Journal articles on the topic 'Racial caste system'
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1
M, Bhimraj. "The ‘Caste’ as ‘Discrimination Based on Work and Descent’ in International Law: Convincing or Compromising?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 27, no. 4 (September 25, 2020): 796–825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02704005.
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The difficulty in categorising caste discrimination into standard categories of human rights violations has forced Dalit activists into comparing caste discrimination with racial discrimination – a highly condemned practice in international law. This strategy materialised through the word ‘descent’ in Article 1 of the icerd. Currently, caste discrimination has become important on the human rights agenda under the guise of ‘discrimination based on work and descent’ (dwd), and by extension, ‘racial discrimination’. The main theme of this article is to address the capability of the dwd mechanism to comprehensively capture the intricacies of caste discrimination. Upon analysis, it was found that dwd dilutes the religious aspect of the caste system. Hence, this article advocates a caste-specific Convention, which focuses on both religious and secular aspects of the caste system. This won’t happen soon; therefore, caste should be maintained as a unique form of dwd in the meantime.
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Ashalatha. P, Ashalatha P. "Caste System in India and Racial Discrimination in the United States." Indian Journal of Applied Research 3, no. 3 (October 1, 2011): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/mar2013/116.
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Goodwin, Michele. "Law and Anti-Blackness." Michigan Journal of Race & Law, no. 26.2 (2021): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.2.law.
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This Article addresses a thin slice of the American stain. Its value derives from the conversation it attempts to foster related to reckoning, reconciliation, and redemption. As the 1930s Federal Writers’ Project attempted to illuminate and make sense of slavery through its Born in Slavery: Slave Narratives From 1936-1938, so too this project seeks to uncover and name law’s role in fomenting racial division and caste. Part I turns to pathos and hate, creating race and otherness through legislating reproduction— literal and figurative. Part II turns to the Thirteenth Amendment. It argues that the preservation of slavery endured through its transformation. That the amendment makes no room for equality further establishes the racial caste system. Part III then examines the making of racial division and caste through state legislation and local ordinances, exposing the sophistry of separate but equal. Part IV turns to the effects of these laws and how they shaped cultural norms. As demonstrated in Parts I-IV, the racial divide and caste system traumatizes its victims, while also undermining the promise of constitutional equality, civil liberties, and civil rights.
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Kadel, Bhanubhakta Sharma. "Caste: A Socio-political Institution in Hindu Society." Janapriya Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3 (July 31, 2017): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jjis.v3i0.17892.
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Caste has been a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary transmission of a lifestyle, which often includes an occupation, ritual status in a hierarchy and customary social interaction and exclusion based on cultural notions of purity and pollution. Hierarchy, commensality, repulsion and hereditary membership and specialization are the major characteristics of caste system. It is assumed that castes arose from differences in family ritual practices, racial distinctions, and occupational differentiation and specialization but it is socio-political institution mainly characterized by domination and subjugation. APA model has been applied to this research work. The theory of origin of caste and its orientation has been of great use in preparing the article. The readers will be aware of the implicit intention of the writer that the caste system that pervades the South Asian region is not the product of religio-cultural institution nor it has any relation with the Brahminical scripture like the Vedas but it has socio-political orientation.Janapriya Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, Vol. III (December 2014), page: 9-15
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Davis, Timothy. "America’s Race-Based Caste Structure: Its Impact in College and Professional Sports." Texas A&M Law Review 9, no. 3 (October 2022): 599–654. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v9.i3.2.
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Racial inequities in college and professional sports remain prevalent and persistent despite the awareness of such inequities by those with the power to effectuate change. This Article proposes that explanations frequently offered for the slow pace of progress often fail to account for the hierarchy derived from a race-based caste system embedded in American society. Relying on the work of author Isabel Wilkerson, Part II describes major pillars of America’s race-based caste structure. Part III examines how stereotypes of Blacks’ presumed intellectual inferiority and a lack of fitness for leadership roles adversely impact their access to positions of power in both college and professional sports. Part IV discusses how the caste-system hierarchy and its accompanying mindset manifests in the academic marginalization of Black college athletes and the transfer of revenue disproportionately generated by them to predominantly White coaches, athletic administrators, and athletes in non-revenue generating sports. This Article discusses the limited effectiveness of legal doctrine, including anti-discrimination laws and contract law principles, to significantly diminish the above-referenced racial inequities in college and professional sport. In addition, it proposes specific policies that may assist in achieving greater racial equity in sport. It concludes, however, that a necessary step in moving toward greater racial equity in college and professional sports is an honest recognition that systemic racial inequities are, in part, a product of a caste-system mindset.
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Givel, Michael S. "Evolution of a sundown town and racial caste system: Norman, Oklahoma from 1889 to 1967." Ethnicities 21, no. 4 (April 28, 2021): 664–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211011174.
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Sundown regions were post-Reconstruction localities that deliberately excluded African Americans, often well into the 20th century. While former states of the Confederacy instituted state-wide racial caste systems denying African Americans basic political and economic privileges and opportunities, what of localities outside the Deep South? This case study concludes that Norman, Oklahoma, located outside of the Deep South, was a sundown town from 1889 to 1967 or for 78 years. Sundown implementation practices resulting in ongoing racial cleansing and exclusion include a variety of extra-legal actions including violent racial expulsion in the beginning; Ku Klux Klan terror in the 1920s; ongoing freeze-out of local services such as hotel services; denial of home ownership; denial of employment; curtailment of political rights including voting and freedom of movement; an ominous reputation as a sundown town; continuing violence; and threats. The widespread act of systematically excluding African Americans after dark from Norman, in tandem with state legislation that outlawed interracial marriage and intimate relationships until 1967 and maintaining all white public colleges until 1948, contributed to a racial caste system based on unequal opportunities and privileges afforded to whites. Sundown practices were not only ongoing geographic and racist Jim Crow segregation issues as is sometimes stated, but also, a key approach to enforce a rigid racial caste system in the midst of a society with democratic ideals.
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Ojha, Bhola Nath. "लिखे उपन्यासमा दलित महिलामाथि हुने तेहरो शोषण र त्यस विरुद्धको चेतना {In the novel written, the triple exploitation of Dalit women and the consciousness against it}." JMC Research Journal 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jmcrj.v8i1.43080.
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प्रस्तुत लेख शरद पौडेलको लिखे उपन्यासमा चित्रित महिला पात्रमा केन्द्रित छ । लिखे उपन्यासमा दलित जात विशेषले कथित उच्च जातकाबाट सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक उत्पीडनको अवस्थालाई चित्रण गरिएको छ । यसमा हिन्दू वर्ण व्यवस्थाले सिर्जना गरेको छुवाछुतका कारण दलित महिलाहरू लिङ्गीय, वर्णीय र वर्गीय शोषणमा परेको वस्तुसत्यलाई दलित चेतनाका कोणबाट विश्लेषण गरिएको छ । यस अध्ययनका आधारमा हेर्दा कथित उच्च जातका महिलाहरू लिङ्गीय र वर्गीय उत्पीडनमा परेका छन् भने दलित महिलाहरू यसका अतिरक्ति वर्णीय उत्पीडन गरी तेहरो शोषणमा परेका छन् । दलित महिलाहरूको उत्पीडनको अनुभूति मानसिक तहमा मात्र सीमित छ । उनीहरूको अनुभूतिले मानसिक तहमा विद्रोहको सिर्जना गरेको छ, तर उनीहरू माथि भएको जातीय, वर्गीय र लिङ्गीय उत्पीडनका विरुद्ध सङ्गठित रूपमा प्रतिकार गर्ने क्षमताको विकासहुन नसकेको निष्कर्ष अध्ययनको अन्त्यमा निकालिएको छ । {The present article focuses on the female characters portrayed in the novel written by Sharad Poudel. The novel depicts the state of social and cultural oppression by the so-called upper castes, especially the Dalit castes. In it, the fact that Dalit women have been subjected to sexual, racial and class exploitation due to the untouchability created by the Hindu caste system has been analyzed from the angle of Dalit consciousness. On the basis of this study, the so-called upper caste women have been subjected to sexual and class oppression while the Dalit women have been subjected to additional caste oppression and exploitation. The experience of oppression of Dalit women is limited to the mental level only. The study concludes that their perceptions have created a rebellion on a mental level, but they have not developed the ability to co-operate in an organized manner against the racial, class and gender oppression that has befallen them}
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Banerjee, Amrita. "Race and a Transnational Reproductive Caste System: Indian Transnational Surrogacy." Hypatia 29, no. 1 (2014): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12056.
