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Journal articles on the topic 'Race relations – political aspects – history'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Phillips, Coretta, Rod Earle, Alpa Parmar, and Daniel Smith. "Dear British criminology: Where has all the race and racism gone?" Theoretical Criminology 24, no. 3 (November 12, 2019): 427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480619880345.

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In this article we use Emirbayer and Desmond’s institutional reflexivity framework to critically examine the production of racial knowledge in British criminology. Identifying weakness, neglect and marginalization in theorizing race and racism, we focus principally on the disciplinary unconscious element of their three-tier framework, identifying and interrogating aspects of criminology’s ‘obligatory problematics’, ‘habits of thought’ and ‘position-taking’ as well as its institutional structure and social relations that combine to render the discipline ‘institutionally white’. We also consider, briefly, aspects of criminology’s relationship to race, racism and whiteness in the USA. The final part of the article makes the case for British criminology to engage in telling and narrating racisms, urging it to understand the complexities of race in our subject matter, avoid its reduction to class and inequality, and to pay particular attention to reflexivity, history, sociology and language, turning to face race with postcolonial tools and resolve.

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Narayan, John. "British Black Power: The anti-imperialism of political blackness and the problem of nativist socialism." Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (April 16, 2019): 945–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119845550.

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The history of the US Black Power movement and its constituent groups such as the Black Panther Party has recently gone through a process of historical reappraisal, which challenges the characterization of Black Power as the violent, misogynist and negative counterpart to the Civil Rights movement. Indeed, scholars have furthered interest in the global aspects of the movement, highlighting how Black Power was adopted in contexts as diverse as India, Israel and Polynesia. This article highlights that Britain also possessed its own distinctive form of Black Power movement, which whilst inspired and informed by its US counterpart, was also rooted in anti-colonial politics, New Commonwealth immigration and the onset of decolonization. Existing sociological narratives usually locate the prominence and visibility of British Black Power and its activism, which lasted through the 1960s to the early 1970s, within the broad history of UK race relations and the movement from anti-racism to multiculturalism. However, this characterization neglects how such Black activism conjoined explanations of domestic racism with issues of imperialism and global inequality. Through recovering this history, the article seeks to bring to the fore a forgotten part of British history and also examines how the history of British Black Power offers valuable lessons about how the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism should be united in the 21st century.

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Acharya, Amitav. "Before the “West”: Recovering the Forgotten Foundations of Global Order." Perspectives on Politics 20, no. 1 (March 2022): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592721003601.

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During the past two decades, there have been growing calls for broadening the discipline of international relations (IR) by giving due recognition to the history, culture, ideas, and agency of non-Western states and societies. Several aspects of this trend are noteworthy. First, it originated from the growing dissatisfaction by non-Western scholars with the Western (US and European) dominance of the IR field, a dominance that obscures and marginalizes the past and recent contributions of other societies. As such, the primary voices challenging this dominance have been non-Western scholars, sometimes in collaboration with a few Western counterparts. These include not just scholars of postcolonialism and race, but also some working in the English School and constructivist and non-Western/post-Western traditions.

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Schulze, Frederik. "German Missionaries, Race, and Othering Entanglements and Comparisons between German Southwest Africa, Indonesia, and Brazil." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000235.

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Recent approaches in global history and postcolonial studies have pointed to global aspects of colonialism and suggested that the history of colonialism should not be described just as a unidirectional history of power, because the reverberations of colonialism within the metropolis were also important. If we reflect further, we might ask not only if the metropolis and the colonies were entangled, but also if different colonial contexts had connections to one another. Pursuing this in the case of missionary activities, Rebekka Habermas recently demanded that scholars connect missionary history and global history so as to examine the global entanglements of the mission. She drew attention to missionary societies’ active on a global scale. It stands to reason that missionary societies, as global actors, pursued similar politics in different regions and, therefore, different regions and contexts were thereby connected. But is it possible to show direct entanglements between individual mission contexts? Can we explain certain practices and discourses in colonial situations better if we look at other regional contexts?In testing these questions, the case of the so-called “emigrant mission” (Auswanderermission), directed at Germans emigrants to Brazil by a sister organisation of the Protestant Rhenish Missionary Society, is instructive. Strangely, Habermas mentioned neither the Americas nor the emigrant mission when she proposed the analysis of global entanglements of the mission, as if there had been no missionary activities in the Americas. But it is exactly this kind of entanglement that seems most interesting, the entanglement between regions with apparently different histories. This paper tries to address this lacuna by asking if the history of the emigrant mission in Brazil can be linked with “normal” missionary contexts of, for example, missions directed at non-Europeans, in order to understand why certain discourses were circulating in Brazil. In this instance, the former German colony of Southwest Africa and the Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Nias serve as classical missionary examples, as the Rhenish Missionary Society was very active in these regions. In considering relations between German emigrants in Brazil, the German colony in Africa, and the German mission in a Dutch colony, one must remember that Brazil, although it figured very prominently in German colonial debates of the nineteenth century, was not a formal German colony.

