Journal articles on the topic 'Racial Camps'
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1
Henry J. Gwiazda II. "The Nazi Racial War: Concentration Camps in the New Order." Polish Review 61, no. 3 (2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.61.3.0059.
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VALENZUELA, JESSICA M., MEGAN T. MARTIN, SAM RECORDS, KELLY O'NEAL, KELLY MUELLER, and RISA M. WOLF. "Racial Ethnic Disparities in Diabetes Youth Participating in Diabetes Summer Camps." Diabetes 67, Supplement 1 (May 2018): 1396—P. http://dx.doi.org/10.2337/db18-1396-p.
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Goar, Carla, Jenny L. Davis, and Bianca Manago. "Discursive Entwinement: How White Transracially Adoptive Parents Navigate Race." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 3, no. 3 (October 18, 2016): 338–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649216671954.
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Through 47 interviews with 56 White parents who attend culture camps, the authors analyze race discourse and practices in transracially adoptive families. The authors document parents’ use of two discursive frames, colorblindness and race consciousness, and find that small subsamples of parents use either race consciousness or colorblindness exclusively, while the majority (66 percent) entwine the two discursive frames together. Because the sample is drawn from culture camps, which emphasize race and ethnicity, this sample begins with some degree of racial attunement. As such, the continued presence of colorblindness among the sample indicates the deep rootedness of White hegemonic logic. However, the emergence of race consciousness indicates the potential for White transracially adoptive families to engage race critically. Moreover, the analyses draw a clear line between how parents articulate racial understandings in their interviews and the ways parents report talking about race and racism with their children. These findings are directly relevant to ongoing debates about the ethics of transracial adoption and racial identity development among transracial adoptees. More generally, these findings speak to the ways Whites’ racial understandings are constrained, but not determined, by a history and biography of privilege.
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Roxworthy, Emily. "Blackface Behind Barbed Wire: Gender and Racial Triangulation in the Japanese American Internment Camps." TDR/The Drama Review 57, no. 2 (June 2013): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00264.
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In a dark footnote to a dark chapter in US history, Japanese Americans interned by their own government during World War II performed in blackface behind barbed wire. Exploring blackface performance in the camps raises questions regarding the potential resistance of racial impersonation and blackface's potential for triangulating race.
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Smith, Rogers M., and Desmond S. King. "BARACK OBAMA AND THE FUTURE OF AMERICAN RACIAL POLITICS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 1 (2009): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09090158.
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AbstractIn 2008, following a campaign in which racial issues were largely absent, Americans elected their first Black president. This article argues that Obama's election does not signal the dawn of a postracial era in U.S. politics. Rather, it reflects the current structure of racial politics in the United States—a division between those who favor color-blind policies and seek to keep racial discussions out of politics, and those who favor race-conscious measures and whose policies are often political liabilities. The Obama campaign sought to win support from both camps. Only if pervasive material racial inequalities are reduced can such a strategy succeed in the long run.
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Park, Yunki. "Japanese Americans Internment Camps and Racial Discrimination Represented in Yoshiko Uchida’s Desert Exile." Modern Studies in English Language & Literature 62, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17754/mesk.62.4.21.
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Valenzuela, Jessica M., Sam E. Records, Kelly A. Mueller, Megan T. Martin, and Risa M. Wolf. "Racial Ethnic Disparities in Youth With Type 1 Diabetes Participating in Diabetes Summer Camps." Diabetes Care 43, no. 4 (January 23, 2020): 903–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2337/dc19-1502.
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Bancroft, Angus. "‘Gypsies to the Camps!’: Exclusion and Marginalisation of Roma in the Czech Republic." Sociological Research Online 4, no. 3 (September 1999): 206–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.250.
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Under Communism the Roma minority in the Czech Republic were subject to severe state directed assimilation policies. Since the end of the Cold War they have endured a combination of labour market exclusion and racially motivated violence. The apparent historical discontinuity between the Communists’ strategies of assimilation and the current forms of exclusion and marginalisation is often explained by pointing to the social and economic upheaval caused by the transition to capitalism, or the resurgence of ‘ancient ethnic hatreds’. When examining anti-Roma racism (or other examples of ethnic conflict) in the former Communist countries of Europe, commentators tend to regard it as signifying the backwardness of these nations. These perspectives ignore racism's modern aspect. In contrast this paper seeks to highlight some of the continuities between the situation of Roma today and their historical position. It uses Simmel's concept of ‘the Stranger’ as applied by Bauman to understand the ambivalent place of Roma in European modernity, at times subject to coercive assimilation, at other times on the receiving end of racial violence. It challenges narratives which attempt to Orientalise racism as the preserve of ‘uncivilised and backward’ nations or a white underclass. It seeks to put racism in its place as a part of European modernity and its deployment of assimilative or exclusionary strategies against ‘Stranger’ minorities.
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Muller, Eric L. "Of Coercion and Accommodation: Looking at Japanese American Imprisonment through a Law Office Window." Law and History Review 35, no. 2 (March 13, 2017): 277–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000086.
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Crucial to the implementation of the War Relocation Authority's (WRA) regulations of its detention camps for the uprooted Japanese American community of the West Coast were the WRA “project attorneys,” white lawyers stationed in the camps who gave legal advice to administrators and internees alike. These lawyers left behind a voluminous correspondence that opens a new window on the WRA's relationship with its prisoners, a relationship heretofore understood as encompassing coercion on one side and either compliance or resistance on the other. This article uses the voluminous correspondence of the project attorney at the Heart Mountain Relocation Center in Wyoming as a new lens for viewing the regulatory relationship between the WRA and the imprisoned community. It focuses on three of the many matters about which the project attorney gave advice: the design of the camp's community government, its criminal justice system, and its business enterprises. Evidence from this one law office suggests that on many key issues, the relationship between the WRA and the internees was marked not so much by coercion as by reciprocal accommodation, with each taking account of some of the preferences of the other. While the data are from just one of the ten WRA camps, they suggest a need to reconsider our understanding of how this American system of racial imprisonment operated.
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Shevell, Michael I. "Neurosciences in the Third Reich: from Ivory Tower to Death Camps." Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 26, no. 2 (May 1999): 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0317167100051842.
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Abstract: It is commonly thought that the horrific medical abuses occurring during the era of the Third Reich were limited to fringe physicians acting in extreme locales such as the concentration camps. However, it is becoming increasingly apparent that there was a widespread perversion of medical practice and science that extended to mainstream academic physicians. Scientific thought, specifically the theories of racial hygiene, and the political conditions of a totalitarian dictatorship, acted symbiotically to devalue the intrinsic worth to society of those individuals with mental and physical disabilities. This devaluation served to foster the medical abuses which occurred. Neurosciences in the Third Reich serves as a backdrop to highlight what was the slippery slope of medical practice during that era. Points on this slippery slope included the “dejudification” of medicine, unethical experimentation in university clinics, systematic attempts to sterilize and euthanasize targeted populations, the academic use of specimens obtained through such programs and the experimental atrocities within the camps.
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Lindberg, Annika. "Feeling difference: Race, migration, and the affective infrastructure of a Danish detention camp." Incarceration 3, no. 1 (March 2022): 263266632210845. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26326663221084590.
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Migration-related detention, the administrative incarceration of people lacking legal authorisation to remain, has become a standardised technique used by states to violently regulate and discipline undesired mobility. As carceral junctions, migration detention camps serve to identify, confine, symbolically punish and expel people deemed ‘out of place’ in the national order of things. As bordering mechanisms, they are techniques of sorting and controlling populations, and sites where we can observe the enforcement of state racism. These processes of racialisation and expulsion operate corporally and affectively. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork with prison officers working inside Denmark's migration-related detention camp, and engaging with the literature on race, emotion and border criminology, the article traces the role of racial affect in forging the identities of people interacting inside the camp. It demonstrates how prison officers’ racialised suspicion, compromised compassion, and passionate nationalism partake in making incarcerated migrants into expellable subjects, and in ordering them in accordance with matrices of racial differentiation. The officers’ emotions, I argue, should be understood as part of the camp's infrastructure, and productive for the border regime.
