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1

Fernando, Suman. "Racial stereotypes." British Journal of Psychiatry 158, no. 2 (February 1991): 289–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.158.2.289b.

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2

Bonam, Courtney, Caitlyn Yantis, and Valerie Jones Taylor. "Invisible middle-class Black space: Asymmetrical person and space stereotyping at the race–class nexus." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, no. 1 (September 7, 2018): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430218784189.

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In addition to racial stereotypes about people (e.g., Black people are poor), perceivers hold parallel racial stereotypes about physical spaces (e.g., Black spaces are impoverished; Bonam, Bergsieker, & Eberhardt, 2016). Three studies extend these findings, showing that (a) Whites describe Black space as impoverished and undesirable, but describe White space as affluent and desirable, and (b) this racially polarized stereotype content is heightened for spaces compared to people (Studies 1 & 2). Perceivers are accordingly more likely to racially stereotype spaces than people (Study 3). This asymmetry in racial stereotype application is exacerbated when targets are objectively middle class versus lower class, likely because Whites have more difficulty incorporating counterstereotypic information into perceptions of Black spaces—compared to perceptions of Black people, White people, and White spaces (Study 3). Finally, we provide and discuss evidence for potential consequences of invisible middle-class Black space, relating to residential segregation and the racial wealth gap.
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Alt, Nicholas P., Kimberly E. Chaney, and Margaret J. Shih. "“But that was meant to be a compliment!”: Evaluative costs of confronting positive racial stereotypes." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 5 (April 2, 2018): 655–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430218756493.

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Past research on confronting racial prejudice has largely examined negative racial stereotypes. In the present work, we investigate perceiver and target perspectives associated with the evaluative costs of confronting positive racial stereotypes. We demonstrate that, in general, Asian Americans and African Americans who confront positive racial stereotypes suffer higher evaluative costs compared to targets who confront negative racial stereotypes and those who do not confront due, in part, to the lower perceived offensiveness of positive stereotypes (Studies 1 and 2). Moreover, Asian American and African American participants report lower confrontation intentions and higher anticipated evaluative costs for confronting positive, compared to negative, stereotypes. Furthermore, higher perceived offensiveness and lower anticipated favorable evaluations serially mediate the relationship between stereotype valence and confrontation intentions (Study 3). Overall, this research extends our understanding of the evaluative costs associated with confronting prejudice, with important downstream consequences regarding the continued prevalence of positive racial stereotypes.
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McGee, Ebony. "“Black Genius, Asian Fail”: The Detriment of Stereotype Lift and Stereotype Threat in High-Achieving Asian and Black STEM Students." AERA Open 4, no. 4 (October 2018): 233285841881665. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332858418816658.

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Asians are typically situated at the top of the STEM educational and career hierarchy and enjoy a host of material benefits as a result. Thus, their STEM lives are often considered problem-free. This article describes the role of race-based stereotypes in shaping the experiences of high-achieving Black and Asian STEM college students. Their experiences exposed the insidious presence of anti-Black and pro-Asian sentiment, operationalized through the frameworks of stereotype threat and stereotype lift. Stereotype threat and stereotype lift situate the racialized experiences of Black and Asian students as opposites, thereby ignoring their shared marginalization and responses to being stereotyped. I argue that both racial groups endure emotional distress because each group responds to its marginalization with an unrelenting motivation to succeed that imposes significant costs. I aim to demonstrate that Black and Asian college students are burdened with being stereotyped and judged unfairly, enduring sometimes debilitating consequences even while they are praised for fulfilling or defying stereotypes. Discussion includes coalition building among racial groups of color in STEM, serving in part to co-construct racialized psycho-social coping skills, and a strategy for more equitable material outcomes for Black STEMers.
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Chang, Szu‐Hsien, and Brian H. Kleiner. "Common racial stereotypes." Equal Opportunities International 22, no. 3 (May 2003): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02610150310787388.

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6

Nasir, Na’ilah Suad, Maxine McKinney de Royston, Kathleen O’Connor, and Sarah Wischnia. "Knowing About Racial Stereotypes Versus Believing Them." Urban Education 52, no. 4 (November 9, 2016): 491–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085916672290.