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When it comes to discourses around women's labor in global contexts, we need feminist philosophical frameworks that take the intersections of gender, race, and global capitalism seriously in order to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of women's lives within global processes. Women of color feminist philosophy can bring much to the table in such discussions. In this essay, I theorize about a concrete instance of global women's labor: transnational commercial gestational surrogacy. By introducing a “racialized gender” analysis into the philosophical debate on this issue, I argue that women's reproductive labor is becoming increasingly stratified within the global economy along racial and other lines. This paves the way for a “transnational reproductive caste system,” which ends up reifying various social hierarchies and sustaining existing global inequities. I aim to expose the kind of violence that surrogates experience due to such stratification as women of color in a transnational space. I discuss how discourses of race and existing racial hierarchies play out in international surrogacy and ways in which these, and indeed, the very category of “woman of color” get complicated in international contexts when they intermingle with other localized social forms and global inequities. For the purposes of my argument, I engage several insights from feminist of color Dorothy Roberts's work on race and reproductive technologies in the US.
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Rollins, Aaron C., and Erica R. Hilliard. "A Call to Consciousness: Examining the Evolution of America's Racial Caste System." Public Administration Review 77, no. 2 (February 27, 2017): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/puar.12744.
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Al-Maweed, Haya. "Caste Distinction between Hinduism and Judaism - A comparative study-." Jordan Journal of Islamic Studies 19, no. 4 (December 10, 2023): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.59759/jjis.v19i4.281.
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This research addresses the issue of caste-based distinction, which was rooted in Hinduism. This discrimination prevailed in Hindu society, which became divided according to the caste system that was dominant. We can find significant similarities between this and the Jewish caste-based discrimination, though the latter expanded to encompass a division within the Jewish community into two categories: one based on specific criteria, such as descent from a particular lineage, or being born to Jewish parents, while the second seeks to differentiate between Jews and other humans, known as "Goyim".
Racial discrimination was prominent in both Hinduism and Judaism, with the aim of segregating humanity to an extent that is difficult to conceive. It led to looking at others based on factors like gender, color, professions, some religious considerations, and more. Caste-based discrimination represents a religious and social aspect that prevailed in both of these societies, resulting in many laws and duties for each caste that were characterized by their severity and disregard for human dignity.
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Matthew Athyal, Jesudas. "From Siddis to Dalits: Racial Prejudice in India, the Legacy of the Caste System." Numen 22, no. 1 (February 11, 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2236-6296.2019.v22.29603.
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The African nations and India have several common features, and both were the subjects of colonial exploitation and oppression for a long period. Yet, in recent decades, the thousands of African students in India have faced harassment and intimidation at the hands of the local public. Why is there so much hostility between the people of the two regions? What makes the African students and youth in India tick against the backdrop of xenophobia and socioeconomic deprivation? In attempting to answer these questions, this paper argues that the discrimination the African diaspora communities experience in India is rooted in India’s identity as a society built on the Hindu system of caste hierarchy. The paper further points out that the African indigenous religions and cultures, on arrival in India, blended with the local traditions in the process providing a spiritual and emotional anchor for the immigrants.
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N, Sivaguru. "Discrimination in Silapathikaram." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, S-23 (December 10, 2022): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt224s22235.
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Silapathikaram is considered the best epic in Tamil literature. This epic is about the three kings who has been called Moovaendars and the three modes of entertainment such as literature, music and drama. The ancient people’s life style, social structure, standard of living of the people, caste discrimination, and folk song system have been highlighted in this text. Varuna (division of people based on caste) plays a major role in people's lives. Author IIangovadigal points out that this situation came from Silapathikaram period. The people are divided into four categories as priests, kings, merchants and servants. Though the text speaks well about merchants, it gave importance to priests. The protagonist Kovalan is highlighted in the text through the priests. Through this, we can feel their primacy in the society. Even though the kings and servants have material possessions, they are next to the Antananars (priests). In Silapathikaram, you can see a society where caste discrimination is established. It is not known whether this was the case at that time or whether the Ilangovadigal was trying to record such racial discrimination. Thus, the purpose of this article is to highlight the caste discrimination in Silapathikaram
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GANGOPADHYAY, JAGRITI. "The Black Lives Matter movement and health inequalities." Indian Journal of Medical Ethics 06, no. 03 (July 16, 2021): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20529/ijme.2021.011.
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With the recent Black Lives Matter movement, existing racial inequalities in various sectors of the United States have regained prominence. Due to the pandemic, statistics on racial disparities in the health sector have been aggravated. On a related note, while the #Black Lives Matter movement received substantial support from India’s online community, deeply entrenched inequalities in terms of caste, community and gender in India’s health sector need to be critically evaluated as well. This paper is an attempt to understand how the awareness generated by the Black Lives Matter movement could be an opportunity to address structural inequalities in India’s own public health system.
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Bhagat, Ms Rajni. "Caste Discrimination and Social Change in India." Journal of Social Responsibility,Tourism and Hospitality, no. 21 (January 7, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/21.1.6.
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The origin and traces of the caste system and discrimination on its basis can be traced back to the ancient period of India. Social changes have taken place to a great extent due to the practice of caste discrimination in India. We find roots of caste and racial system with the arrival of Aryans in India. The society got divided into two segments, i.e., Dasayas and Dasuyas, i.e., original inhabitants and the Aryans. During the Vedic period we find the existence of caste system reflected in the Varna system, i.e., Brahmins,Kshatriya, Vaishyas and Sudras. It was based on the type of profession one adopted in his life, and a person could change profession, i.e., a warrior could become a priest, or a priest could become a ruler.With the passage of time during the ancient period, one more class in the society emerged, i.e., Chandals. They were treated as untouchables, and they did not find any place in the Varnas system. The social injustice on the basis of caste system and discrimination has affected the Indian society of Hinduism to a great extent. It has affected the unity and communal harmony among different sections of the Indian society, especially Hinduism. Only privileged classes were given the education and honored jobs. It led to the deplorable condition of the masses, which belonged to lower strata of society. Ultimately these sections of the society were ignored and became socially and economically backward. During modern times the British Govt. tried to encash every possible opportunity to make their rule lasting and stable by divide and rule policy. After 1857 the British government designed the army on the basis of caste, religion and regional basis. Many social reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Jyotiba Phule, Swami Vivekananda and other social reformers tried to reform caste system in India by promoting education among the Sudras and Dalits.Dr. B.R Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian constitution, also tried to bring the socially and economically weaker section of the society at par with the other privileged sections of the society by spreading education and awareness among them. Special provisions have been made in the constitution for their social and economic upliftment through the reservation system. There has been a great change in social and economic status of the deprived sections of Indian society. But, their social and economic status has not improved to the desired level. We often come across through electronic and other media cases of discrimination and atrocities committed on the people based on the Caste system.
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Bhagat, Ms Rajni. "Caste Discrimination and Social Change in India." Journal of Social Responsibility,Tourism and Hospitality, no. 21 (January 7, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jsrth.21.01.6.
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The origin and traces of the caste system and discrimination on its basis can be traced back to the ancient period of India. Social changes have taken place to a great extent due to the practice of caste discrimination in India. We find roots of caste and racial system with the arrival of Aryans in India. The society got divided into two segments, i.e., Dasayas and Dasuyas, i.e., original inhabitants and the Aryans. During the Vedic period we find the existence of caste system reflected in the Varna system, i.e., Brahmins,Kshatriya, Vaishyas and Sudras. It was based on the type of profession one adopted in his life, and a person could change profession, i.e., a warrior could become a priest, or a priest could become a ruler.With the passage of time during the ancient period, one more class in the society emerged, i.e., Chandals. They were treated as untouchables, and they did not find any place in the Varnas system. The social injustice on the basis of caste system and discrimination has affected the Indian society of Hinduism to a great extent. It has affected the unity and communal harmony among different sections of the Indian society, especially Hinduism. Only privileged classes were given the education and honored jobs. It led to the deplorable condition of the masses, which belonged to lower strata of society. Ultimately these sections of the society were ignored and became socially and economically backward. During modern times the British Govt. tried to encash every possible opportunity to make their rule lasting and stable by divide and rule policy. After 1857 the British government designed the army on the basis of caste, religion and regional basis. Many social reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Jyotiba Phule, Swami Vivekananda and other social reformers tried to reform caste system in India by promoting education among the Sudras and Dalits.Dr. B.R Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian constitution, also tried to bring the socially and economically weaker section of the society at par with the other privileged sections of the society by spreading education and awareness among them. Special provisions have been made in the constitution for their social and economic upliftment through the reservation system. There has been a great change in social and economic status of the deprived sections of Indian society. But, their social and economic status has not improved to the desired level. We often come across through electronic and other media cases of discrimination and atrocities committed on the people based on the Caste system.