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Suyemoto, Karen. "Ethnic and Racial Identity in Multiracial Sansei: Intergenerational Effects of the World War II Mass Incarceration of Japanese Americans1." Genealogy 2, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy2030026.
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This paper reflects on ways in which intergenerational familial experience of the Japanese American World War II mass incarceration may have differentially affected the ethnic and racial identity development of multiracial Sansei (third generation Japanese Americans). I begin with a brief review of the literature related to the effects of the camps on Nisei, integrating psychological understandings of racial and ethnic identity development, contextual history, and research on the psychological effects; I focus here on effects for Nisei that have been connected to their intergenerational interactions: distancing from Japanese American heritage and identity, silence about the camp experience, and the negotiation of racism and discrimination. I turn then to the primary focus of the paper: Using a combination of autoethnographical reflection, examples from qualitative interviews, and literature review, I engage in reflective exploration of two ways in which intergenerational effects of the camp experience influenced Sansei racial and ethnic identities that vary among monoracial and multiracial Sansei: familial transmission of Japanese American culture by Nisei to Sansei, and the intergenerational effects and transmission of racial discrimination and racial acceptance. I conclude with reflections on intergenerational healing within Japanese American families and communities, and reflections on the relation of these dynamics to current issues of racial justice more generally.
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Володимир Васильович Очеретяний and Інна Іванівна Ніколіна. "THE PROCESS OF CREATING THE NAZI CAMP SYSTEM IN POLAND DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111817.
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This article analyzes the process of creating the German camp system in Poland. The Nazi racial politics towards the Jews promoted their isolation from the so-called "full part of society". For this purpose, two main mechanisms for their separation were created: concentration camps, some of which were transformed into "factories of death", and Jewish ghettos. The establishment of concentration camps in Poland was preceded by a long process of organizational and legal registration first in Germany itself, and later on the territories occupied by it. This process was accompanied by numerous Jewish pogroms and arrests, which was an integral part of the Nazi anti-Semitic policy. Concentration camps were carefully thought out and well-organized institutions with a refined mechanism of prisoners’ maintenance, coercion and punishment. Different by their intended purpose were "death camps" that were not intended to hold prisoners, but to destroy them quickly and in large scale. Most of them were located on the territory of Poland, where the Jews from all over Europe were brought. These included Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, Auschwitz-Birkenau and Maydanek. It was observed in the article that German concentration camps were created to isolate, repress and destroy the undesirable elements of the regime. Despite the early formation of this system, its dissemination in the territories occupied by the Nazis, particularly in Poland, took place in 1938-1939s. At that time the German concentration camps turned into an instrument of ruthless anti-Semitic policy that became a classic genocide. Due to the fact that the concentration camps capacities did not allow to sufficiently fulfill their tasks, during 1939-1945s in Poland, new, so-called "death camps" were established. They were equipped with gas chambers and crematorium that carried out large-scale destruction of the Jews.
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ROBERTSON, MARTA. "Ballad for Incarcerated Americans: Second Generation Japanese American Musicking in World War II Camps." Journal of the Society for American Music 11, no. 3 (August 2017): 284–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196317000220.
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AbstractDuring World War II, the United States government imprisoned approximately 120,000 Japanese Americans, two-thirds of whom were American-born citizens, half of whom were children. Through ethnographic interviews I explore how fragile youthful memories, trauma, and the soundscape of the War Relocation Authority (WRA) Incarceration Camps shaped the artistic trajectories of three such former “enemy alien” youth: two pianists and a koto player. Counterintuitively, Japanese traditional arts flourished in the hostile environment of dislocation through the high number ofnisei(second generation) participants, who later contributed to increasing transculturalism in American music following resettlement out of camp. Synthesizing Japanese and Euro-American classical music, white American popular music, and African American jazz, manyniseiparadoxically asserted their dual cultural commitment to both traditional Japanese and home front patriotic American principles. A performance of Earl Robinson and John Latouche's patriotic cantata,Ballad for Americans(1939), by the high school choir at Manzanar Incarceration Camp demonstrates the hybridity of these Japanese American cultural practices. Marked by Popular Front ideals,Ballad for Americansallowedniseito construct identities through a complicated mixture of ethnic pride, chauvinistic white Americanism allied with Bing Crosby's recordings of theBallad, and affiliation with black racial struggle through Paul Robeson's iconicBalladperformances.
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Palmer, P. "Recognizing Racial Privilege: White Girls and Boys at National Conference of Christians and Jews Summer Camps, 1957-1974." Oral History Review 27, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 129–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/27.2.129.
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Ward, Jason Morgan. "“Nazis Hoe Cotton”: Planters, POWS, and the Future of Farm Labor in the Deep South." Agricultural History 81, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-81.4.471.
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Abstract During World War II, the POW labor program provided cotton planters in the lower Mississippi Valley with a temporary yet timely solution to an increasingly mobile local labor supply. While war prisoners worked in a variety of crops and non-agricultural industries, one of the greatest concentration of camps and captive workers devoted to a single crop occurred along the southern stretch of the Mississippi River. Cotton planters in Arkansas, Mississippi, and northern Louisiana secured over twelve thousand war prisoners from 1943 to 1946. German and Italian prisoners reinforced a labor system based on boundaries of color even as their presence in the fields revealed racial contradictions. Even as the inexperienced field hands undercut planter profits, exposed racial tensions, and undermined racialized notions of work, their presence helped to extend the life of an exploitative plantation economy. Despite the limited scope and dubious success rate of POW labor, cotton planters in the Deep South found a temporary workforce to hold a place on the plantation for African-American labor.
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Callebert, Ralph. "Rethinking the Underclass: Future Directions in Southern African Labor History." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 136–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000440.
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Southern and South African labor history has, at least since the 1970s, been as much about the future of the region as about its past. Liberal scholars saw in apartheid and segregation irrational aberrations to the color-blind logic of capitalism. They believed the apartheid state to be an instrument of racial dominance but saw it as more or less neutral in terms of class relations. Economic growth and the abolishment of racial laws would bring freedom and equality—or at least equal opportunities. On the other hand, radical historians and sociologists thought of apartheid as a system that guaranteed the exploitation of cheap black labor for the benefit of capital. For them, apartheid was functional to capitalism.2 While both the liberal and the radical positions were often more nuanced than the other side would admit, the question that divided these two camps was one about politics and strategy: Would capitalist development bring an end to racial domination, or was it part of the problem? In the latter case, challenging apartheid and colonialism would also involve challenging capitalism. The vibrancy of these debates should continue to serve as an inspiration for labor historians. I will argue that for the Left to be able to formulate viable alternatives to present policies, we should look at the history and nature of labor and inequality in the region.
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Hirsch, Francine. "Race without the Practice of Racial Politics." Slavic Review 61, no. 1 (2002): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696979.
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Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
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Gascón, Luis Daniel, and Aaron Roussell. "An Exercise in Failure." Race and Justice 8, no. 3 (November 28, 2016): 270–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2153368716678289.
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Juvenile correctional boot camps seek to transform youth labeled “at-risk” into productive members of society. While these military-style programs have been in decline since the early 2000s, the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD), one of the largest agencies in the country, continues to embrace them as a key disciplinary practice and vestige of the “get tough” era in U.S. juvenile justice reform. Contemporary transformative programs have been linked to Progressive Era juvenile social control, and scholars are beginning to show that, historically, racial exclusion has been a central function. The goals of this research are to interrogate the treatment of boot camp participants by police and demonstrate how racial exclusion remains central to juvenile social control. Drawing on collaborative ethnographic fieldwork, this study shows how police stigmatize Black and Latino parents, adopt the role of disciplinary authority in the family, and infuse formal control processes into domestic life. Youth face stigmatizing encounters through degradation and punitive physical training as part of the camp’s disciplinary regime. This research suggests that youth intervention programs built on liberal ideals are the most recent in a long line of racialized social control systems in the United States that seek to stigmatize and confine youth of color.