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Regt, Marina de. "Legal and Practical Aspects of Participation by Women in Arab Societies." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1789.

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Many Arab and Muslim countries have a long history of women’s activism.Depending on location and historical moment, women activists have drawninspiration from a wide array of sources, including both religious and seculardiscourses. In all cases, however, one main issue is how legal systemsand processes of legal reform on the one hand, and social relations andeveryday life on the other hand, relate to each other.At this conference, held in The Hague, The Netherlands, on March 4-5, 2004, the tensions between legal systems and social life were discussed.The conference was organized by the Arabic Dutch Women Circle (ANVK)in cooperation with the municipality of The Hague and the InternationalDialogues Foundation (IDF). The ANVK is a Dutch non-profit organizationdedicated to promoting cultural exchange between Dutch and Arabsocieties, and, in particular, between Dutch and Arab women. The ANVKorganizes conferences, meetings, debates, and exhibitions to stimulate dialogueand exchange.Among other things, the conference sought to clarify that class, ethnicity,political system, history, and cultural factors are of wider influence thanjust law or religious factors themselves. The constitutions of almost allArab and Muslim countries proclaim equal rights for all, regardless of race,sex, language, and religion. However, the implementation of these rights isoften a problem. By inviting a group of women activists and academicsfrom the Middle East, as well as representatives of various sectors of Dutchsociety and of the Arab and Muslim communities in The Netherlands, theconference also aimed at stimulating discussion about Arab women’s rightsand practices.The conference was chaired by Professor Annelies Moors, chair of theInternational Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World (ISIM)at the University of Amsterdam. The first day was open to the general publicand consisted of a plenary session in which four papers were presented, ...

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Farrell, Henry, and Margaret Levi. "Reducing the Transactional Value of Identity & Race." Daedalus 152, no. 1 (2023): 168–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01974.

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Abstract Grieve Chelwa, Darrick Hamilton, and Avi Green explain how existing accounts of capitalism systematically neglect racial identity group stratification. Their approach points to an important comparative dimension and two significant research agendas that could supplement their arguments. First would be to inquire into the role that equal respect plays in pushing back against stratification. Second would be to investigate how other aspects of social norms may have consequences too, perhaps drawing insights from a new body of research on racial stratification that draws upon Marxian and neoclassical economics.

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HUGHES, J. "Deconstructing the bomb: recent perspectives on nuclear history." British Journal for the History of Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087404006168.

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John Canaday,The Nuclear Muse: Literature, Physics, and the First Atomic Bombs. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000. Pp. xviii+310. ISBN 0-299-16854-9. £19.50.Septimus H. Paul,Nuclear Rivals: Anglo-American Atomic Relations 1941–1952. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000. Pp. ix+266. ISBN 0-8142-0852-5. £31.95.Peter Bacon Hales,Atomic Spaces: Living on the Manhattan Project. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997. Pp. 448. ISBN 0-252-02296-3. £22.00.A decade after the end of the Cold War, the culture and technology of nuclear weapons had lost much of the overt sense of dread they once inspired. The decline in international tension following the end of the communist regimes of the Soviet bloc produced a massive shift in the ideology of the nuclear in the 1990s. The de-targeting and dismantling of large numbers of nuclear weapons and the demise of the threat of nuclear annihilation created new conditions both for international security and for the writing of nuclear history. With the declassification and release of large quantities of official documentation from the former adversaries, as well as the fiftieth anniversary of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1995, a burst of histories of various aspects of the nuclear age have appeared over the last ten years, exploring not just the technopolitics, strategy and operational logistics of the Cold War and the arms race, but the cultural history of the nuclear age, its imagery, its architecture, its oppositional politics and its effects on the landscape, national and regional economies and cultures and indeed everyday life. At a time of global economic and political uncertainty and the emergent threat of capricious international terrorism and new nuclear proliferation, the apparent certainties of the Cold War now even evoke a certain nostalgia, and its artefacts and structures are being recast as ‘heritage’.