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Despite post-racial rhetoric, stereotypes remain salient for American youth. We surveyed 150 elementary and middle schoolers in Northern California and conducted case studies of 12 students. Findings showed that (a) students hold school-related stereotypes that get stronger in middle school, (b) African American and Latino students experience greater divergence between stereotype awareness about their group and endorsement than other students, and (c) students who eschewed the applicability of stereotypes to them demonstrated higher engagement and achievement in math. This study has implications for studying race in schools and mathematics, and the need for urban educators to facilitate racialized counter-narratives.
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7

Kawakami, Kerry, Kenneth L. Dion, and John F. Dovidio. "Implicit stereotyping and prejudice and the primed Stroop task." Swiss Journal of Psychology 58, no. 4 (December 1999): 241–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024//1421-0185.58.4.241.

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In the present study, automatic stereotype activation related to racial categories was examined utilizing a primed Stroop task. The speed of participants' ink-color naming of stereotypic and nonstereotypic target words following Black and White category primes were compared: slower naming times are presumed to reflect interference from automatic activation. The results provide support for automatic activation of implicit prejudice and stereotypes. With respect to prejudice, naming latencies tended to be slower for positive words following White than Black primes and slower for negative words following Black than White primes. With regard to stereotypes, participants demonstrated slower naming latencies for Black stereotypes, primarily those that were negatively valenced, following Black than White category primes. These findings provide further evidence of the automatic activation of stereotypes and prejudice that occurs without intention.
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8

Flores, René D. "“A Little More Ghetto, a Little Less Cultured”: Are There Racial Stereotypes about Interracial Daters in the United States?" Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 6, no. 2 (April 2, 2019): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649219835851.

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Negative stereotypes about racial minorities, particularly African Americans, persist in the United States. Given the imperviousness of racial stereotypes about minorities, can individuals who date interracially also be stereotyped? The author investigates this by conducting the first systematic study of men’s attitudes toward white and black women who date outside their race. First, the author inductively uncovers these stereotypes through focus groups. Second, to assess these stereotypes’ nationwide prevalence and to minimize social desirability bias, the author applies a survey experiment, in which interracial dating is subtly primed via photographs of couples, to a national sample of men. The findings are mixed. In the experiment, crossing the white-black racial boundary does activate negative stereotypes for women, which may have reputational costs, but mostly among older white male respondents. These costs include changes in men’s perceptions of their class status, cultural values, and even sexual practices. In conclusion, interracial dating is a key social site where gender-based moral norms are policed, class divisions are constructed, and racial boundaries are maintained.
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9

Nunnally, Shayla C. "Racial Homogenization and Stereotypes." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 2 (February 5, 2008): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934707311127.

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10

Harper, Timothy. "Racial Stereotypes of Occupations." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 4, no. 7 (2007): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v04i07/41971.

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11

O’Flaherty, Brendan, and Rajiv Sethi. "Racial stereotypes and robbery." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 68, no. 3-4 (December 2008): 511–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2008.06.007.

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12

Harper, Shaun R. "Black Male College Achievers and Resistant Responses to Racist Stereotypes at Predominantly White Colleges and Universities." Harvard Educational Review 85, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 646–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/0017-8055.85.4.646.

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In this article, Shaun R. Harper investigates how Black undergraduate men respond to and resist the internalization of racist stereotypes at predominantly White colleges and universities. Prior studies consistently show that racial stereotypes are commonplace on many campuses, that their effects are usually psychologically and academically hazardous, and that Black undergraduate men are often among the most stereotyped populations in higher education and society. The threat of confirming stereotypes has been shown to undermine academic performance and persistence for Blacks and other minoritized students. To learn more about those who succeed in postsecondary contexts where they are routinely stereotyped, Harper conducted interviews with Black male achievers at thirty predominantly White colleges and universities. His findings show that these undergraduate men were frequently confronted with stereotypes but succeeded in resisting them through their campus leadership roles, their engagement in student organizations, and their use of a three-step strategic redirection process. Communication and confrontation skills acquired through out-of-class engagement enabled participants to effectively resist the harmful threat of racial stereotypes encountered in classrooms.
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Johnson, David J., and William J. Chopik. "Geographic Variation in the Black-Violence Stereotype." Social Psychological and Personality Science 10, no. 3 (March 23, 2018): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617753522.