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Churyumova, Elvira, and Edward C. Holland. "Kalmyk DPs and the Narration of Displacement in Post-World War II Europe." Slavic Review 80, no. 2 (2021): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.87.
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Based on interview files and archival materials, this paper reconstructs the experiences of Kalmyk displaced persons (DPs) against the backdrop of the shifting international refugee regime in post-World War II Europe. Kalmyks came to western Europe in two waves: at the conclusion of the Russian Civil War in 1920 and during the German retreat from the Soviet Union in 1943–44. After the war, the majority of Kalmyks were repatriated; those who remained in Europe primarily ended up in DP camps in the American zone of western Germany. This paper details the strategies used by Kalmyk DPs to avoid repatriation to the Soviet Union and eventually secure resettlement in the United States in 1951. Individual histories offer insight into how the Kalmyks as a group made themselves legible to the international community in light of a changing geopolitical environment and evolving racial regimes.
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Duara, Prasenjit. "The Cold War as a historical period: an interpretive essay." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000416.
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AbstractAs a historical period, the Cold War may be seen as a rivalry between two nuclear superpowers that threatened global destruction. The rivalry took place within a common frame of reference, in which a new historical relationship between imperialism and nationalism worked in remarkably parallel ways across the superpower divide. The new imperial–national relationship between superpowers and the client states also accommodated developments such as decolonization, multiculturalism, and new ideologies, thus producing a hegemonic configuration characterizing the period. The models of development, structures of clientage, unprecedented militarization of societies, designs of imperial enlightenment, and even many gender and racial/cultural relationships followed similar tracks within, and often between, the two camps. Finally, counter-hegemonic forces emerged in regions of the non-Western world, namely China and some Islamic societies. Did this portend the beginning of the end of a long period of Western hegemony?
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Jupp, James. "Refugees and Asylum Seekers as Victims: The Australian Case." International Review of Victimology 10, no. 2 (September 2003): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800301000204.
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Australia has had two centuries of state planned and controlled immigration, with official policies excluding those felt undesirable for racial, social or economic reasons, Visa controls have been tightened in recent years even against the previously welcomed British. Australia has also accepted refugees for permanent settlement under the 1951 UN Convention. Since the 1990s this approach has been steadily modified, making it increasingly difficult to achieve settlement as an asylum seeker. Detention in prison-like camps, limitation of the right to permanent residence, and policies designed to expedite homeland return have all led to victimisation of the relatively small numbers seeking asylum outside the universal visa system. This has been accompanied by forcible removal to locations outside Australian territory and attempts to limit rights of appeal. Official demonisation of asylum seekers has damaged public acceptance of refugees, while draconian policies towards them have undermined Australia’s previous reputation as a safe haven.
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Kondziella, Daniel, Klaus Hansen, and Lawrence A. Zeidman. "Scandinavian Neuroscience during the Nazi Era." Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 40, no. 4 (July 2013): 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0317167100014578.
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AbstractAlthough Scandinavian neuroscience has a proud history, its status during the Nazi era has been overlooked. In fact, prominent neuroscientists in German-occupied Denmark and Norway, as well as in neutral Sweden, were directly affected. Mogens Fog, Poul Thygesen (Denmark) and Haakon Sæthre (Norway) were resistance fighters, tortured by the Gestapo: Thygesen was imprisoned in concentration camps and Sæthre executed. Jan Jansen (Norway), another neuroscientist resistor, escaped to Sweden, returning under disguise to continue fighting. Fritz Buchthal (Denmark) was one of almost 8000 Jews escaping deportation by fleeing from Copenhagen to Sweden. In contrast, Carl Værnet (Denmark) became a collaborator, conducting inhuman experiments in Buchenwald concentration camp, and Herman Lundborg (Sweden) and Thorleif Østrem (Norway) advanced racial hygiene in order to maintain the “superior genetic pool of the Nordic race.” Compared to other Nazi-occupied countries, there was a high ratio of resistance fighters to collaborators and victims among the neuroscientists in Scandinavia.
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Wichert, Wojciech. "„Exerzierplatz des Nationalsozialismus“ — der Reichsgau Wartheland in den Jahren 1939–1945." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 2 (August 16, 2018): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.2.4.
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The aim of the article is the analysis of German policy in Reichsgau Wartheland, an area of western Poland annexed to Germany in the years 1939–1945. In scientific literature German rule in Warthegau with its capital in Poznań is often defined as ,,experimental training area of National Socialism”, where the regime could test its genocidal and racial practices, which were an emanation of the German occupation of Poland. The Nazi authorities wanted to accomplish its ideological goals in Wartheland in a variety of cruel ways, including the ethnic cleansing, annihilation of Polish intelligentsia, destruction of cultural institutions, forced resettlement and expulsion, segregation Germans from Poles combined with wide-ranging racial discrimination against the Polish population, mass incarceration in prisons and concentration camps, systematic roundups of prisoners, as well as genocide of Poles and Jews within the scope of radical Germanization policy and Holocaust. The aim of Arthur Greiser, the territorial leader of the Wartheland Gauleiter and at the same time one of the most powerful local Nazi administrators in Hitler‘s empire, was to change the demographic structure and colonisation of the area by the hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans Volksdeutschen from the Baltic and other regions in order to make it a ,,blond province” and a racial laboratory for the breeding of the ,,German master race”. The largest forced labour program, the first and longest standing ghetto in Łódź, which the Nazis renamed later Litzmannstadt and the first experimental mass gassings of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe carried out from autumn 1941 in gas vans in Chełmno extermination camp were all initiated in Warthegau, even before the implementation of the Final Solution. Furthermore, some of the first major deportations of the Jewish population took place here. Therefore in the genesis of the of the Nazi extermination policy of European Jewry Wartheland plays a pivotal role, as well as an important part of ruthless German occupation of Polish territories.
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Weitz, Eric D. "Racial Politics without the Concept of Race: Reevaluating Soviet Ethnic and National Purges." Slavic Review 61, no. 1 (2002): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696978.
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Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough the manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by the nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by the genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when the only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
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Weiner, Amir. "Nothing but Certainty." Slavic Review 61, no. 1 (2002): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696980.
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Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
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Lemon, Alaina. "Without a “Concept”? Race as Discursive Practice." Slavic Review 61, no. 1 (2002): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696981.
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Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
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Weitz, Eric D. "On Certainties and Ambivalencies: Reply to My Critics." Slavic Review 61, no. 1 (2002): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696982.
Full textAbstract:
Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
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Bowers, Edmond P., Lincoln R. Larson, and Alexandra M. Sandoval. "Urban Youth Perspectives on the Benefits and Challenges of Outdoor Adventure Camp." Journal of Youth Development 14, no. 4 (December 16, 2019): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jyd.2019.809.
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Consistent evidence indicates that urban youth, and particularly youth of color, report relatively low levels of participation in quality youth program experiences and spend less time outdoors as compared to non-urban and White youth. Outdoor adventure camps (OACs) provide an excellent opportunity for engaging these youth in experiences that can help promote positive youth development (PYD). In the present study, we examined the experiences and perceptions of 75 urban youth who participated in a 3-day high adventure camp experience. Through a mixed-method approach, results indicated that urban youth from all racial and ethnic backgrounds grew in several PYD outcomes including social competencies and self-improvement capacities. Many youth also reported growing in their connection to nature as a consequence of participating in the OAC. Youth thought camp was a positive and worthwhile experience, reflecting key attributes of a PYD setting. Overall, the OAC provided a challenging and engaging growth environment for youth. Findings highlight implications for socially just and culturally inclusive outdoor adventure programming aimed at diverse urban youth.