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Sundiata, Ibrahim K. "Caste, The Origins of Our Discontents: A Historical Reflection On Two Cultures." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 2, no. 1 (May 16, 2021): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v2i1.308.
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In 2020 Isabel Wilkerson, Pulitzer prize-winning journalist, published Caste, The Origins of Our Discontents. An African American, she used the age-old hierarchy of India to hold up a light to the hierarchical ‘racial’ orders in the United States (Nazi Germany was included as a third case). Ever since the 1940s debate has raged over whether such a comparison is apt. In the United States, more than almost any other group, African Americans are in-marrying, residentially segregated, poor, linked to past forced labor, and stigmatized because of it. One argument put forward against comparison was that the Indian Dalits (the former ‘untouchables’) were inured to a system that was millennia old. However, slaves on Southern plantations were often described as being as humble and compliant as any Dalit. White slaveholders often thought of the India caste model. However, the very brevity of the full-fledged Cotton Kingdom (1820–1860) militated against the coalescence of a fully formed national caste consensus. The United States, unlike most places on the globe, had a constitutional armature in which, following the Civil War, former bonds people could go from being property to voters de jure. In both societies the carapace of caste is now being cracked open, but this leaves open the question of whether we should reform caste or abolish it.
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Bhagat, Ms Rajni. "Caste Discrimination and Social Change in India." Journal of Social Responsibility,Tourism and Hospitality, no. 12 (January 7, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jsrth.21.1.6.
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The origin and traces of the caste system and discrimination on its basis can be traced back to the ancient period of India. Social changes have taken place to a great extent due to the practice of caste discrimination in India. We find roots of caste and racial system with the arrival of Aryans in India. The society got divided into two segments, i.e., Dasayas and Dasuyas, i.e., original inhabitants and the Aryans. During the Vedic period we find the existence of caste system reflected in the Varna system, i.e., Brahmins,Kshatriya, Vaishyas and Sudras. It was based on the type of profession one adopted in his life, and a person could change profession, i.e., a warrior could become a priest, or a priest could become a ruler.With the passage of time during the ancient period, one more class in the society emerged, i.e., Chandals. They were treated as untouchables, and they did not find any place in the Varnas system. The social injustice on the basis of caste system and discrimination has affected the Indian society of Hinduism to a great extent. It has affected the unity and communal harmony among different sections of the Indian society, especially Hinduism. Only privileged classes were given the education and honored jobs. It led to the deplorable condition of the masses, which belonged to lower strata of society. Ultimately these sections of the society were ignored and became socially and economically backward. During modern times the British Govt. tried to encash every possible opportunity to make their rule lasting and stable by divide and rule policy. After 1857 the British government designed the army on the basis of caste, religion and regional basis. Many social reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Jyotiba Phule, Swami Vivekananda and other social reformers tried to reform caste system in India by promoting education among the Sudras and Dalits.Dr. B.R Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian constitution, also tried to bring the socially and economically weaker section of the society at par with the other privileged sections of the society by spreading education and awareness among them. Special provisions have been made in the constitution for their social and economic upliftment through the reservation system. There has been a great change in social and economic status of the deprived sections of Indian society. But, their social and economic status has not improved to the desired level. We often come across through electronic and other media cases
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Sabastian, Luna. "Savarkar's Miscegenous Hindu Race." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 44, no. 1 (May 1, 2024): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-11141431.
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Abstract This article establishes racial thinking as central to V. D. Savarkar's (1883–1966) founding theory of Hindutva. Savarkar's issue with the Muslims was not that they were irreducibly “other,” a foreign race polluting Hindu “blood.” Jettisoning racial and caste purity, Savarkar instead grounded Hindutva's myth of a single Hindu race in all-round biological admixture. “Miscegenation,” as it was conceptualized by Nazis and white supremacists at the time, buttressed Hindutva's tremendous violence against Muslims, whose annihilation would come through gendered incorporation. Savarkar redefined the caste system as the crucible of the Hindu race, its endless proliferation testimony to a history of intermarriage expired in the present age. To reestablish the broken bonds of the Hindu race, Savarkar championed intercaste marriage. He offered the same solution to the “Muslim problem.” Muslims, who had carved themselves out of the Hindu race, needed to be reclaimed through conversion coupled with (forced) marriage, sex, and reproduction with a Hindu. Yet only Muslim women could be appropriated in this way, as paternity imparted race; Muslim men would be crushed in their potentiality for sovereignty and decimated in war with the Hindus. Savarkar, this article concludes, based the Hindu body politic on kinship and a vision of gendered incorporation modeled on war.
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Vinson, Ben. "The Racial Profile of a Rural Mexican Province in the “Costa Chica”: Igualapa in 1791." Americas 57, no. 2 (October 2000): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2000.0022.
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Late colonial Mexico possessed one of the largest free-colored populations in Spanish America, numbering around 370,000 in 1793. The colony's pardos, morenos, and mulattos were highly dispersed, being found throughout the major urban centers, coastal zones, rural areas, and in selected portions of the northern frontier. Studies conducted over the past two decades have assisted enormously in reconstructing the free-colored demographic profile, with particular emphasis on occupational and marriage patterns. Much of this research has resulted from sustained examinations of the caste vs. class debate, which has attempted to understand the manner in which the caste system worked in structuring colonial social relations. Broader, regional histories have added even more to our understanding by situating Blacks within the economic, cultural, and social context of important towns and their hinterlands. Institutional studies have also referenced the Afro-Mexican presence and contributions. However, numerous gaps still exist in our portrait of colonial Afro-Mexicans. Notably, the Pacific coastal regions have received proportionately little attention in comparison to the area of Veracruz. This is surprising since the Costa Chica, occupying portions of the modern states of Guerrero and Oaxaca, remains home to some of the more significant concentrations of Afro-Mexicans.
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Pickett, Justin T., and Stephanie Bontrager Ryon. "RACE, CRIMINAL INJUSTICE FRAMES, AND THE LEGITIMATION OF CARCERAL INEQUALITY AS A SOCIAL PROBLEM." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 2 (2017): 577–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x17000121.
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AbstractMichelle Alexander argues that carceral inequality and mass incarceration together have created a “new racial caste system” in America (2010, p. 11). She contends that only a race-conscioussocial movement that engages both legal actors and the public can dismantle this system of racial control. Unfortunately, very little research has examined views about carceral inequality. Little is known about the attitudes of juvenile and criminal justice workers. We build on and integrate three literatures—scholarship on the framing perspective, comparative conflict theory, and group position theory and racial ideology—to develop a theoretical model of attitudes toward carceral inequality. We hypothesize that race influences the resonance of attributional frames, especially criminal injustice frames, but endorsement of these frames represents the primary factor shaping judgments about whether carceral inequality is a social problem (propriety, urgency, severity and policy frames). For several decades, framing efforts have been underway aimed at mobilizing JCJW to reduce racial disparities in the juvenile justice system. And most offenders first have contact with the state as juveniles. Accordingly, to test our theory, we analyze data on views about carceral inequality in the juvenile justice system—or disproportionate minority contact—among a nationwide sample of justice workers (N = 543). The findings show that race is strongly associated with attributional frames about carceral inequality, and is indirectly related, through attributional frames, to endorsement of propriety, urgency, severity, and policy frames about carceral inequality.
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Giorgio, Grace A. "Whitewashing the Past." Qualitative Inquiry 23, no. 2 (July 8, 2016): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800416629697.
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In States of Denial, Stanly Cohen describes how individuals and institutions know about yet deny the occurrences of oppressive acts, seeing only what they want to see and wearing blinders to avoid seeing the rest. Cohen emphasizes that denial though deplorable is complicated. It is not simply a matter of refusing to acknowledge the obvious, though uncomfortable, truth. Many people “know” and “not-know” about human suffering at the time. “Whitewashing the Past” explores White supremacy’s legacy in the rural Midwest through its telling of a town’s reaction and non-reaction to a truth compromising library display of the town’s Ku Klux Klan’s history. Racial segregation and racial indifference maintain the American caste system that renders African Americans’ experiences as irrelevant to rural Midwest majority White towns, when their very composition as majority White is dependent on exclusionary Sundown policies and ordinances that are “known” and “not known.”