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The stereotype that Blacks are violent is pervasive in the United States. Yet little research has examined whether this stereotype is linked to violent behavior from members of different racial groups. We examined how state-level violent crime rates among White and Black Americans predicted the strength of the Black-violence stereotype using a sample of 348,111 individuals from the Project Implicit website. State-level implicit and explicit stereotypes were predicted by crime rates. States where Black people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a stronger Black-violence stereotype, whereas states where White people committed higher rates of violent crime showed a weaker Black-violence stereotype. These patterns were stronger for explicit stereotypes than implicit stereotypes. We discuss the implications of these findings for the development and maintenance of stereotypes.
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Osmond, Gary. "The Nimble Savage: Press Constructions of Pacific Islander Swimmers in Early Twentieth-Century Australia." Media International Australia 157, no. 1 (November 2015): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515700116.

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In the decades around Australian Federation in 1901, a number of Pacific Islanders gained prominence in aquatic sport on the beaches and in the pools of Sydney in particular. Two swimmers, brothers Alick and Edward (Ted) Wickham from the Solomon Islands, were especially prominent. This article examines racial constructions of these athletes by the Australian press. Given the existence of well-entrenched negative racial stereotypes about Pacific Islanders, and legislative manifestations of the White Australia policy that sought to deport and exclude Islanders, racially negative portrayals of the Wickhams might have been expected in the press. Instead, newspapers constructed these men in largely positive terms, idealising the supposedly natural ability of Islanders in water and reifying an aquatic Nimble Savage stereotype. While largely contained to a few individuals, this nonetheless powerful press construction presented an alternative perspective to the prevailing negative stereotypes.
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15

Goldstein, Susan B. "Stereotype Threat in U.S. Students Abroad: Negotiating American Identity in the Age of Trump." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 29, no. 2 (November 16, 2017): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v29i2.395.

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An underinvestigated and significant source of stress for U.S. student sojourners across racial/ethnic groups is exposure to stereotypes that target their American identity. This study built on the extensive research literature on stereotype threat to investigate U.S. students’ vulnerability and reactions to being the target of stereotypes. Stereotype threat occurs when one expects to be judged negatively based on stereotypes of one’s social group and feels at risk of confirming these stereotypes. An online questionnaire administered to 95 students studying abroad just prior to and following the 2016 U.S. presidential election assessed predictors of, and common responses to, stereotype threat. Multiple regression analysis identified participant gender, CQ-Motivation, and exposure to Trump-related stereotypes as significant predictors of stereotype threat. Exploratory analyses indicated possible responses to stereotype threat, including distancing from a U.S. American identity and altering one’s appearance and behavior to look less American. Implications for sojourner support and for future research are discussed.
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16

Holt, Lanier Frush. "Writing the Wrong." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 90, no. 1 (January 10, 2013): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699012468699.

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Several studies show media messages activate or exacerbate racial stereotypes. This analysis, however, may be the first to examine which types of information—those that directly contradict media messages (i.e., crime-related) or general news (i.e., non-crime-related)—are most effective in abating stereotypes. Its findings suggest fear of crime is becoming more a human fear, not just a racial one. Furthermore, it suggests that for younger Americans, the concomitant dyad of the black criminal stereotype—race and crime—is fueled more by crime than by race.
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17

Nicolas, Gandalf, Allison L. Skinner, and Cheryl L. Dickter. "Other Than the Sum: Hispanic and Middle Eastern Categorizations of Black–White Mixed-Race Faces." Social Psychological and Personality Science 10, no. 4 (June 29, 2018): 532–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550618769591.