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Jiménez González, Aitor. "Esclavitud negra y procesos de racialización en el Atlántico Colonial Ibérico: Perspectivas confrontadas = Black Slavery and Racialization Processes in the Iberian Colonial Atlantic: Conflicting Perspectives." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 16 (March 29, 2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2019.4694.
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Resumen: El racismo como ideología ordenadora y jerarquizadora de la realidad social se configuró en torno a normas y leyes. Fue enunciado en términos legales y jurídicos. Este desarrollo jurídico legal tuvo su máximo exponente en los territorios conquistados y sometidos a régimen de gobierno colonial por parte de las naciones europeas. A pesar de que este desarrollo fue especialmente marcado en las regiones americanas colonizadas por España y Portugal no existe un cuerpo doctrinario latinoamericano consolidado que haya analizado el fenómeno del Derecho y el racismo. Con este artículo proponemos un análisis de la literatura existente en torno a la esclavitud africana y las diferencias sustanciales que existen entre las perspectivas hispanas y anglosajonas que abordan esta cuestión. Exponemos así mismo la necesidad de desarrollar investigaciones que desde una perspectiva no anglocentrada nos permita comprender el fenómeno del racismo en el Derecho colonial de raíz hispana. Consideramos que el análisis de los procesos de racialización de la región desde una epistemología situada podría ayudar a comprender los fenómenos de racialización que suceden en la actualidad.Palabras clave: Derecho, racismo, esclavitud negra, racialización, tecnologías de poder, blanquitud, manumisión, colonialismo, gubernamentalidad, historia atlántica.Abstract: Racism, as a hierarchizing and ordering ideology of the social reality arose as a part of the legal order. Norms and rules were its constituent body. Territories submitted to colonial governance of European nations were its experimentations camps. Despite of the importance of racialized legal orders in colonial Latin-America, the region lacks of its own coherent body of socio-legal studies looking at the colonial racial relations. In this paper I will scrutinize relevant contributions in Law and Race looking at racial relations in colonial Latin America, specifically those related with black slavery. I aim to expose the substantial difference between Latin-American and Anglo-Saxon perspectives. My intention with that is to remark the necessity of developing a non anglocentered analytical perspective of the Iberian colonial world. This will give academics the possibility, not only of understanding Latin-American racial history but also of apprehending the nature of the current racialization processes.Keywords: Law, racism, slavery, black slavery, racialization, technologies of power, whiteness, manumission, colonialism, governmentality, Atlantic history.
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Martynenko, V. "Legal Aspects of Filtering and Determining the Status of German Refugees Evacuated from the USSR by German Authorities in 1943-1944." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-5.
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During autumn 1943 – spring 1944, a planned evacuation of the German population was carried out from the occupied Soviet regions. This contingent was temporarily housed in special camps inGermany, the General Government and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Following the established procedure, all evacuated Germans from the USSR were subjected to mandatory checks bythe Central Immigration Office. According to its results, the decision about naturalization was made. Camp filtration was a complex procedure based on the doctrinal principles of Nazi ideology. Itallowed to determine both the level of ethnocultural identity and the racial characteristics of each refugee. The legal basis of filtration was different orders, disposals, and prescriptions of severalauthorities that were part of the SS apparatus. Although the German authorities tried not to deviate from the basic principles of this procedure, it was still forced to take into account that the contingentwho came from the USSR had certain socio-cultural characteristics: first, the national identity of many Germans was at a rather low level and secondly, among evacuees (mainly through mixed marriages)there was a significant percentage of people that belonged to other nationalities.
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FÖLLMER, MORITZ. "THE SUBJECTIVE DIMENSION OF NAZISM." Historical Journal 56, no. 4 (October 30, 2013): 1107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000393.
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ABSTRACTThe present historiographical review discusses the subjective dimension of Nazism, an ideology and regime that needed translation into self-definitions, gender roles, and bodily practices to implant itself in German society and mobilize it for racial war. These studies include biographies of some of the Third Reich's most important protagonists, which have important things to say about their self-understandings in conjunction with the circumstances they encountered and subsequently shaped; cultural histories of important twentieth-century figures such as film stars, housewives, or consumers, which add new insights to the ongoing debate about the Third Reich's modernity; studies that address participation in the Nazi Empire and the Holocaust through discourses and practices of comradeship, work in extermination camps, and female ‘help’ within the Wehrmacht. In discussing these monographs, along the way incorporating further books and articles, the piece attempts to draw connections between specific topics and think about new possibilities for synthesis in an overcompartmentalized field. It aims less to define a ‘Nazi subject’ than to bring us closer to understanding how Hitler's movement and regime connected different, shifting subject positions through both cohesion and competition, creating a dynamic that kept producing new exclusions and violent acts.
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Araujo, Débora Cristina de, and Paulo Vinicius Baptista da Silva. "Contribuições dos estudos críticos sobre relações étnico-raciais ao campo da Educação." Revista Teias 21, no. 62 (September 13, 2020): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/teias.2020.49670.
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Este artigo tem o objetivo de explorar conceitos e pesquisas oriundos dos estudos críticos sobre relações étnico-raciais (em especial das Ciências Sociais) e verificar como eles podem ser mobilizados no campo da Educação. A análise parte da discussão dos conceitos de raça e racismo para analisar os conceitos de: racismo institucional; racialização; preconceito racial de origem e preconceito racial de marca. Discute a eclosão dos conceitos, as proposições de autoras/es que os formularam, as disputas e contradições apresentadas na literatura sobre seu uso, suas potencialidades ou limites para a pesquisa no campo da educação. Conclui que os conceitos de racismo institucional e de racialização são ferramentas conceituais consistentes e bastante relevantes para a pesquisa em educação das relações étnico-raciais no Brasil. Em relação ao “preconceito racial de origem” e “preconceito racial de marca”, sua análise auxilia na compreensão dos processos de construção e algumas especificidades do racismo no Brasil.
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Conceição, Marcela Silva da, and Wilma de Nazaré Baía Coelho. "A DISCUSSÃO DAS RELAÇÕES ÉTNICO-RACIAIS NOS PROGRAMAS DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM EDUCAÇÃO DA REGIÃO NORDESTE(2009-2016)." Cadernos de Pesquisa 27, no. 4 (December 29, 2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2229.v27n4p100-128.