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BASU, SUBHO. "The Dialectics of Resistance: Colonial Geography, Bengali Literati and the Racial Mapping of Indian Identity." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 1 (November 6, 2009): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990060.
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AbstractThrough a study of hitherto unexplored geography textbooks written in Bengali between 1845 and 1880, this paper traces the evolution of a geographic information system related to ethnicity, race, and space. This geographic information system impacted the mentality of emerging educated elites in colonial India who studied in the newly established colonial schools and played a critical role in developing and articulating ideas of the territorial nation-state and the rights of citizenship in India. The Bengali Hindu literati believed that the higher location of India in such a constructed hierarchy of civilizations could strengthen their claims to rights of citizenship and self-government. These nineteenth century geography textbooks asserted clearly that high caste Hindus constituted the core ethnicity of colonial Indian society and all others were resident outsiders. This knowledge system, rooted in geography/ethnicity/race/space, and related to the hierarchy of civilizations, informed the Bengali intelligentsia's notion of core ethnicity in the future nation-state in India with Hindu elites at its ethnic core.
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Horsford, Sonya Douglass. "School Integration in the New Jim Crow: Opportunity or Oxymoron?" Educational Policy 33, no. 1 (December 13, 2018): 257–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904818810526.
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In this article, I consider the limitations of school integration research that overlooks Black research perspectives, White policy interests, and the paradox of race in the New Jim Crow—America’s system of racial caste in the post–Civil Rights Era. Applying critical race theory as critical policy analysis, I discuss the importance of theorizing race in school integration research and recentering Black citizenship and equality as fundamental goals of school desegregation. I conclude with a call to desegregate the research on school desegregation through critical policy analyses that deconstruct liberal education policy agendas, create new policy knowledge, and reject the institutionalization of Black educational inferiority.
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Whitman, Kenyon, and Stephen Exarhos. "The New Jim Crow in Higher Education: A Critical Race Analysis of Postsecondary Policy Related to Drug Felonies." JCSCORE 6, no. 2 (November 14, 2020): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2642-2387.2020.6.2.32-59.
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In this paper, critical race theory and critical race praxis for educational research are used to frame an analysis of the 1998 Amendments to the Higher Education Act of 1965 (HEA98) that limits access to financial aid for students who have been convicted of a drug felony. The authors explain how the HEA98 disenfranchises Black and Latinx college student populations. This policy is a form of institutional racism against the disproportionately large number of Black and Latinx individuals that have been convicted of drug-related crimes, which creates a caste system of college access and support. This policy analysis highlights data on incarcerated populations that link the policing of drug offenses to racial profiling and discrimination (e.g., “the War on Drugs” and the 1994 Crime Bill), questions the motivations for reducing access to education in drug offenders, reviews causes and inhibitors of recidivism in drug offenders to make the case for the promotion of education in recently-released offenders, and highlights empirical data that supports expanding access to these people. The authors conclude the paper with recommendations to progress toward racial educational equity. This paper is directed toward higher education scholars, practitioners, and policy makers who possess a strategic critical orientation towards racial equity in education.
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Wayne, Michael L. "Depicting the racist past in a "postracial" age." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 13 (July 20, 2017): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.13.06.
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This article examines the ways in which depictions of race and racism in some prime-time historical dramas promote contemporary postracial ideologies. Focusing on the portrayals of overt racism and interracial relationships in Hell on Wheels (2011–2016) and The Knick (2014–2015), the author argues that the use of morally ambiguous white, male protagonists in contexts associated with morally unambiguous racism allows these shows to acknowledge the centrality of racism in American history while simultaneously presenting racism in interpersonal rather than systemic terms. This representational strategy differs from the politically correct depictions of race and racism in historical dramas like Mad Men (2007–2015). As such, Hell on Wheels and The Knick reflect the paradox of postracial popular culture whereby depictions of racial animus and violence support viewers’ desires to forget about both race and racism. In contrast, the racial caste system in Deadwood (2004–2006) presents white supremacy and American history as inseparable. This article concludes by discussing some of the connections between these representational strategies and the shifting economic landscape of the post-network-era television.
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Ducey, Michael T. "Indian Communities and Ayuntamientos in the Mexican Huasteca: Sujeto Revolts, Pronunciamientos and Caste War." Americas 57, no. 4 (April 2001): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0032.
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Mexico's transition from a colonial society to an independent nation was extremely difficult and civil war seemed to threaten at every turn during the first half of the nineteenth century. Independence required the creation of a new republican order to replace the colonial system of corporate identities and racial domination. The creation of a new liberal order based on individual citizenship was a contested process where competing political actors sought to preserve colonial privileges even as they used the new constitutional system to their advantage. The indigenous communities, the majority of the population at independence, posed a challenge to the new society of citizens. The objective of this paper is to explore the fate of indigenous communities under the new system and how Indians manipulated it in order to survive. The following pages discuss how independence affected villagers by first describing what the change to a new liberal order meant for local town governments. Then using case studies from the gulf region of Mexico, the paper will draw connections between indigenous village politics and the pronunciamientos that frequently destabilized the national government. Pronunciamientos in the provinces had a profound effect that over time tended to create more opportunities for discontented villagers to enter politics. Finally, the paper will discuss how these political divisions played out in the series of rebellions of the late 1840s known as “caste war of the Huasteca.”
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Jamieson, Ross W. "Bolts of Cloth and Sherds of Pottery: Impressions of Caste in the Material Culture of the Seventeenth Century Audiencia of Quito." Americas 60, no. 3 (January 2004): 431–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0016.
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People use domestic material culture to create an image of themselves that they project to others who live in, or visit, their homes. This was as true in the Spanish colonial city as it is in any city today. If, therefore, we wish to investigate status and ethnicity in the Spanish colonies, domestic material culture is an excellent source of information on how people imagined their own place, and that of others, in society. The first step toward this is the reconstruction of the material culture of urban colonial houses. There are two main bodies of evidence available to accomplish this. The first is descriptions of household goods in the notarial archives of the colonies, and the second is the physical remains of household refuse found in archaeological contexts in cities. Each body of evidence can make unique contributions to our understanding of social relations in the colonial city, but each also has unique limitations. I use the interplay between colonial notarial documents and archaeological remains to help define the role of material culture in the study of caste relations in Cuenca, Ecuador. The Spanish colonial régimen de castas was a system that categorized people by caste, using a complex mixture of legal status, ethnicity, racial (or physical) categorization, and economic roles.
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Murtza, Ayesha. "A CRT Counterstory." Writers: Craft & Context 3, no. 2 (January 11, 2023): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2688-9595.2023.3.2.43-49.
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While teaching young girls from the lower socioeconomic class and usually lower castes in a rural part of Punjab, Pakistan, I witnessed not only class-based learning gaps but also the ways in which class impacts their subjecthood and their academic lives. These experiential facts are even more complicated for those who are multiply marginalized based on class, caste, religion, and other discriminatory factors like color, accent, and hair but whose marginalization remains largely invisible. Storytelling, in these situations, serves both as a personal and political tool for marginalized people to have conversations about these challenges. By using the genre of counterstory, this paper highlights the intersectionality of caste system, gender hierarchy, colorism, and racism, particularly in the context of Pakistan. This “new rhetoric” of counterstory enables a storyteller to bring their experiences to a wider audience and talk about various issues with minimized possibility of chastisement. Many scholars offer and employ this methodology, for example, Martinez,[1] Derrick Bell,[2] and Patricia Williams[3] have written dialogues and told stories by using their experiential knowledge of marginalized and underprivileged communities. Building on this previous work, this paper provides its readers the chance to analyze and understand their experiential knowledge because “counterstory or counter perspective is presented to develop the minoritized viewpoints and to critique the viewpoints which put forth by various characters.”[4] [1] See Aja Y. Martinez, Counterstory: The Rhetoric and Writing of critical Race Theory (2020). https://www.amazon.com/Counterstory-Rhetoric-Writing-Critical-Theory/dp/0814108784 [2] Bell, Derrick. And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice. 1987. Print. Faces at the Bottom of the Well. New York: Basic Books, 1992. Print. [3] Williams, Patricia J. The Alchemy of Race and Rights: Diary of a Law Professor. President and Fellows of Harvard College, 1991. [4] See Aja Y. Martinez, Counterstory: The Rhetoric and Writing of critical Race Theory (2020).