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The racial categorization literature, reliant on forced-choice tasks, suggests that mixed-race targets are often categorized using the parent faces that created the racially mixed stimuli (e.g., Black or White) or their combination (e.g., Black–White multiracial). In the current studies, we introduce a free-response task that allows for spontaneous categorizations of higher ecological validity. Our results suggest that, when allowed, observers often classify Black–White faces into alternative categories (i.e., responses that are neither the parent races nor their combination), such as Hispanic and Middle Eastern. Furthermore, we find that the stereotypes of the various categories that are mapped to racially mixed faces are distinct, underscoring the importance of understanding how mixed-race targets are spontaneously categorized. Our findings speak to the challenges associated with racial categorization in an increasingly racially diverse population, including discrepancies between target racial identities and their racial categorizations by observers as well as variable stereotype application to mixed-race targets.
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18

Arnold, David, Will Dobbie, and Crystal S. Yang. "Racial Bias in Bail Decisions*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 133, no. 4 (May 30, 2018): 1885–932. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjy012.

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Abstract This article develops a new test for identifying racial bias in the context of bail decisions—a high-stakes setting with large disparities between white and black defendants. We motivate our analysis using Becker’s model of racial bias, which predicts that rates of pretrial misconduct will be identical for marginal white and marginal black defendants if bail judges are racially unbiased. In contrast, marginal white defendants will have higher rates of misconduct than marginal black defendants if bail judges are racially biased, whether that bias is driven by racial animus, inaccurate racial stereotypes, or any other form of bias. To test the model, we use the release tendencies of quasi-randomly assigned bail judges to identify the relevant race-specific misconduct rates. Estimates from Miami and Philadelphia show that bail judges are racially biased against black defendants, with substantially more racial bias among both inexperienced and part-time judges. We find suggestive evidence that this racial bias is driven by bail judges relying on inaccurate stereotypes that exaggerate the relative danger of releasing black defendants.
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19

Airstrup, Joseph A. "Racism, Resentment, and Regionalism: The South and the Nation in the 2008 Presidential Election." American Review of Politics 32 (July 1, 2011): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2011.32.0.131-154.

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This paper assesses the influences racial resentment and racial stereotypes on Southern and non-Southern white, Asian, and Hispanic voters in the 2008 presidential election. I use logistic regression to test the hypotheses that racial resentment and racial stereotypes influenced support for McCain and that the influence of these two variables is greater in the South than in the non-South. The findings suggest that racial resentment’s influence extends across both regions but that the affects of racial stereotypes is confined to the South. The analysis is replicated for U.S. House elections in 2008, finding that the impact of racial resentment and racial stereotypes is insignificant in both regions. In 2008, the influences of racism, resentment and regionalism on voting are confined to the presidential level.
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Carter, Prudence L., Russell Skiba, Mariella I. Arredondo, and Mica Pollock. "You Can’t Fix What You Don’t Look At." Urban Education 52, no. 2 (August 19, 2016): 207–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085916660350.

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Racial/ethnic stereotypes are deep rooted in our history; among these, the dangerous Black male stereotype is especially relevant to issues of differential school discipline today. Although integration in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education was intended to counteract stereotype and bias, resegregation has allowed little true integration. Thus, old patterns continue to be reinforced through the ongoing processes of implicit bias, micro-aggression, and colorblindness. Thus, to effectively address inequity, the role of race must be explicitly acknowledged in addressing racial disparities in discipline. We close with a set of recommendations for talking about and acting on racial disparities.
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Windett, Jason H., Kevin K. Banda, and Thomas M. Carsey. "Racial stereotypes, racial context, and the 2008 presidential election." Politics, Groups and Identities 1, no. 3 (September 2013): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2013.813396.

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Babbitt, Laura G., Sarah E. Gaither, Negin R. Toosi, and Samuel R. Sommers. "The Role of Gender in Racial Meta-Stereotypes and Stereotypes." Social Cognition 36, no. 5 (October 2018): 589–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2018.36.5.589.

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23

Williams, Keelah E. G., Oliver Sng, and Steven L. Neuberg. "Ecology-driven stereotypes override race stereotypes." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 2 (December 28, 2015): 310–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1519401113.