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Este artigo tem como objetivo conhecer a discussão das relações étnico-raciais nos programas de pós-graduação em educação da região nordeste (2009-2016) através do levantamento da produção intelectual docente, da análise da estrutura e da organicidade dos programas. Este estudo auxiliará no reconhecimento do modus operandi dos programas frente as exigência dos marcos legais relacionados à diversidade e, especificamente, as relações étnico-raciais. As discussões amparam-se na teoria de Pierre Bourdieu (2007) por meio dos conceitos de campo e capital. Para a análise do conteúdo fizemos uso do estudo de Laurence Bardin (2011) mediante a organização das unidades, dos temas e por fim das categorizações. Inferimos que o campo da Pós-Graduação em Educação da região Nordeste vem investindo em capital científico para atender as demandas sociais e educacionais da região nordeste especificamente nas questões que envolvem o debate sobre as relações étnico-raciais. Podemos constatar o reflexo desse investimento na ampliação de linhas de pesquisa voltadas para a discussão racial e para as questões de diversidade como gênero, identidades, sexualidade, movimentos sociais, entre outros, que buscam, como afirma Silva (2008), atender aos problemas da sociedade e cumprir sua finalidade com o compromisso da vida social. As avaliações da CAPES, também, refletem tal investimento quando apresentam significativos progressos no crescimento da produção intelectual desta região.THE DISCUSSION OF ETHNIC RACIAL RELATIONS IN POSTGRADCATE PROGRAMS IN EDUCATION OF NORTHEAST REGION (2009-2016)AbstractThis aticle aimstoknow thw discussion of the ethnic racial relations in postgraduate programs in education of northeast region (2009-2016) by means of the survey of techer intelectual production, structure analysis and organicity of the modus operandi oh the programs against the requirements of legal frameworks related to diversity and specifically, the ethnic-racial relations. The discussion supported in theory of Bourdieu (2007) by means of the concepto field and capital. For content analysis wemadg use of study of Bardin ( 2011) upon the organization of the units, of the themes and lastly of categorizations. We infer tha the field of postgradua te education in the northeast region has been investing in scientific capital to meet the social and educational demands of the northeast region specifically on the issues surrocinding the debate on ethnic-racial relations. We can seg the reflection of this investtment in the expansion of research lines focused on racial discussion for diversity issues as gere, identities, sexuality, social movements among others, who seek as claims Silva (2008), address the problems of society and fulfill your purposg with the commitment of social life. The ratings of CAPES, also, reflect such investment whe they show significant progress in the growth of intellectual production in the region. Keywords: Postgraduate Program. Ethnic Racial Relations. Intellectual Production. Northcast Region. LA DISCUSIÓN DE LAS RELACIONES ÉTNICAS RACIALES EM LOS PROGRAMAS DE POSGRADO EM EDUCACIÓN DE LA REGIÓN NORDESTE (2009-2016)ResumenEste artículo tiene como objetivo conocer la discusion de las relaciones étnicas raciales em los programas de posgrado em educación de lá región nordeste (2009-2016) por médio del levantamento de la producción intelectual docente , análisis de la estrutura, de la organización de los programas. Este estúdio auxiliar em el reconocimiento del modus operand de los programa frente a la exigência de los marcos legales relacionados a la diversidade y, especificamente, las relaciones étnicas raciales. Las discusiones se amparan em la teoría de Pierre Bourdieu (2009) por médio de los conceptos de campo y capital. Para la análisis del contenido hicimos uso del estudio de Laurence Bardin (2011) sobre de la organización de las unidades, de los temas y por fin de las categorizaciones. Hemos inferido que el campo de posgrado em educación de la región nordeste viene invirtigando em capital científica para atender las demanda sociales y educacionales de la región nordeste especificamente em las questiones que implican debate sobre las relaciones étnica raciales. Podemos constatar el reflejo de esta inversión em la ampliacion de las líneas de pesquisa enfocado para la discusión racial y para las cuestiones de diversidad como género, identidades, sexualidade, movimentos sociales, entre otros, que buscan como assegura Silva (2008), atender los problemas de la sociedade y cumplir su propósitocon el compromisso de la vida social. las evoluciones de la CAPES. También, reflejantal inversión cuando presentan significativos progresos em el crecimiento de la producción intelectual de esa región.Palabras clave: Programa de Posgrado. Relaciones Étnica-Raciales. Producción Intelectual. Región Nordeste.
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Silva, Luana Lima Bittencourt, and Mary Weinstein. "A realidade do Ensino Médio do campo no contexto da Educação das Relações Étnico-Raciais." ODEERE 4, no. 8 (December 30, 2019): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/odeere.v4i8.5704.
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O racismo é um dos problemas sociais que mais interferem nas relações cotidianas do ser humano, principalmente, no que diz respeito à população negra. Esse problema implica em sérias consequências no convívio entre as pessoas, gerando a necessidade de que intervenções sejam realizadas em âmbitos sociais para consciência e respeito mútuo, reconhecendo e valorizando diferenças raciais. A Educação das Relações Étnico-Raciais, que tem como pilar a Lei 10.639/2003, é uma das bases para que a temática étnico-racial possa ser discutida na escola como forma de combate à práticas retrogradas de racismo e ideologias de superioridade de raças. Esse estudo de caso, realizado no interior da Bahia no Ensino Médio, teve como objetivo entender como tem sido a abordagem étnico-racial no ambiente e sua influência no cotidiano dos envolvidos. Observou-se que alunos e educadores têm percepções diferentes sobre o tratamento despendido ao negro no ambiente escolar; que a escola não tem feito inferências significativas sobre a temática; que falta conhecimento sobre as diretrizes para a Educação das Relações Étnico-Raciais; dentre outros. A partir dos achados verifica-se que faltam intervenções educacionais e formação profissional para abordagem discursiva e prática sobre a temática racial no ambiente.
Palavras-chave: Educação; Ensino Médio; Relações Raciais; Racismo.
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YAP, FELICIA. "Eurasians in British Asia during the Second World War." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 21, no. 4 (October 2011): 485–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618631100040x.
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One of the most important minorities in the British colonial empire in Asia consisted of those of mixed European and Asian parentage and/or ancestry, or Eurasians, as they were widely known. It is perhaps surprising that despite the voluminous literature written about British colonial communities in the East, relatively little scholarly attention has been paid to Eurasians and their histories. A closer examination of the members of this marginalised colonial category is nevertheless crucial as they stood at the problematic boundaries of racial politics and identity, and are therefore vital to our understanding of the tensions of empire. The few existing studies of Eurasians in British Asia have tended to focus on the experiences of Eurasians either before or after the Second World War, neglecting the period of Japanese occupation as a significant epoch in the evolution of these communities. In reality, if we intend to unravel the multi-layered history of Eurasians in this region, we must examine the critical position of these colonial communities during this tumultuous period. The nuances of their intriguing wartime relationships with both the British and the Japanese also merit serious attention. With these aims in mind, this article will investigate the compelling experiences of Eurasian communities in Japanese-occupied British Asia, with an especial focus on those who were incarcerated by the Japanese in civilian internment camps in Hong Kong and Singapore.
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Ferreira, Danilo Cardoso, and Alex Ratts Ratts. "A Segregação racial em Goiânia: representação dos dados de cor ou raça (IBGE, 2010)." Ateliê Geográfico 11, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/ag.v11i3.45334.
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ResumoO presente trabalho consiste em uma abordagem geográfica e uma representação cartográfica dos processos de segregação e de diferenciação socioespacial combinados com a dimensão racial, em Goiânia, com base nos dados de cor/raça e renda do Censo Demográfico (IBGE, 2010). Em primeiro lugar, trazemos leituras do campo da Geografia das relações raciais na sociedade brasileira, voltadas para o espaço urbano, com foco nos referidos processos. Em seguida, tratamos da construção de uma cartografia racial e das questões metodológicas da pesquisa. Discutimos vários estudos realizados acerca da segregação social na capital goiana e elaboramos vários mapas de “espaços de maioria branca” e “espaços de maioria negra”, associados com a identificação de cor ou raça e os níveis de classe, distribuídos por bairros da cidade. Por fim concluímos que os processos em pauta têm uma estreita correlação com a diferença e com a desigualdade racial na cidade, fenômeno que acontece em outras metrópoles brasileiras.Palavras-chave: Diferenciação socioespacial, Segregação socioespacial, Relações raciais, Cartografia racial. AbstractThis paper consists of a geographical approach and a cartographic representation of the processes of segregation and socio-spatial differentiation combined with the racial dimension in Goiania based on color data / race and income of the Census Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE, 2010). At first, we bring readings from the field of Geography of race relations in Brazilian society, facing urban space, focusing on those cases. Then we discuss about the construction of a racial mapping and methodological research questions. We brought several studies on the social segregation in Goias and prepared capital several maps of "mostly white spaces" and "spaces of black majority", associated with the identification of color or race and class levels spread across city neighborhoods. Finally we conclude that the processes under discussion have a close correlation with the difference and the racial inequality in the city, a phenomenon that happens in other Brazilian cities.Keywords: socio-spatial differentiation, socio-spatial segregation, race relations, racial cartography. Resumen El presente trabajo consiste en un enfoque geográfico y una representación cartográfica de los procesos de segregación y de diferenciación socioespacial combinados con la dimensión racial, en Goiânia, basado en datos de color/raza y renta del Censo Demográfico (IBGE, 2010).En primer lugar, traemos lecturas del campo de la Geografía de las relaciones raciales en la sociedad brasileña, direccionadas para el espacio urbano, con foco en los referidos procesos. En seguida, tratamos de la construcción de una cartografía racial y de las cuestiones metodológicas de investigación. Discutimos varios estudios realizados sobre la segregación social en la capital goiana y elaboramos varios mapas de “espacios de mayoría blanca” y “espacios de mayoría negra”, asociados con la identificación de color o raza y a los niveles de clase, repartidos por barrios de la ciudad. Por fin llegamos a la conclusión que los procesos en pauta tiene una estrecha correlación con la diferencia y con la desigualdad racial en la ciudad, fenómeno que ocurre en otras metrópolis brasileñas.Palabras-Claves: Diferenciación, socioespacial, Segregación, Relaciones raciales, Cartografía racial.