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Gadjong, Agussalim A. "Legal Consequences of Violating the Endogamy Marriage System in Indonesia: A Study of Legislation." SIGn Jurnal Hukum 5, no. 1 (July 3, 2023): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37276/sjh.v5i1.229.
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This study aims to examine and analyze how sanctions are applied for violating the endogamous marriage system and linked in the context of the positive law system in Indonesia. This study uses normative legal research with conceptual, historical, and comparative approaches. The collected legal material is then qualitatively analyzed to describe the problem and answer study purposes. The results show sanctions and consequences for individuals violating the endogamous marriage system. Sanctions can range from social ostracism, status demotion to fines and withdrawal of access to resources. In religious endogamy, violations are considered sins, and marriages can be declared invalid under Law Number 1 of 1974. Violations of racial or ethnic and caste endogamy do not have formal legal consequences but can impact an individual’s social status. Therefore, it is recommended that authorities and community leaders continue educating individuals about the implications of these endogamous marriage systems. The need for open dialogues about the pros and cons of these systems is also essential. Furthermore, the Indonesian legal system should protect all individuals’ rights and uphold principles of equality and non-discrimination while respecting cultural and religious nuances.
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Benz, Terressa A. "Toxic Cities: Neoliberalism and Environmental Racism in Flint and Detroit Michigan." Critical Sociology 45, no. 1 (June 3, 2017): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517708339.
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The consequences of neoliberal colorblind policies concerning environmental justice in Michigan are explored using critical race theorist Alan Freeman’s victim and perpetrator perspectives on legal decision-making. The victim perspective allows evidence of disparate impact to be proof of unequal protection under the law. The dominant perpetrator perspective requires proof of the intent to discriminate for a racial discrimination claim to be valid. Michigan’s environmental legal history is examined through the lens of these two perspectives, tracing how Michigan as a state, with the aid of the federal government, has institutionalized a racialized caste system of ‘worthiness’ for environmental protection through strict adherence to the perpetrator perspective. Specific attention is paid to the water crisis in Flint and a Marathon Oil refinery in Detroit. The injustices occurring at these locations are less the result of racist individuals than the product of decades of neoliberal colorblind policymaking supported and upheld in our court rooms.
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Orekhovsky, Petr A., and Vladimir I. Razumov. "The discrete charm of apartheid: the reverse side of narcissistic culture." Siberian Socium 6, no. 2 (2022): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2587-8484-2022-6-2-8-23.
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Since the French Revolution of 1789 the tendency for social equality had been enhanced. Egalitarian movements become dominant in the 19th -20th centuries, vividly manifesting in the revolutions in Russia, China, Mexico, and in the national liberation movements. The only important exception, the system of apartheid in South Africa, where social discrimination was based on racial segregation, opposed that tendency. In the 21st century, apartheid based on a “biological” racial attribute officially ceased to exist, but if the “race” was considered as social signs according to G. Le Bon and other social thinkers of the 19th century, then, oddly enough, apartheid not only persisted, but gradually intensified. The subdivision of people into representatives of “higher” and “lower” categories took place not only within the caste system that persisted in relatively poor India, but also in rich countries with their sophisticated legal regime, dividing people into “citizens” and “non-citizens”, “labor migrants” and holders of “residence permit”. According to the authors, apartheid has organically integrated into the narcissistic culture which is specific for postmodernism and has fixed in various rhetorical, legal, and economic practices. At the same time, apartheid remains a taboo concept, but in many segments of public life, interested actors are seeking to give it a legal form. The subject matter of apartheid is rapidly updated in the second or third decades of the 21st century. The events of the past two years have awakened the interest in the theme of apartheid, demonstrating its ability to adapt to the social changes in the environment. None of infectious disease has caused such massive social segregation as the COVID-19. In line with the development of narcissism, the inversion of racial relations are explained, when the roles and social positions of the black and white people are reversed. At the same time, the former should feel guilty for the exploitation of the former for centuries in Europe and America.
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Morrison, Minion K. C. "Intragroup Conflict in African–American Leadership: The Case of Tchula, Mississippi." Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 4 (October 1990): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016704.
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Black electoral leaders in the post-civil rights South have exhibited broad agreement on the nature of the political task of displacing unresponsive white elites from power and directing attention to the previously excluded black constituency. There are a few cases, however, in which the commonly expected solidarity and consensus among the black elected leaders has not occurred, despite intensified hostility from the white elite. In this analysis these circumstances are explored from one small town in Mississippi where blacks won nearly total administrative control in 1977. However, the apparent leadership consensus, though fragile, quickly evaporated, due to conflicts of ideology, class, idiosyncrasy, and racial invidiousness. This ultimately led to administrative paralysis in the allocation and management of scarce political goods. In this town where there were broad disagreements between three sets of political contenders, each sought to dominate the policy process by staffing various public positions. The scarcity of these positions, the diametrically opposed goals of the contenders, and the precariousness of the control exerted even by the administrative leadership produced a hopeless struggle. Eventually the government crumbled. Analysis reveals that the complex sociopolitical environment and certain aspects of the political structure contributed to this breakdown. The rapid development of a tripartite leadership cleavage was hardly accommodated by political structures designed to serve the ends of a racial caste system. The fragility of the political environment and the absence of structural mechanisms for conflict resolution severely diminished the ability of the new leaders to perform.
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Siham Hattab Hamdan, Asst Prof, and Researcher Mohammed Qassim Hamid. "Representations of Racism in Children of Blood and Bone by Tomi Adeyemi." لارك 2, no. 50 (June 30, 2023): 769–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol2.iss50.3191.
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This paper explores different aspects of racism within the context of the novel Children of Blood and Bone (2018) by Tomi Adeyemi, utilizing Critical Race Theory or CRT as an analytical tool. The novel is written within the genre of Young Adult Fiction which tackles the problems of young adults. Although the events of the novel take place in a fantastical setting, they capture reality and depict the lives of black African Americans. Black African Americans in the novel are represented by the oppressed minority who are the diviners. Critical Race Theory recognizes that the legacy of slavery and the racial subordination of black Americans are not only socially inherent within the non-black society but they are still covert in the legal and caste system. The novel is analyzed according to the five tenets of Critical Race Theory which can be listed as follows: Race is a social construct, Racism is ordinary, Intersectionality, Interests convergence, and Counter-Storytelling. These five basic tenets will be examined thoroughly in the paper in relation to the events of the novel.
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K P, Sreelakshmi. "Commensality and culture: a semiotic reading of Igbo tribal life in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart." Studies in Linguistics, Culture, and FLT 11, no. 3 (December 12, 2023): 130–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/vjjw6739.
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Food in literary production signifies the cultural and cross-cultural relations from which it is produced. The emergence of Literary Food Studies engages food as a signifier to magnify human relations and emotions. Food is a mosaic system of signs symbolising diasporic, class, caste, racial, and gender relations. The paper focuses on commensality, one of the mushrooming trends in literary food studies. Commensality is the act of eating together that helps to build relationships and create conviviality, the social pleasure among people. It helps to reinforce the identity and sense of belongingness among the community members. Drawing on the theoretical readings from Mary Douglas and Arjun Appadurai’s semiotics of food, the paper explores the possibilities of commensality in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart. The paper tries to argue that, commensality and its food practices along with representing togetherness could also symbolise the complex cultural functioning of the Igbo tribal community. The ingredients of the commensality, the culinary tools, and the order of eating convey cultural meanings. It throws light into the hierarchy and various power relations existing in the community.
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Tandon, Shivangini. "Imperial Control and the Translation Project." Indian Historical Review 41, no. 2 (November 3, 2014): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983614544828.
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This article explores the monumental translation project undertaken by H.M. Elliot and John Dowson in their work The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period (1867–77) consisting of eight volumes. It examines how Elliot and Dowson’s magnum opus facilitated the project of imperial domination and what were the exclusions and silences that marked this project of translation. The imperial historians or administrators treated the project of history writing as a device of imperial control. The history that they wrote was imbued with an element of essentialism that served to demarcate the subject population from the rulers and hence create structures of hierarchy. Their attempt was to classify or label people into neat categories differentiated on the basis of class, caste and religious affiliations which were essential to impose order and discipline on the subject population. All this required a construction of the past of the ruled, steeped in historical evidence within a positivist empiricist frame of reference. This kind of historical reconstruction was undertaken with the objective of legitimating the imperial control and proclaiming its racial superiority as well as lending history an element of objectivity. A careful scrutiny would also be done of the issues of language, power, discourse and the system of equivalences and their role in the translation project to fulfil one’s own political objectives.