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Why do race stereotypes take the forms they do? Life history theory posits that features of the ecology shape individuals’ behavior. Harsh and unpredictable (“desperate”) ecologies induce fast strategy behaviors such as impulsivity, whereas resource-sufficient and predictable (“hopeful”) ecologies induce slow strategy behaviors such as future focus. We suggest that individuals possess a lay understanding of ecology’s influence on behavior, resulting in ecology-driven stereotypes. Importantly, because race is confounded with ecology in the United States, we propose that Americans’ stereotypes about racial groups actually reflect stereotypes about these groups’ presumed home ecologies. Study 1 demonstrates that individuals hold ecology stereotypes, stereotyping people from desperate ecologies as possessing faster life history strategies than people from hopeful ecologies. Studies 2–4 rule out alternative explanations for those findings. Study 5, which independently manipulates race and ecology information, demonstrates that when provided with information about a person’s race (but not ecology), individuals’ inferences about blacks track stereotypes of people from desperate ecologies, and individuals’ inferences about whites track stereotypes of people from hopeful ecologies. However, when provided with information about both the race and ecology of others, individuals’ inferences reflect the targets’ ecology rather than their race: black and white targets from desperate ecologies are stereotyped as equally fast life history strategists, whereas black and white targets from hopeful ecologies are stereotyped as equally slow life history strategists. These findings suggest that the content of several predominant race stereotypes may not reflect race, per se, but rather inferences about how one’s ecology influences behavior.
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ZHENG, ROBIN. "Why Yellow Fever Isn't Flattering: A Case Against Racial Fetishes." Journal of the American Philosophical Association 2, no. 3 (2016): 400–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/apa.2016.25.

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ABSTRACT:Most discussions of racial fetish center on the question of whether it is caused by negative racial stereotypes. In this paper I adopt a different strategy, one that begins with the experiences of those targeted by racial fetish rather than those who possess it; that is, I shift focus away from the origins of racial fetishes to their effects as a social phenomenon in a racially stratified world. I examine the case of preferences for Asian women, also known as ‘yellow fever’, to argue against the claim that racial fetishes are unobjectionable if they are merely based on personal or aesthetic preference rather than racial stereotypes. I contend that even if this were so, yellow fever would still be morally objectionable because of the disproportionate psychological burdens it places on Asian and Asian-American women, along with the role it plays in a pernicious system of racial social meanings.
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Wetts, Rachel, and Robb Willer. "Who Is Called by the Dog Whistle? Experimental Evidence That Racial Resentment and Political Ideology Condition Responses to Racially Encoded Messages." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 5 (January 2019): 237802311986626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023119866268.

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Do appeals that subtly invoke negative racial stereotypes shift whites’ political attitudes by harnessing their racial prejudice? Though widely cited in academic and popular discourse, prior work finds conflicting evidence for this “dog-whistle hypothesis.” Here we test the hypothesis in two experiments (total N = 1,797) in which white Americans’ racial attitudes were measured two weeks before they read political messages in which references to racial stereotypes were implicit, explicit, or not present at all. Our findings suggest that implicit racial appeals can harness racial resentment to influence policy views, though specifically among racially resentful white liberals. That dog-whistle effects would be concentrated among liberals was not predicted in advance, but this finding appears across two experiments testing effects of racial appeals in policy domains—welfare and gun control—that differ in the extent and ways they have been previously racialized. We also find evidence that the same group occasionally responded to explicit racial appeals even though these appeals were recognized as racially insensitive. We conclude by discussing implications for contemporary American politics, presenting representative survey data showing that racially resentful, white liberals were particularly likely to switch from voting for Barack Obama in 2012 to Donald Trump in 2016.
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Shim Young-A. "Deconstructing Racial Stereotypes in Kim's Convenience." Korean Journal of Arts Studies ll, no. 25 (September 2019): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20976/kjas.2019..25.008.

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Maher, Jill K., Kenneth C. Herbst, Nancy M. Childs, and Seth Finn. "Racial Stereotypes in Children's Television Commercials." Journal of Advertising Research 48, no. 1 (March 2008): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2501/s0021849908080100.