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Silva, Paulo Vinicius Baptista da. "Letramento literário crítico racial e políticas de leitura na educação infantil em Curitiba." Revista da FAEEBA - Educação e Contemporaneidade 30, no. 62 (June 30, 2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21879/faeeba2358-0194.2021.v30.n62.p118-134.
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Neste artigo discutimos políticas de leitura na educação infantil em Curitiba a partir da compreensão das formas como a literatura infantil operam neste complexo contexto, propondo o conceito de literatura literária racial como forma de interpretação dos discursos literários dirigidos à infância e distribuídos e lidos em unidades de educação infantil de Curitiba. A proposta metodológica é de interpretação crítica sobre relações raciais. A análise do conjunto de dados da pesquisa nos permite a proposta de análise a partir dos conceitos discutidos por Aparecida Ferreira (2012; 2014a) de letramento racial e letramento crítico racial e sua integração com o campo de estudos sobre os letramentos literários, propormos para a análise do campo da educação das relações étnico-raciais o termo letramentos literários raciais, já que as políticas de leitura e de educação infantil, os acervos e os livros de literatura infantil ainda estão proporcionalmente estruturados por uma branquidade normatizadora, silenciam outras identidades que não as brancas e muitas vezes com formas de estereotipia e discriminação.
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Bhagat, Ali, and Leanne Roderick. "Banking on refugees: Racialized expropriation in the fintech era." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 52, no. 8 (February 4, 2020): 1498–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x20904070.
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Fintech and digital financial services involve the delivery of financial products and services through technology. Fintech companies are part of a financial lending infrastructure claiming to offer an alternative to ‘big banks’, and are often touted as digitally disruptive technology that is rapidly reshaping financial inclusion agendas and improving the lives of the poor. For many refugees living in camps and informal settlements in Kenya, fintech is often the only viable option for credit or microfinance aid. While refugees are often excluded from credit, the spread of fintech as a solution for direct peer-to-peer aid transfers from the Global North to refugees has resulted in the uneven distribution of credit access and livelihood support. Through fintech, private citizens and groups in the Global North are able to disrupt and subvert refugee assistance, deeming some worthy of aid while others face ongoing exclusion. While fintech remains a hopeful source of greater efficiency and empowerment, the direct transfer of aid money masks profit and corporate power by only extending assistance to those refugees who are appropriately entrepreneurial, that is to say those who will start small businesses and pay back their loans. This paper argues that processes of financial inclusion carried out by and through fintech are still distinguished largely by exclusion. In so doing, this paper highlights a theoretical position that refugee governance is embedded in racial forms of capital accumulation and expropriation.
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Chalmers, Beverley. "The Medical Manipulation of Reproduction to Implement the Nazi Genocide of Jews." Conatus 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/cjp.20993.
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Holocaust literature gives exhaustive attention to direct means of exterminating Jews, by using gas chambers, torture, starvation, disease, and intolerable conditions in ghettos and camps, and by the Einsatzgruppen. In some circles, the term “Holocaust” has become the ultimate description of horror or horrific events. The Nazi medical experiments and practices are an example of these. Nazi medical science played a central and crucial role in creating and implementing practices designed to achieve a “Master Race.” Doctors interfered with the most intimate and previously sacrosanct aspects of life in these medical experiments – reproductive function and behavior – in addition to implementing eugenic sterilizations, euthanasia, and extermination programs. Manipulating reproductive life – as a less direct method of achieving the genocide of Jews – has been less acknowledged. The Nazis prevented those regarded as not meeting idealized Nazi racial standards – and particularly Jewish women – from having sex or bearing children through legal, social, psychological and biological means, as well as by murder. In contrast, they promoted reproductive life to achieve the antithesis of genocide – the mass promotion of life – among those deemed sufficiently “Aryan.” Implementing measures to prevent birth is a core feature of the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. As with many other aspects of the Holocaust, science and scientists were inveigled into providing legitimacy for Nazi actions. The medical profession was no exception and was integrally involved in the manipulation of birth to implement the Holocaust.
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Park, Adam. "“Fighting Spirit”: World War I and the YMCA's Allied Boxing Program." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 3 (2019): 391–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.10.
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ABSTRACTThis article highlights the U.S. Armed Forces’ appointment of the YMCA to train American soldiers in boxing during World War I and so contributes to scholarly research on religion and war as well as religion and sports. As the YMCA taught the fistic art to white regiments in stateside military camps and to the American Expeditionary Forces on the Western Front, I argue that World War I was a watershed moment for both Muscular Christianity and boxing. Religious, political, and military leaders announced boxing to be ideal for the close-proximity encounters in the trenches, and they championed the YMCA as being best equipped to turn newly enlisted recruits into hardened trench-pugs. To the YMCA-military, the practical benefits of boxing were that soldiers would not just be “good with their hands” but also have a good manly character, a “fighting spirit.” In the establishment of a new world order, boxing thereby became a bellicose technique for unmaking evil others and a Christian method for remaking “overcivilized” white men. Immediately after the war—because of the Y—the sport of boxing, previously believed unscrupulous, was redeemed. Protestant Christians and a larger public recast boxing as less an activity for the morally corrupt and the criminal underworld and more an enlightened pursuit in the realization of an authentic, God-given human nature. Legalized, mainstreamed, and backed by antimodern logic, Christian theology, and white fears of racial devolution, boxing was for “character” more than crime.
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Fisher, David James. "Towards a Psychoanalytic Understanding of Fascism and Anti-Semitism: Perceptions from the 1940s." Psychoanalysis and History 6, no. 1 (January 2004): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2004.6.1.57.