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राई Rai, राम कुमार Ram Kumar. "नेपालमा जनजातीयता, भाषा, धर्म र संस्कृतिप्रति राज्यको दृष्टिकोण : हिजो र आज (The state's Vision towards Ethnicity, Language, Religion and Culture in Nepal: Past and Present}." Bouddhik Abhiyan (बौद्धिक अभियान) 8, no. 01 (August 30, 2023): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/bdkan.v8i01.57801.
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गोरखा राज्यको विस्तारदेखि हालसम्मको समयावधि भनेको करिब २८० हुन आउँछ र यस कालावधिमा नेपालमा जनजातीयता, भाषा, धर्म र संस्कृतिप्रति नेपाली राज्यको दृष्टिकोण के कस्तो रह्यो भन्ने कुरालाई गहन अध्ययन, विश्लेषणको विषय ठानी त्यसैलाई अध्ययनको मूल समस्याको केन्द्रमा राखेर त्यसैको याथार्थिक पक्ष पहिल्याउने उद्देश्यमा प्रस्तुत लेख केन्द्रित छ । द्वितीयक वा पुस्तकालयीय सामग्रीमा आधारित यो लेख पूर्णतया गुणात्मक एवम् विश्लेणात्मक पद्धतिमा आधारित छ । गोरखा राज्यको विस्तार वा पृथ्वी नारायण शाहले कोरेको राजनैतिक सीमानायुक्त नेपालको राज्यसत्ता धेरै कालसम्म एकात्मक र केन्द्रीकृत प्रवृत्तिको रह्यो ।विस्तारित राज्यको निर्माणसँगै शोषक र शासित वर्ग छुट्टियो र जित्नेले शासक बनेर शासन गरे भने हार्नेले दोस्रो दर्जाको नागरिक भई बाँच्न बाध्य पारिए । त्यसपछिको एक जातीय धर्म, भाषाको खेतीले भिन्न संस्कृति, भाषा, धर्म र जातिका पराजित समुदायहरूलाई भावनात्मक रूपमा एकीकरण गर्नुको साटो नियन्त्रणमा राख्ने काम ग¥यो । शासक वर्गीय राज्यको नेतृत्वले हिन्दु आर्य मोर्चाबाट सबै काम फत्ते गर्ने सोचले पराजित जनजातिहरूलाई राज्य संरचनाबाट अलग गराए भने मान्छेलाई दलित बनाई घर, परिवार, मन्दिर र सार्वजनिक जीवनमा प्रवेश निषेध ग¥यो । चार जात, छत्तीस वर्णको खेतीमा एक भाषा, धर्म, संस्कृति र एक राज्यको वकालत गरियो । २०४६ मा पुनस्र्थापित प्रजातान्त्रिक व्यवस्थापछि बनेको २०४७ को संविधानले राज्यले नागरिकका बिच धर्म, वर्ण, जात–जाति, लिङ्ग, उत्पत्ति, भाषा वा वैचारिक आस्था आदिकोे आधारमा भेद्भाव नगर्ने, प्रत्येक समुदायले आफ्नो भाषा, धर्म, संस्कृति, सांस्कृतिक सभ्यता र सम्पदाको संरक्षण र सम्बर्धन गर्न पाउँने व्यवस्था ग¥यो । जन आन्दोलन २ (२०६२/६३) को जनादेशपछि बनेको अन्तरिम संविधान २०६३ ले नेपाललाई बहुजातीय, बहुधार्मिक, बहुसांस्कृतिक विशेषतायुक्त बहुभाषिक राष्ट्र र नेपालमा बोलिने सबै मातृभाषाहरूलाई राष्ट्र भाषा मान्यो । सबै नागरिकका बिच धर्म, वर्ण, जाति, लिङ्ग, उत्पत्ति, भाषा वा वैचारिक आस्थाको आधारमा भेदभाव नगर्ने व्यवस्थाका साथै समानता एवम् सहअस्तित्व कायम हुनु पर्ने र सबैको भाषा, साहित्य, कला र संस्कृतिको समान विकास मार्फत् देशको सांस्कृतिक विविधता कायम राख्ने भावना व्यक्त ग¥यो भने २०७२ को संविधानले त्यसको मर्मलाई आत्मसात् गरी नेपालको बहुजातीयता, बहुधार्मिक, बहुभाषिक, बहुसांस्कृतिकतालाई आम नेपालीले अनुभूत गर्न सक्ने बनाएको निष्कर्ष प्रस्तुत छ ।
(The period from the expansion of the Gorkha state to the present time is about 280 years and the present article is focused on the objective of finding out the realistic aspects of the state's vision towards ethnicity, language, religion and culture in Nepal during this period. This article based on secondary or library material is completely based on qualitative and analytical method. The state power of Nepal remained unitary and centralized for a long time in the expanded Gorkha state or the political boundary drawn by Prithvi Narayan Shah. With the construction of the expanded state, the exploiters and the ruled class were separated and the winners ruled as rulers, while the losers were forced to live as second class citizens. After that the mono-lingual, mono-cultural and mono-racial system cultivated, worked to control the defeated communities of different cultures, languages, religions and castes instead of uniting them emotionally. The leadership of the ruling class separated the defeated tribes from the state structure with the thought of deriving all the work from the Hindu Arya Morcha, making people Dalits and prohibiting them from entering their homes, families, temples and public life. They advocated single language, religion, culture and one state in the association of four races and thirty-six castes. The Constitution of 2047, which was made after the restoration of the democratic system in 2046, stipulates that the state shall not discriminate among citizens on the basis of religion, race, caste, gender, origin, language or ideological beliefs, and that each community shall be able to protect and promote its language, religion, culture, cultural civilization and heritage. The Interim Constitution 2063 made after the mandate of Jan Andolan 2 (2062-63) considered Nepal as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multilingual nation with multi-cultural characteristics and all the mother tongues spoken in Nepal as the national language. The conclusion is presented that the constitution of 2072 has absorbed the essence of Nepal's multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-lingual and multi-cultural people, expressing the feeling that there should be equality and co-existence between all citizens on the basis of religion, race, caste, gender, origin, language or ideological belief, as well as maintaining equality and coexistence and maintaining the cultural diversity of the country through the equal development of language, literature, art and culture.)
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Royal, Camika, and Simone Gibson. "They Schools: Culturally Relevant Pedagogy under Siege." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 119, no. 1 (January 2017): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811711900108.
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Background/Context Culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) represents educators who work toward academic excellence, cultural competence, and sociopolitical awareness. Although some profess to embrace CRP, many educators neglect sociopolitical consciousness. Socio-politically unconscious and/or racially dysconscious educators cannot engage their students in sociopolitical consciousness. For a multitude of reasons, including neoliberal school reform, educators may reduce CRP to cultural celebration, trivialization, essentializing, substituting cultural for political analysis, or other compromised pedagogies. Purpose In this article, we argue that neoliberal school reform models employing hyperaccountability and hyperstandardization, replete with their demands on educators of conformity and silence, obfuscate teachers as thinkers, disempowering the efforts of culturally relevant educators and making high test scores the sole focus of schooling. We also argue that CRP is even more needed now, especially its focuses on cultural competence and sociopolitical consciousness, given the recent highly publicized murders of Black youth (e.g., Freddie Gray, Jordan Davis, Trayvon Martin, and Renisha McBride). Setting and Population This article explores CRP in Philadelphia's public schools before and after the state takeover in 2001 and the proliferation of hyperstandardization, hyperaccountability, and neoliberal school reform. Research Design: This article is conceptual. It uses the historical narratives of Black educators to support the conceptual argument. Conclusion Though it is a professional gamble, it is possible to be a culturally relevant educator within the hyperstandardized, hyperaccountable neoliberal school environment. Such educators must be highly skilled masters of their craft, strategic, and subversive, adhering to all tenets of CRP and mandated curricula. This tension could affect educators’ professional standing, income, and job security. However, neglecting emancipatory pedagogies under the joint siege of hyperaccountability, hyperstandardization, and neoliberal school reform reifies the American racial, cultural, and socioeconomic caste system, and it does so through our schools. Unless educators risk subversively employing CRP, students from historically marginalized communities will continue to appear as standardized failures.