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Bresnahan, Mary J., and Carmen Lee. "Activating Racial Stereotypes onSurvivor: Cook Islands." Howard Journal of Communications 22, no. 1 (January 31, 2011): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2011.546746.

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Levine, Jeffrey, Edward G. Carmines, and Paul M. Sniderman. "The Empirical Dimensionality of Racial Stereotypes." Public Opinion Quarterly 63, no. 3 (1999): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/297725.

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Welch, Kelly. "Black Criminal Stereotypes and Racial Profiling." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 23, no. 3 (August 2007): 276–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986207306870.

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Wyer, Natalie A., Jeffrey W. Sherman, and Steven J. Stroessner. "The Spontaneous Suppression of Racial Stereotypes." Social Cognition 16, no. 3 (September 1998): 340–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.1998.16.3.340.

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Ellison, G. T. H., T. de Wet, C. B. IJsselmuiden, and L. M. Richter. "Segregated health statistics perpetuate racial stereotypes." BMJ 314, no. 7092 (May 17, 1997): 1485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.314.7092.1485.

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Pickett, Justin T., Kelly Welch, Ted Chiricos, and Marc Gertz. "Racial Crime Stereotypes and Offender Juvenility." Race and Justice 4, no. 4 (July 14, 2014): 381–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2153368714542007.

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Lapchick, Richard E. "Crime and athletes: New racial stereotypes." Society 37, no. 3 (March 2000): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02686168.

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Beyer, Sylvia. "Relation between College Students’ Conservatism and Negative Stereotypes about Social Groups." Social Sciences 9, no. 12 (December 4, 2020): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9120224.

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This study examined the interrelations among political attitudes and negative stereotypes in U.S. undergraduates. Participants answered questions measuring conservatism, social dominance orientation, Global Belief in a Just World, and religiosity. This research employed two measures of stereotypes: modern sexism and feelings about 15 social groups. It was hypothesized that conservatives would show more evidence of negative stereotypes than liberals would. The study revealed that indeed conservatives show stronger evidence of negative stereotypes, but that liberals also harbor some biases. Importantly, the social groups against whom conservatives and liberals are stereotyped differed greatly. Conservatives showed considerably more negative stereotypes against racial and religious minorities, and particularly against those who do not identify with the cis-gender, heterosexual norm. Thus, the targets of conservatives’ stereotypes were groups that have traditionally been subject to discrimination. Liberals held stronger stereotypes against groups that are more politically powerful, such as Caucasians and Christians.
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김신아. "‘Intercultural Teaching’ in Multicultural Classroom - 'Racial Stereotypes' and 'Racial Prejudice' -." Journal of Moral & Ethics Education ll, no. 33 (July 2011): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18338/kojmee.2011..33.227.

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Quinn, David M. "Experimental Effects of “Achievement Gap” News Reporting on Viewers’ Racial Stereotypes, Inequality Explanations, and Inequality Prioritization." Educational Researcher 49, no. 7 (June 8, 2020): 482–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x20932469.

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The “achievement gap” has long dominated mainstream conversations about race and education. Some scholars warn that the discourse around racial gaps perpetuates stereotypes and promotes the adoption of deficit-based explanations that fail to appreciate the role of structural inequities. I investigate through three randomized experiments. Results indicate that a TV news story about racial achievement gaps (vs. a control or counterstereotypical video) led viewers to express more exaggerated stereotypes of Black Americans as lacking education (Study 1 effect size = .30 SD; Study 2 effect size = .38 SD) and may have increased viewers’ implicit stereotyping of Black students as less competent than White students (Study 1 effect size = .22 SD; Study 2 effect size = .12 SD, ns). The video did not affect viewers’ explicit competence-related racial stereotyping, the explanations they gave for achievement inequalities, or their prioritization of ending achievement inequalities. After 2 weeks, the effect on stereotype exaggeration faded. Future research should probe how we can most productively frame educational inequality by race.
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Niemann, Yolanda Flores. "Stereotypes about Chicanas and Chicanos." Counseling Psychologist 29, no. 1 (January 2001): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011000001291003.