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Après avoir choisi cinq penseurs psychanalytiques européens représentatifs quiémigrèrent tous aux Etats-Unis, cet essai passe en revue les premières percep-tions qu'ils reçurent et les premières interprétations qu'ils donnèrent des racines historiques et psychologiques du fascisme, en s'attachant particulièrement à l'antisémitisme. Mes échantillons proviennent presque tous de la période précédant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, de la période de la guerre et de celle qui a suivi immédiatement. J'étudie ici les écrits d'Otto Fenichel, d'Ernst Simmel, d'Erik Homburger Erikson, de Rudolf Loewenstein et de Bruno Bettelheim, dans l'optique d'une discussion des diverses dimensions environnementales et psychanalytiques de leur compréhension du préjugé racial. L'article démontre que chacun de ces penseurs a essayé d'intégrer des facteurs d'ordre historique, sociologique, culturel et clinique dans ses formulations psychodynamiques de la mentalité individuelle et de groupe des fascistes antisémites. Fenichel, Simmel et Bettelheim, chacun d'entre eux sous l'influence du discours marxiste prévalant dans les années 1930, se livrent à une analyse socialiste en termes de classes sociales, soulignant autant les facteurs socio-économiques des politiques fascistes que les facteurs psychologiques. Cette génération de psychanalystes a expliqué l'antisémitisme fasciste en explorant les mécanismes de projection, le processus de clivage massif du psychisme de masse, les fantasmes de délinquant adolescent magnifiés en Hitler, les dynamiques sadomasochistes et perverses de l'Oedipe et des phénomènes macabres d'identification à leurs bourreaux de la part des prisonniers juifs des camps de concentration, phénomènes qui annihilèrent le sens de l'autonomie et la capacité de réaction morale des individus. De ce texte ressort également l'ambivalence prononcée de cette génération d'analystes et d'intellectuels juifs vis-à-vis de leurs propres origines juives et du sens de leur propre judéité. Leur recherche d'une prétendue ‘psychologie juive’ laisse apparaître certains traits de haine de soi juive, eux-mêmes l'expression d'une certaine forme de racisme déguisé qui eut des conséquences plutôt négatives et autoritaristes sur le mouvement psychanaly-tique en Amérique. After selecting five representative European psychoanalytic thinkers, all of whom emigrated to the United States, this essay surveys their earliest percep-tions and interpretations of the historical and psychological roots of Fascism, with particular emphasis on anti-Semitism. My samples almost all derive from the period before, during, and immediately after World War II. In examining the writings of Otto Fenichel, Ernst Simmel, Erik Homburger Erikson, Rudolf Loewenstein and Bruno Bettelheim, it discusses the various environmental and psychological dimensions of their understanding of racial prejudice. The paper argues that each thinker attempted to integrate historical, sociological, cultural and clinical factors into their psychodynamic formulations about the individual and group mind of the Fascist anti-Semite. This generation of psychoanalysts explained Fascist anti-Semitism by exploring the mechanisms of projection, the process of massive splitting mechanisms of the group mind, fantasies of delin-quent adolescent aggrandizement in Hitler, sado-masochistic and perverse oedipal dynamics, and a macabre identification with the torturers on the part of Jewish inmates in the concentration camps, that obliterated the individual's sense of autonomy and capacity to respond morally. The paper points out the pronounced ambivalence of this generation of Jewish analysts and intellectuals toward their own Jewish backgrounds and sense of themselves as Jews. It also argues that this generation muted its left-wing and socialist political tendencies once they arrived in America, taking a turn against politics. It suggests that some of the features of this Jewish ambivalence can be seen in the exploration of a so-called ‘Jewish psychology’, itself a disguised form of racism, a derivative of projection, which may have had rather negative and authoritarian consequences for the psychoanalytic movement in America.
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Brubaker, Ruth B., Curt Bay, Daniel W. Chacon, Madeleine Carson, Jade A. Cahill, and Kevin N. Foster. "93 Virtual Burn Camp 2020 vs. In-Person Burn Camp - Did It Hit the Mark." Journal of Burn Care & Research 42, Supplement_1 (April 1, 2021): S64—S65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jbcr/irab032.097.
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Abstract Introduction Burn camps have served burn-injured youth in the U.S. for over 35 years. Camp is a rehabilitation program that has been recognized as an important part of young survivors’ recovery. The 2020 global pandemic made an in-person camp impossible, so volunteers rallied to provide a virtual experience. Registered campers received a “Camp in a Box” filled with activities, art supplies, a camp tee-shirt, and snacks to enjoy at Virtual Burn Camp (VBC). Participants connected with campers and counselors online. This study sought to determine how youth viewed VBC compared to in-person camp, how the pandemic was affecting their emotional status and whether VBC helped them. Methods The study asked participants to rate survey items regarding levels of comfort, connection, and support at VBC vs. in-person camp on a 4-point scale from 1. NO! 2. no 3. yes 4. YES! Multiple choice questions such as My favorite thing about virtual camp, and “Things I missed most about regular burn camp” - choose 2. General stress & anxiety levels related to Covid-19 were assessed, as well as if VBC helped to reduce their anxiety/stress levels. Results Pediatric burn survivors (n=77) participating in 2 virtual camps, demographic’s included mean age 13.8 years, male (n=39%), female (n=61%), visible scars (74%) vs. (10%) hidden scars with the majority representing racial/ethnic minorities (65%) vs. white (35%). Campers reported feeling more connected at in-person camp (84%) vs. VBC (38%). Feeling supported was higher at regular burn camp (84%), but the majority (76%) also claimed feeling supported at VBC. Camper’s favorite things about VBC were Camp in a Box (66%), Being Part of the Burn Community (51%), and Seeing Counselors (47%). Things missed most about regular burn camp were seeing Friends (83%) and Counselors (61%). Respondents reported high Covid-19 related stress/anxiety levels (66%) and (88%) said that VBC reduced their anxiety/stress. Top benefits included feeling Happy (48%) and Thankful (32%). Conclusions Pediatric burn survivors place a high value on their burn community involvement. Though not the preferred camp method, the VBC earned high marks for camper’s improved emotional status and for reducing their Covid-19 stress and anxiety levels. The program succeeded in helping Virtual Campers feel supported and provided an important venue for connecting them with their burn-injured peers and camp counselors.
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Oliveira, Fabiana de, and Anete Abramowicz. "Infância, raça e "paparicação"." Educação em Revista 26, no. 2 (August 2010): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-46982010000200010.
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Atualmente, o campo das discussões que se referem às relações étnico-raciais vem se ampliando em um espaço político-educacional considerável e que contribui para desmontar um forte campo discursivo que se hegemonizou como verdade e que afirmava a existência de uma democracia racial. Este artigo é o resultado de uma pesquisa desenvolvida numa instituição de educação infantil durante um semestre letivo, com visitas diárias. A coleta de dados foi realizada utilizando os seguintes recursos: observação, realização de um diário de campo e entrevistas com as profissionais da creche. O obje tivo foi analisar as práticas educativas que ocorrem na creche, verificando as maneiras como essas práticas produzem e revelam a questão racial. A presente pesquisa constitui mais um subsídio para o questionamento das relações raciais no Brasil, desde a educação infantil, visando ao enfrentamento de práticas pedagógicas de homogeneidade e racismo.
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Magen, Stefan. "Naturalizations Obtained by Fraud – Can They be Revoked? The German Federal Constitutional Court's Judgment of 24 May 2006." German Law Journal 7, no. 8 (August 1, 2006): 681–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005010.
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Like many of the provisions of the German Grundgesetz (Basic Law – GG) the constitutional protection of German citizenship enshrined in Article 16.1 GG is a reaction to the atrocities committed by Nazi-Germany. From early on, the Nazis had abused nationality law not only as a sanctioning device to discipline Germans living abroad but also to ostracize unwanted citizens and confiscate their property, i.e., as a means of large scale political and racial discrimination. This inhuman denaturalization practice culminated in the 11. Verordnung zum Reichsbürgergesetz (11th ordinance of 25 November 1941, issued by virtue of the Reich's Citizenship Law), which stripped Jewish citizens living abroad of their German nationality, aiming inter alia at Jews deported to concentration camps in Eastern Europe. To prevent any kind of political abuse of denaturalization measures in the future, Article 16.1 sent. 1 GG guarantees that no German may be deprived of his nationality. There is a long-standing debate about the precise meaning of this strict ban on any “deprivation” of nationality, because at the same time Article 16.1 sent. 2 GG allows for the loss of German nationality against the will of the person affected if this loss has a statutory basis and the person does not become stateless as a result. Thus, it is unclear whether the constitution permits a revocation of German citizenship, and if so under what conditions. Further, this debate broaches the questions of whether there are, in fact, exceptions to the constitutional protection against statelessness, e.g., in cases of fraud.
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McClosky, Herbert, and Dennis Chong. "Similarities and Differences Between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004221.