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Dr. Karim Haider Syed and Dr. Imran Khan. "Articles 370 and 371 of the Indian Constitution in the Context of Kashmir." sjesr 4, no. 1 (March 6, 2021): 286–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol4-iss1-2021(286-294).
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Occupied Jammu and Kashmir is not the only state in the Indian constitution with special status but in addition to Article 370, there is also an Article 371 in the Indian Constitution which has 10 sub-clauses that give special status to other 9 states and territories. The nature of relations of these states is explained in these clauses of article 371 which is very helpful to understand article 370 of the Indian constitution. As far as Kashmir and Article 370 are concerned, the Indian government of Narendra Modi has axed the Indian position itself as all other states with constitutional guarantees are suspicious about their future in the Indian union. By repealing Article 370, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has brought to an end the false or true annexation of Kashmir with India. Thus, if there was any annexation of Kashmir with India, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had cut down that relation on 5 August 2019. Article 370 is not a myth, it is a historical fact as Article 370 specifies that apart from Foreign Affairs, Defense, Communications and subsidiary matters (matters that were specified in the Instrument of Accession to India), in all other matters and subjects Parliament of India needs the approval of assembly of the people of Kashmir. Thus, Kashmir residents lived under a distinct set of laws, together with those linked to fundamental rights, citizenship, and ownership of property as compared to other citizens of India. Occupied Jammu and Kashmir were the only states to be stripped of its status of special unite of Indian federation. As of August 5, 2019, India had 29 states in principle, but with the repeal of Article 370, there are now 28 states. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s actions regarding Occupied Jammu and Kashmir have raised concerns in these 28 states especially the states with special status like Kashmir. These concerns and reservations will sow the seeds of insincerity in the Indian Union. Expressing concern over national security, the Indian Home Ministry spokesman said separatist activities were on the rise in 200 of the country's 600 districts. Not only separatist movements but racial conflicts and caste disputes have increased after the August 5 action in Kashmir. The main reason for this unrest in India is that the states with special status under article 370 and 371 have started to ponder the federation of India as a union that is established through a system of repression. In the intellectual circles, these development are not normal as intellectuals of India are not happy with the approach of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as they are taking it dangerous for the federation of India that will be left with no confidence of the federating unite.
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Zúñiga, Jean-Paul. "“Muchos negros, mulatos y otros colores”: Visual Culture and Colonial Knowledge in the Eighteenth Century." Annales (English ed.) 68, no. 01 (March 2013): 41–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000315.
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Hispanic-American societies of the colonial period are traditionally described as being hierarchized along a system of racial classification. Indeed, the Spanish term casta has been translated as race for that very purpose. Considering both terms as synonymous, however, leads to a conflation of colonial categories and contemporary concepts, thus simplifying a highly complex and lengthy process. This article focuses on the distinctly colonial elements that contributed to transforming a notion derived from nobiliary terminology into a science of phenotypes. The study of this visual culture and vocabulary, initially rooted in Mesoamerica, reveals the regional and interimperial dialogue that established a Euro-American space of shared conceptual creation.
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Flores, Tania Arabelle. "Rosalía's Cante: (Non-)Gitanidad, Gender, and Anti-Carceral Flamenco Tradition in "Juro Que"." Romance Notes 63, no. 2 (2023): 309–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rmc.2023.a919724.
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Abstract: This article intervenes in the emerging field of Rosalía scholarship to demonstrate the viability of reading Rosalía as an experimental flamenco artist and to point to the value of such readings for studies of race in contemporary Spain. In this project, I demonstrate that Rosalía's 2020 single "Juro que" innovates upon flamenco's long tradition of decrying the violence of incarceration, particularly as that violence relates to gitano , or Spanish Roma, communities, and revises the historically masculinist boundaries of this tradition. By analyzing the racial and gendered dimensions of the construction of the poetic speaker in "Juro que," I argue that this text renders audible gitanidad and the critique of anti- gitanidad that is implicit in anti-carceral flamenco tradition while also circumventing a problematic identification with gitanidad itself. In its opposition to the criminal legal system as well as the racist stereotypes produced by the good Gypsy/bad Gypsy dichotomy, "Juro que" resists the historical function of the white Gypsy paradigm as defined by Eva Woods Peiró. Simultaneously, however, I examine the deployment of racially ambiguous aesthetics in "Juro que" in the context of that paradigm and point to the ways in which those aesthetics risk obfuscating anti- gitano carceral violence.
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Paliwal, Deepak. "Reaching the unreached through open and distance learning in India." Asian Association of Open Universities Journal 14, no. 1 (June 10, 2019): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaouj-01-2019-0005.
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Purpose Education is the most important tool for the development of different types of faculties in human beings. It plays an important role in the overall development of the human beings, and it is generally considered as a catalyst of social change. Education always remains a territory of significance and worry for the policymakers, social researchers and the academicians. In the complex society like India, which is multi-racial, multi-lingual, multi-religious and pervaded with incalculable issues, the issues of ignorance are a major test in transit of its advancement. In this direction, open and distance learning (ODL) plays an important role in providing quality education to the learners who are unable to be a part of the formal system of education. Open and distance learning serves as a source of education for the marginalized and disadvantaged sections of the society. Open and distance learning goes for the spread of learning and securing information through distance mode including the utilization of any correspondence innovation to give chances to advanced education. Regardless of caste, creed and religion, it provides uniform education to different sections of the society. The purpose of this paper is to assess the attitude and satisfaction level of the learners towards open and distance learning. Design/methodology/approach For this study, explorative research methodology has been used, and analysis has been done on the basis of data extracted from the primary and secondary sources of information. The respondents were personally interviewed through structured interviewed schedule for the collection of primary data. In fact, the interview is an act of verbal communication for the purpose of eliciting information. In addition to intensive field work, secondary sources like records, manuscripts, survey reports and many other related studies and their findings have been used as the source of secondary information collected through respective sources. Findings ODL has been successful in realizing its objective, reaching to the unreached by spreading education in the remote and far-flung areas through its study centers located in various locations. However, there is more need of creating awareness among the people in the far-flung areas by opening more study centers as per the need and geographical location of the area. In the present era of science, technology and innovation, no major shift has been seen among the parents towards the girl child: and providing education to the girl child is not the top priority in the villages, marriage gets the first preference instead of education. However, girls are coming forward to continue their education but the problem is that of money as in the case of boy respondents. So there is a need to review the fee structure of the ODL program as per the economic conditions of the student’s family, and some provisions should be made, especially for the girl students, to motivate them to come forward to continue their education, as it will spread message among other girls who did not complete their schooling. Social implications Through this paper, it could be realized that ODL provides opportunities to those who have no access to normal schooling but want to continue their education to compete in the changing world. ODL plays an important role in the hilly regions where most of the children left or dropped out their studies, especially the girls students, due to various reasons: it may be the long distance of the school from home or poor economic condition of the family. ODL emerged as a tool in solving all the problems and reaching the unreached through its learner-friendly approach. Originality/value Open and distance learning gives uniform stage to the individuals who need to upgrade their education and also skill development. This paper finds out that majority of the learners were satisfied with the performance of the open schooling. A positive attitude towards open schooling was found among the learners. They were of the view that because of open schooling, they gained self-confidence and better status in the society. They were of the opinion that they were no longer considered as a loser and they were in a position to get something new, which may be helpful for them and their family.
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Watson, Marlene F. "Caste and Black intergenerational racial trauma in the United States of America." Family Process, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/famp.12955.