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A review of the literature on stereotypes about Chicanas/os reveals that people of Mexican descent are perceived predominantly in derogatory terms, with the few positive terms primarily related to the centrality of the family for this ethnic community. This review also indicates that Chicanas/os themselves often endorse these stereotypes. However, the extant literature has not examined the counseling process in relation to consensual, social stereotypes of this ethnic group. This article serves to bridge that gap in the literature. Counselors are strongly encouraged to be cognizant of how stereotypes may affect Chicanas/os, especially in areas related to identity, risky behavior, stereotype threat, education, gender roles, and stigmatization. Counselors are encouraged to increase racial awareness as part of the mental health development of their Chicana/o clients. Counselors are particularly challenged to examine how their own conscious and unconscious stereotypes may affect the counselor-client relationship. Future research directions are also discussed.
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Johnson, David J., and John Paul Wilson. "Racial Bias in Perceptions of Size and Strength: The Impact of Stereotypes and Group Differences." Psychological Science 30, no. 4 (February 21, 2019): 553–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797619827529.

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Recent research has shown that race can influence perceptions of men’s size and strength. Across two studies (Study 1: N = 1,032, Study 2: N = 303) examining men and women from multiple racial groups (Asian, Black, and White adults), we found that although race does impact judgments of size and strength, raters’ judgments primarily track targets’ objective physical features. In some cases, racial stereotypes actually improved group-level accuracy, as these stereotypes aligned with racial-group differences in size and strength according to nationally representative data. We conclude that individuals primarily rely on individuating information when making physical judgments but do not completely discount racial stereotypes, which reflect a combination of real group-level differences and culturally transmitted beliefs.
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40

Najdowski, Cynthia J., Kimberly M. Bernstein, and Katherine S. Wahrer. "Do Racial Stereotypes Contribute to Medical Misdiagnosis of Child Abuse?" Wrongful Conviction Law Review 1, no. 2 (September 15, 2020): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/wclawr23.

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Despite growing recognition that misdiagnoses of child abuse can lead to wrongful convictions, little empirical work has examined how the medical community may contribute to these errors. Previous research has documented the existence and content of stereotypes that associate race with child abuse. The current study examines whether emergency medical professionals rely on this stereotype to fill in gaps in ambiguous cases involving Black children, thereby increasing the potential for misdiagnoses of child abuse. Specifically, we tested whether the race-abuse stereotype led participants to attend to more abuse-related details than infection-related details when an infant patient was Black versus White. We also tested whether this heuristic decision-making would be affected by contextual case facts; specifically, we examined whether race bias would be exacerbated or mitigated by a family’s involvement with child protective services (CPS). Results showed that participants did exhibit some biased information processing in response to the experimental manipulations. Even so, the race-abuse stereotype and heuristic decision-making did not cause participants to diagnose a Black infant patient with abuse more often than a White infant patient, regardless of his family’s involvement with CPS. These findings help illuminate how race may lead to different outcomes in cases of potential child abuse, while also demonstrating potential pathways through which racial disparities in misdiagnosis of abuse and subsequent wrongful convictions can be prevented.
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Hamilton, Roy H., Jeffrey C. McClean, Michael D. Greicius, Charlene E. Gamaldo, Tamika M. Burrus, Larry Charleston, Daniel J. Correa, et al. "Rooting out racial stereotypes in Neurology®." Neurology 92, no. 22 (May 3, 2019): 1029–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000007578.

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42

Peguero, Anthony A., and Lisa M. Williams. "Racial and Ethnic Stereotypes and Bullying Victimization." Youth & Society 45, no. 4 (October 24, 2011): 545–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x11424757.

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43

Finchilescu, Gillian. "Meta-Stereotypes May Hinder Inter-Racial Contact." South African Journal of Psychology 35, no. 3 (September 2005): 460–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124630503500305.

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Avoidance of intergroup contact occurs not only as a result of prejudice, but also for a myriad of other reasons. Intergroup anxiety has been hypothesised as one central explanatory factor for informal segregation. In this article, Stephan and Stephan's (1985) model of the antecedents and consequences of intergroup anxiety is discussed in the context of the South African situation. The concept of meta-stereotypes is also introduced and proposed as an important contributor to intergroup anxiety. Meta-stereotypes, in interaction with other intergroup attitudes, may act as a barrier or facilitator to intergroup mixing.
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Murji, Karim. "Using racial stereotypes in anti-racist campaigns." Ethnic and Racial Studies 29, no. 2 (March 2006): 260–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870500465488.