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Although some scholars have argued that authoritarianism is characteristic only of the right and not of the left, persuasive reasons exist for doubting this claim. Intuitive observation of left-wing and right-wing regimes as well as radical political movements of the left and right reveals striking parallels in their styles of political engagement, their reliance upon force, their disdain for democratic ideals and practices and their violations of civil liberties. In addition, systematic inquiry into the similarities and differences between far-left and far-right radicals in the United States has been hampered by various methodological difficulties. One can list, among these, such problems as the obvious inappropriateness of the F scale (owing to its strong right-wing content) as a measure for identifying left-wing authoritarians; the difficulty of obtaining adequate samples of true believers of the extreme left and right; the self-image of the American left as a persecuted minority which, for reasons of self-interest, spuriously inflates the degree of support expressed by its members for individual rights and liberties; and the exposure of both extreme camps to the liberal democratic values dominating American political culture, which unmistakably colours their political rhetoric.We have reason to think that a similar study conducted in some – perhaps many – European countries would reveal even greater similarities between the far left and far right than we have turned up in the United States. Unlike the United States, which has enjoyed a strong liberal democratic tradition that has served to weaken and soften the intensity of its radical movements, a number of European countries, less wedded to liberal democratic principles, have developed a more vigorous, less diluted tradition of radical politics. These nations have long had to contend with powerful extremist movements actively and significantly engaged in the political struggles of their respective nations. The radical movements of Europe have been more extreme and zealous – more unequivocally revolutionary and reactionary – than the radical movements of the United States. The sustained confrontation of these extremist movements, in our view, is likely to have intensified the authoritarian propensities of each.In the present article, through a series of surveys in which we have tried to idenify, as best we can, supporters of the far left and far right, we have systematically compared the two camps on a variety of political and psychological characteristics. We find, in keeping with the conventional view, that the far left and the far right stand at opposite end of the familiar left–right continuum on many issues of public policy, political philosophy and personal belief. They hold sharply contrasting views on questions of law and order, foreign policy, social welfare, economic equality, racial equality, women's rights, sexual freedom, patriotism, social conventions, religion, family values and orientations towards business, labour and private enterprise.Nevertheless, while the two camps embrace different programmatic beliefs, both are deeply estranged from certain features of American society and highly critical of what they perceive as the spiritual and moral degeneration of American institutions. Both view American society as dominated by conspiratorial forces that are working to defeat their respective ideological aims.The degree of their alienation is intensified by the zealous and unyielding manner in which they hold their beliefs. Both camps possess an inflexible psychological and political style characterized by the tendency to view social and political affairs in crude, unambiguous and stereotypical terms. They see political life as a conflict between ‘us’ and ‘them’, a struggle between good and evil played out on a battleground where compromise amounts to capitulation and the goal is total victory.The far left and the far right also resemble each other in the way they pursue their political goals. Both are disposed to censor their opponents, to deal harshly with enemies, to sacrifice the well-being even of the innocent in order to serve a ‘higher purpose’, and to use cruel tactics if necessary to ‘persuade’ society of the wisdom of their objectives. Both tend to support (or oppose) civil liberties in a highly partisan and self-serving fashion, supporting freedom for themselves and for the groups and causes they favour while seeking to withhold it from enemies and advocates of causes they dislike.In sum, when the views of the far left and far right are evaluated against the standard left–right ideological dimension, they can appropriately be classifled at opposite ends of the political spectrum. But when the two camps are evaluated on questions of political and psychological style, the treatment of political opponents, and the tactics that they are willing to employ to achieve their ends, the display many parallels that can rightly be labelled authoritarian.
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Nascimento, Ladislau Ribeiro do. "Desigualdade racial e fracasso escolar de estudantes negras e negros." Revista Brasileira de Educação do Campo 4 (May 28, 2019): e6401. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.rbec.v4e6401.
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Este artigo propõe uma reflexão sobre a importância de considerarmos a desigualdade racial como fenômeno atrelado ao fracasso escolar. O texto baseia-se, principalmente, em referências produzidas na interface da psicologia com a educação. Em um primeiro momento, o fracasso escolar foi abordado como fenômeno complexo, produzido e reproduzido a partir da influência de forças engendradas nos campos político, econômico, institucional e social. Em seguida, buscou-se evidenciar conexões entre a desigualdade racial e social e a produção do fracasso escolar, e analisar a correlação entre estigma, invisibilidade e silenciamento de estudantes negras e negros. Finalmente, considerou-se a necessidade de abordarmos o problema da desigualdade racial de modo mais efetivo na compreensão e no enfrentamento do fracasso escolar.
Palavras-chave: Desigualdade Racial e Social, Relações Étnicas e Raciais, Fracasso Escolar, Educação, Psicologia Escolar e Educacional.
Racial inequality and school failure of black students
ABSTRACT. This article proposes a reflection on the importance of considering racial inequality as a phenomenon linked to school failure. The text is based mainly on references produced in the interface between psychology and education. At first, school failure was approached as a complex phenomenon, produced and reproduced from the influence of forces caused in the political, economic, social and institutional fields. Next, we sought to highlight the connections between racial and social inequality and the production of school failure, and to analyze the correlation between stigma, invisibility and silencing of black students. Finally, we considered the need to address the problem of racial inequality more effectively in understanding and coping with school failure.
Keywords: Racial and Social Inequality, Ethnic and Racial Relations, School Failure, Education, School and Educational Psychology.
Desigualdad racial y fracaso escolar de estudiantes negras y negros
RESUMEN. Este artículo propone una reflexión acerca de la importancia de considerar la desigualdad racial como fenómeno vinculado al fracaso escolar. El texto se basa principalmente en referencias producidas en la interfaz de la psicología con la educación. En un primer momento, el fracaso escolar fue abordado como un fenómeno complejo, producido y reproducido a partir de la influencia de fuerzas engendradas en los campos político, económico, social e institucional. A continuación, se buscó evidenciar conexiones entre la desigualdad racial y social y la producción del fracaso escolar, y analizar la correlación entre estigma, invisibilidad y silenciamiento de estudiantes negros. Finalmente, se consideró la necesidad de abordar el problema de la desigualdad racial de modo más efectivo en la comprensión y el enfrentamiento del fracaso escolar.
Palabras clave: Desigualdad Racial y Social, Relaciones Étnicas y Raciales, Fracaso Escolar, Educación, Psicología Escolar y Educacional.
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Farias, Magno Nunes, and Wender Faleiro. "Educação do campo e as relações étnico-raciais: olhares para o campesinato negro." Revista Campo-Território 12, no. 26 (April 30, 2017): 289–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/rct122613.
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Lonsdale, John. "Mau Maus of the Mind: Making Mau Mau and Remaking Kenya." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 393–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031157.
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This article explores the imaginative meanings of Mau Mau which white and black protagonists invented out of their fearful ambitions for the future of Kenya. Within the general assumptions of white superiority and the need to destroy Mau Mau savagery, four mutually incompatible European myths can be picked out. Conservatives argued that Mau Mau revealed the latent terror-laden primitivism in all Africans, the Kikuyu especially. This reversion had been stimulated by the dangerous freedoms offered by too liberal a colonialism in the post-war world. The answer must be an unapologetic reimposition of white power. Liberals blamed Mau Mau on the bewildering psychological effects of rapid social change and the collapse of orderly tribal values. Africans must be brought more decisively through the period of transition from tribal conformity to competitive society, to play a full part in a multi-racial future dominated by western culture; this would entail radical economic reforms. Christian fundamentalists saw Mau Mau as collective sin, to be overcome by individual confession and conversion. More has been read into their rehabilitating mission in the detention camps than is warranted, since they had no theology of power. The whites with decisive power were the British military. They saw the emergency as a political war which needed political solutions, for which repression, social improvement and spiritual revival were no substitute. They, and the ‘hard-core’ Mau Mau detainees at Hola camp who thought like them, cleared the way for the peace. This was won not by any of the white constructions of the rising but by Kenyatta's Kikuyu political thought, which inspired yet criminalised Mau Mau.
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Oliveira, Dennis De. "A diáspora africana na América Latina, tolerância opressiva e perspectivas de transformação." Revista Extraprensa 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5841/extraprensa.v1i6.29.
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A violência étnico-racial é o elemento fundante do modelo de relações sócio-políticas na América Latina. Diante disto, os mecanismos de poder e resistência se expressam em uma práxis de caráter racial, constituindo arquétipos como o mestiço que, de forma ambivalente, tanto servem para os projetos de subjugação política como determinados projetos de afirmação nacional. É no campo dos embates étnico-raciais que também surgem as possibilidades de subjetividades políticas alternativas no continente.