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AbstractThe United States (U.S.) racial caste system and White dominance began in slavery, culminating in Black intergenerational racial trauma. Until recently, Black intergenerational racial was trauma largely ignored by family scholars and therapists. Given that Black intergenerational racial trauma is inseparable from racial caste in the United States, it should be regarded as a wider, systemic problem, requiring intervention at the micro (e.g., family) and macro (e.g., society) levels. The U.S. dominant White society's investment in conserving racial caste furthers the ideological (e.g., political) and sentimental (e.g., democratic ideals) nullification of Black intergenerational racial trauma. Therefore, Black intergenerational racial trauma is often disenfranchised and can hamper Black people's experience of racial trauma as a collective. As passive bystanders, family scholars and therapists are co‐conspirators in the long, enduring suffering of Black people. As advocates, family scholars and therapists are called upon to name the racial hierarchy in the United States as a caste system and to advance Black humanization. Specifically, Wilkerson's (Caste: The origins of our discontents. Random House, 2020) notion of the U.S. racial hierarchy as a functioning caste system frames the discussion of Black intergenerational racial trauma and includes the following topics: Black racial trauma, disenfranchised Black intergenerational racial trauma, collective Black intergenerational racial trauma, Black intergenerational racial trauma and the U.S. academy (traditionally White institutions of higher learning), history and its impact on Black intergenerational racial trauma, the Black body and racial trauma, intersectionality and the U.S. caste system, and collective hope and resilience.
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Martinez, Rutilio, and Vish Iyer. "Latin Americas Racial Caste System: Salient Marketing Implications." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 7, no. 11 (February 16, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v7i11.3308.
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Latin American societies are structured in a fuzzy racial caste system. Whites are at the top. Next are individuals of mixed European and Indian or mixed European and African ancestry, the Mestizos and the Mulattos, respectively. At the bottom are the Indians and the blacks. Integral to this system is an overt preference for European appearance and, among many whites, the firm conviction that the dark-skinned are racially inferior. This results in exclusive use of models of European appearance in publicity channels, higher prices of luxury goods, and the perception that Latin American products are of poor quality.
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Jayanaik, Pradeep Ramavath. "‘Caste Census’ to Dismantle ‘Group Inequalities’." Contemporary Voice of Dalit, November 14, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x231203509.
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The caste system in India continues to endure, resulting in around 85% of the people experiencing socio-economic disadvantages. The process of systematic exclusion renders the policy intentions devoid of acknowledgement towards the demands of communities that have been historically marginalised. Conducting a comprehensive census of castes is necessary to foster inclusivity within India, as it enables the recognition and subsequent mitigation of entrenched disparities that persist due to factors such as caste affiliations, religious distinctions, gender disparities, ethnic variations, and racial differences. The transition from a focus on ‘Political Citizenship’ to ‘Social Citizenship’ via the implementation of inclusive policies is paramount in pursuing a more equal and just society.
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Rooks, Noliwe. "Segregation, Caste and Cash: Segrenomics in Detroit." Segregation 4, no. 11 (September 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.17899/on_ed.2021.11.3.
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Though in other countries caste is generally understood to name social stratification based on ethnic and/or religious affiliation, in the United States, racial and economic segregation in housing and education are the factors that trap one to the lower rungs of the social system in that nation. Significantly, these caste making levels of segregation are “cash making” for wealthy business concerns. In my earlier work, I have referred to this profit from segregation as, “segrenomics.” In this piece, I offer an example of the mechanics of these relationships relative to segregated schools, caste, and cash making in the city of Detroit, Michigan.
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Fader, Jamie J., Abigail Henson, and Jesse Brey. "“I Don’t Want to Be a Statistic”: Racial-Criminal Stigma, Redemption Bids, and Redemptive Generativity." Crime & Delinquency, November 1, 2022, 001112872211310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00111287221131037.
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Within the context of racial caste and the “stickiness” of criminal labels, men struggle to craft positive masculine identities. Contesting racial-criminal stigma requires men of color to challenge controlling images of violent Black men. Analyzing narratives of 45 millennial men in Philadelphia, we identify redemption bids and redemptive generativity as ways of defying social stigma. Redemption, which has been highlighted in the desistance literature, is a central concern of the men of color we studied, regardless of prior law-breaking or system involvement. Because a criminal history is presumed regardless of past behavior, many men of color engage in performances of “making good” similar to those who were actively engaged in the work of desistance.
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Weaver, Lesley Jo. "The Laboratory of Scientific Racism: India and the Origins of Anthropology." Annual Review of Anthropology 51, no. 1 (June 1, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-041320-024344.
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Anthropology, especially biological anthropology, owes its origins to the scientific study of human racial differences. That dark history is well-acknowledged and, when it is taught, usually begins with the racism of early figures, such as Johann Friedrich Blumenbach or, more recently, Ernest Hooton, and exonerates itself through a turn toward antiracist scholars such as Frank Livingstone and Franz Boas. Rarely, if ever, is this origin story critically appraised. This article aims to complicate the origin story of biological anthropology by examining how colonial subjects were involved in the development, testing, and refinement of racial theory, and thus of biological anthropology itself. Taking India as an example, I trace how Indians and the caste system were first the subjects and eventually the interlocutors of racial scientific theory and testing. This reorientation, I argue, is important for developing a more expansive and accurate version of the discipline's history and also for shining a light on its relevance to contemporary global racial conflict. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Anthropology Volume 51 is October 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
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Edung, Tardi. "Menelaah Pembagian Profesi Catur Warna ditinjau dari Implementasi Ajaran Catur Asrama." Dharma Duta 17, no. 1 (August 19, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.33363/dd.v17i1.310.
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Social change is bound to happen and this continues as long as there is life on this earth. Increasing the individual's social status in society occurs in accordance with the profession occupied, change and increase one's position is absolutely there. How is the social status of an individual seen from the teachings of boarding chess. The problematic of life is quite diverse and complex, requiring individuals to live governed by the rules, norms and rules that exist in that society and none of them may deny it. Caste is the profession of a person in society who forms themselves in groups, natural arrangements. Color / caste depicts the characteristic spirit which is synthesis in Hindu mind with belief towards collaboration from race and cooperation from culture, caste system is the result of tolerance and belief. On the other hand racial color / caste is the emphasis of definite differences in human groups that cannot possibly be erased or destroyed by social change. This teaching determines whether an individual is respectable or not in his position in a homogeneous and multicultural society based on values and norms as a rule of life. Transition of individual social status is adjusted to the profession occupied in society, both based on knowledge, appreciation in the form of honor and power. Changes in the profession can occur because of science, maturation of a household, self-introspection and leaving all positions in this world to more complex stages. Boarding Chess gives direction to the position of individuals in society
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Rahim, Abdul. "Intersectionality of Slavery and Gender Analyzing the Experiences of Black Women in Selected Writings." Siazga Research Journal 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.58341/srj.v3i1.50.
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Intersectionality has created a new caste system which strictly adheres to the problem of colour, segregation, injustice, violence, and categorization on the basis of social class, race, and gender. The interconnected nature of social categorization combines multiple identities including racial identity, sexuality, disability, nationality, and gender; intersects each other, and results into discrimination and oppression. All forms of racial and gender inequalities reinforce each other, fortify identity politics, and ostracize on the basis of gender, caste and colour of skin. Slavery as an institution has also colossally impacted the question of gender inequality in American society. In the epoch of slavery, the women of different colour were the major victims of two-fold exploitation as being a woman and being a black racially. They were prime targets of sexual exploitation, physical violence, and free labor. In African American Literature, Toni Morrison’s Beloved and Harriet Jacobs’ Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl are the two most prominent writings which depict the adverse effects of slavery, which has ruined several generations of the Blacks. The experiences of black women as enslaved workers, and victims of sexual exploitation are not less than a nightmare. The selected writings explicitly expose the ugly face of slavery that kept the black people particularly women in iron-made baskets for centuries. The study focuses on the discourse of two selected texts that how were black women maltreated, marginalized, sexually exploited and dehumanized.
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Wadibia, Christopher. "A Critical Response to ‘Race, Caste and Christian Ethics: A Decolonial Proposal’." Studies in Christian Ethics, December 21, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09539468231213550.
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The colonial period of Christian expansion was plagued by practices and systems that exploited non-European indigenous populations for the endgame interests of enriching the treasuries of European imperial powers and promoting Eurocentrism. Anderson Jeremiah has written an important paper that explains how the concepts of race and the caste system in South Asia functioned in the context of colonial Christian expansion, and argues that postcolonial Christian actors should prioritise intentionally replacing dehumanising forms of missional activity with the four ethically decolonising paradigms of radical resistance, solidarity, hospitality, and joy in service of promoting racial justice in future global society. My response focuses on Jeremiah's ethical paradigm of hospitality, and engages with the challenge of applying this paradigm. In order for this hospitality paradigm to be applied in ways that lead to optimal missional outcomes, it must answer several questions, especially those linked to the existence of contesting hospitality-focussed frameworks and sociocultural attitudes endorsed by contemporary Christian agents and communities whose norms of hospitality appear radically different.