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Dunsmoor, Joseph E., Jennifer T. Kubota, Jian Li, Cesar A. O. Coelho, and Elizabeth A. Phelps. "Racial stereotypes impair flexibility of emotional learning." Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience 11, no. 9 (April 22, 2016): 1363–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsw053.

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46

Graham, Sandra, and Brian S. Lowery. "Priming unconscious racial stereotypes about adolescent offenders." Law and Human Behavior 28, no. 5 (2004): 483–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:lahu.0000046430.65485.1f.

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47

Maguire, Brendan, and John F. Wozniak. "Racial and ethnic stereotypes in professional wrestling." Social Science Journal 24, no. 3 (September 1, 1987): 261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0362-3319(87)90075-9.

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48

Blanchar, John C., and David J. Sparkman. "Individual Differences in Miserly Thinking Predict Endorsement of Racial/Ethnic Stereotypes." Social Cognition 38, no. 5 (October 2020): 405–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2020.38.5.405.

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The “cognitive miser” metaphor is a classic characterization of mental life wherein cognitive efficiency is favored over careful and reflective thinking. A presumed implication is that reliance on intuitive processing in the absence of reflective thinking should encourage stereotyping. However, research to date has not adequately tested whether proclivities to engage reflective thinking correspond with less stereotype endorsement, nor if their influence occurs independent of cognitive ability and epistemic motivation. In two studies, we conducted straightforward tests of this hypothesis by measuring individual differences in miserly or reflective thinking, cognitive ability, and epistemic motivation as unique predictors of stereotype endorsement. We utilized objective, performance-based measures of reflective thinking via the Cognitive Reflection Test. The results provide the first direct evidence for the cognitive miser hypothesis. Individual differences in miserly thinking predicted endorsements of racial/ethnic stereotypes independent of cognitive ability and epistemic motivation.
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Bernhardt, Mark. "‘What do you think it is that makes them who they are’? The connections between Latinx stereotypes, claims of white difference, and characters’ deaths in Breaking Bad." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 16, no. 3 (September 2021): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17496020211023865.

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This article argues that while reliant on Latinx stereotypes in character construction, Breaking Bad (2008–2013) ultimately uses them to problematise American racial categories and conquest mythology. Comparing stereotyped Latinx criminals to the main white character, Walter White (Bryan Cranston), who claims difference, reveals that they share traits. In its use of Latinx stereotypes to transfer focus from difference to sameness, Breaking Bad shifts the imperial gaze to offer a critical view of the regeneration through violence myth, so integral to American western expansionism and central in Walt’s story, in that he dies in his attempt to regenerate by killing his Latinx enemies.
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Oppong, Seth. "RACIAL STEREOTYPING OF HOMO SAPIENS AFRICANUS: A REVIEW OF ITS MYTH AND IMPACT ON DEVELOPMENTAL CAPACITY." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 45, no. 2 (June 7, 2016): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/619.

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Generally, negatives stereotypes have been shown to have negative impact on performance members of a social group that is the target of the stereotype (Schmader, Johns and Forbes 2008; Steele and Aronson, 1995). It is against the background of this evidence that this paper argues that the negative stereotypes of perceived lower intelligence held against Africans has similar impact on the general development of the continent. This paper seeks to challenge this stereotype by tracing the source of this negative stereotype to David Hume and Immanuel Kant and showing the initial errors they committed which have influenced social science knowledge about race relations. Hume and Kant argue that Africans are naturally inferior to white or are less intelligent and support their thesis with their contrived evidence that there has never been any civilized nation other than those developed by white people nor any African scholars of eminence. Drawing on Anton Wilhelm Amo’s negligence-ignorance thesis, this paper shows the Hume-Kantian argument and the supporting evidence to be fallacious.Â
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