiesis to allopoiesis, through the practice of narrative research. That is, the essay is structured to illustrate how the process of researching the novel resulted in the production of knowledge external to the creative work itself. In doing this I discuss the genesis of the idea to write the novel, the basis and modes of my narrative research, the style of the finished work in relation to the genre of the ‘faction’ or ‘non-fiction novel’, and the internal and external conflicts that arose in relation to the representation of demonised Arabic Other characters in the story. I also contextualise the work in relation to other relevant fiction and non-fiction texts that address similar subject matter, and make a case for holding a non-essentialised notion of cultural identity regarding my own speaking position. In particular, this exegesis investigates problematic questions in relation to representations of contemporary characters with an immigrant Other background; and, via the framework of Bakhtinian theories of dialogism and heteroglossia, considers the extent to which seemingly incompatible moral viewpoints can be coherently instantiated in fiction through a multiplicity of characters’ voices.
v. 1 [Novel]: Brother Nation -- v. 2 [Exegesis]: Representations of the Other in contemporary Australia.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2007

Le 4 novembre 2008, le 44e président des États-Unis est élu. Un noir fait son entrée à la Maison-Blanche. Obama aura eu raison de dire Yes we can. Par sa victoire, il marquera l'histoire de la nation américaine : il sera, à jamais, le premier président noir des États-Unis. L'élection d'Obama à la présidence permet de mettre en exergue le caractère exclusif que portait la « race » de l'institution présidentielle avant son arrivée à ce haut poste de décision. Ainsi, partant du postulat que l'institution présidentielle n'est pas neutre, mais qu'elle a un genre, une « race » et une sexualité précises, nous entendons nous intéresser aux identités qu'il est nécessaire de mettre de l'avant pour atteindre la présidence. Puisque l'élection d'Obama représente un moment clé dans l'analyse des identités, ce mémoire en fera son étude de cas. Partant de deux allocutions publiques, soit A More Perfect Union et The Victory Speech, ainsi que de deux autobiographies écrites par Obama (Les rêves de mon père et L'audace d'espérer), nous étudions la mise de l'avant des identités en contexte électoral. L'analyse discursive des allocutions publiques et des autobiographies nous permettra d'avancer l'hypothèse qu'en mettant de l'avant son identité racisée et en la juxtaposant à l'idée du rêve américain (Yes we can), Obama a non seulement réitéré les identités dominantes de la présidence américaine (homme, hétérosexuel), mais il a également dépolitisé les enjeux raciaux aux États-Unis. Enfin, l'originalité de la présente recherche se situe au niveau de la prise en compte de l'identité sexuelle de l'actuel président américain, dans la mesure où celle-ci ne fait pas l'objet d'analyse dans la littérature, qu'elle soit classique ou critique. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : institution présidentielle américaine, genre, « race », sexualité, rêve américain.

Historically, most research on Indigenous peoples has been framed by Western empirical positivism which fundamentally conflicts with Indigenous circular ways of knowing. Current research governing bodies, scholars, and Indigenous communities have generated new theories and guidelines for research structures that support respectful and meaningful practices with Indigenous peoples. Participatory action research (PAR) attempts to address the unequal power structures inherent in research relationships: participants set the agenda for the research and are co-researchers in the project. In this study, I placed PAR theory into action to problematize research practices and to generate new discourses for research within an Indigenous context. The Lil’wat Nation and I collaborated on a PAR project in 2006-2007 that led to the formation of the Lil’wat Girls’ and Women’s Affirmation Group. Through the process of reflection-in-action we identified several opportunities for growth as we examined PAR theory in practice. Using decolonizing research methods and a metaphor of the Lil’wat s7istken (pit house), the model of practice wove between three distinct worlds with divergent protocols and pedagogies: the worlds of the Lil’wat, academia, and the researcher’s racialized lived experiences. This model of practice aimed to disrupt the essentialized dichotomies of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships and to problematize research practices for the academic and research communities to consider for their practice. The findings exposed several lessons at sites of praxis pertaining to the intersection of PAR theory and practice: definition of the community; ethics in the community; racialized researcher space; and PAR incongruence. The model was intended not as a “how to” manual, but as an entry point for discussions to advance respectful decolonizing research practices.

In Australia people of African heritage are subjected to racialised structural exclusion grounded in ideologies of white supremacy. However, resistance can be enacted through the creation of alternative settings that through self-determination foster greater control over symbolic and material resources and to imagine more just ways of knowing, being and doing. Next in Colour (NiC) is a self-determined initiative in Naarm (Melbourne) led by Colour Between the Lines, a collective of creative artists of African heritage. The initiative developed networks of support, opportunities and vocational pathways to the creative industries for people of African heritage; and engaged community arts approaches to foster critical conversations about identity, belonging and community and surface counter- narratives about the African diaspora in Australia. This study documented how self- determination came to be understood and enacted through the alternative setting of the NiC initiative and how self-determined outcomes were constrained and facilitated through the organisations CBTL sought support from. Informed by decolonial and critical race frameworks data from semi-structured interviews, participant observation and archival research was collected drawing on community-engaged approaches and analysed through a frame of critical narrative analysis. The findings show that NiC served as a homeplace for healing and deconstruction, and a site to reimagine relationships and ways of working that supported decolonial actions of counter-storytelling, authentic visibility and building of solidarities. However, whilst CBTL looked to key organisations to support the initiative and build capacity, forms of racialised structural exclusion NiC was responding to were reproduced in these organisational relationships, constraining self-determination and contributing to hidden labour as CBTL navigated and resisted these dynamics of control and exclusion. The findings of this study show the importance of self-determination and community arts practice within the creation of alternative settings towards liberation and structural inclusion for racialised communities. Further, it highlights the necessity of a contextualised analysis of power and ideology to understand how such settings can best be supported.

The mimicry of Europe and United States of America (US) in South African psychology in the early 1900s and the continual presence of Euroamericanised psychology continues to marginalise Black, poor, and working-class people. In this dissertation, I investigated the misalignment of counselling and clinical psychologists’ professional training, specifically the first-year Masters psychology training programme with the South African socio-political context. To counter the usual reliance on hegemonic Euroamerican-centric approaches I elaborated on an Africa(n)-centred perspective so as to make sense of the training of counselling and clinical psychologists in the South African context. I argued that the Africa(n)-centred perspective was pluriversal (accepting of multiple epistemologies), endogenous (developing from within), and focuses on Africans not as the excluded Other but rather as the Subject at the centre of their lifeworlds. I elucidated curriculum practices within the professional training programmes as part of the investigation into the intransigence of Euroamerican-centric epistemologies in the professional training curriculum. I conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with 23 people, 8 of whom were course coordinators and 15 intern psychologists. The participants were from 5 universities falling into the 4 generic categories: Historically Black University (HBU), Historically White Afrikaans-speaking University (HWASU), merged university (MU), and Historically White English-speaking University (HWESU). For my analysis, I employed what I termed an Africa(n)-centred critical discourse analysis, which builds on the discursive turn in psychology, taking seriously the talk of people in the reproduction of socially unjust practices. All the interviews with the course coordinators and intern psychologists were dominated by talk of race and the Professional Board for Psychology. The interviews yielded a number of discourses, namely: 1) meritocracy, 2) diversity (which referenced issues of race, gender, and curriculum), 3) access, exclusion and privilege as related to language, 4) class, and 5) relevance (including social, market, and cultural relevance, with cultural relevance spoken about in relation to the curriculum). I conclude the dissertation by gesturing towards a constructive engagement (by which I mean a building) of an Africa(n)-centred professional training of counselling and clinical psychologists.
Psychology
Ph. D. (Psychology)