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Hearn, Jeff. "So What Has Been, Is, and Might Be Going on in Studying Men and Masculinities?: Some Continuities and Discontinuities." Men and Masculinities 22, no. 1 (March 12, 2019): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x18805550.

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Following introductory remarks on how the terms “masculinities” and “men” have been used differentially in recent critical studies on men and masculinities (CSMM), the article reviews some key aspects of CSMM - past, present and future. The diverse influences on CSMM have included various feminisms, gay studies, anti-imperialism, civil rights, anti-racism, green and environmental movements, as well as LGBTIQ+ movements, Critical Race Studies, Globalization/Transnational Studies, and Intersectionality Studies. In the present period, the range of theoretical and political approaches and influences on studies continues to grow, with, for example, queer, post-, post post-, new materialist, posthumanist, and science and technology studies, making for some discontinuities with established masculinities theory. In many regions, there are now more women working explicitly and long-term in the area, even if that is itself not new. CSMM have also become more geographically widespread, more dispersed, more comparative, international, transnational, postcolonial, decolonializing, globally “Southern”, global, globalized and globalizing; this diversifying feature is transforming CSMM. Key areas for future research are identified, including the relations of men and masculinities to: first, ecology, environment and climate change; second, ICTs, social media, AI, robotics and big data; third, transnational/global, transnational institutions and processes; and, fourth, nationalism, racism, authoritarianism, neo-fascism and political masculinism. Together, these make for a “lurking doom”. At the same time, there is a whole range of wider theoretical, methodological, epistemological and ontological questions to be taken up in CSMM much more fully in the future.

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Michener, Jamila, and Margaret Teresa Brower. "What's Policy Got to Do with It? Race, Gender & Economic Inequality in the United States." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (January 2020): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01776.

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In the United States, economic inequality is both racialized and gendered, with Black and Latina women consistently at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. Relative to men (across racial groups) and White women, Black and Latina women often have less-desirable jobs, lower earnings, and higher poverty rates. In this essay, we draw attention to the role of the state in structuring such inequality. Specifically, we examine how public policy is related to racial inequities in economic positions among women. Applying an intersectional lens to the contemporary landscape of economic inequality, we probe the associations between public policies and economic outcomes. We find that policies have unequal consequences across subgroups of women, providing prima facie evidence that state-level decisions about how and where to invest resources have differential implications based on women's race and ethnicity. We encourage scholars to use aspects of our approach as springboards for better specifying and identifying the processes that account for heterogeneous policy effects across racial subgroups of women.

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Kozerska, Ewa, and Tomasz Scheffler. "Wojna w nauczaniu papieża Franciszka. Czy zmiana nauczania Kościoła katolickiego?" Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 16, no. 3 (2023): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.23.025.18389.

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War in the Teaching of Pope Francis: Is the Teaching of the Catholic Church Changing? The issues of “war” and “peace” are a constant aspect of Pope Francis’ teaching. The aim of this paper is to determine whether Francis’ stance on war is a continuation of the hitherto realistic view of this phenomenon found in the teaching of the Catholic Church or whether it has come closer to idealistic notions. The research focuses mainly on an exegesis of the statements of Jorge Mario Bergoglio (Pope Francis) and to a lesser extent an interpretation of his actions and omissions. We conclude that, in the case of the current pope’s teaching, we are dealing with a modification of the approach to war and peace adopted in the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, consisting in the formal acceptance of the idea of a „just war” combined, however, with the imposition of important limitations on it. Similarly to apologists of pacifist humanism, Francis demonstrates an optimistic belief in the possibility of building a world order without violence. Significantly, he attempts to combine the promotion of pacifist ideals with an appeal to Christian moral principles. This rather intellectually daring ideological juxtaposition, freely treating both historical circumstances and contemporary events, provides Francis with a starting point for analysing and assessing the current destabilisation of the world order in international relations. In our view, Francis assumes that the main contemporary sources of war lead to human exclusion (in various aspects of existence) and the degradation of nature. For Francis, therefore, the vindication of a state of peace and thus the unconditional abandonment of war depends directly on the quality of life of the human race and the connected capacity of the ecosphere. At the same time, Francis avoids recognising Russia as a state that has attacked another state (Ukraine). This, and the avoidance of drawing consequences from the assumption of man’s original sin-contaminated nature, makes Francis’ teaching on war internally incoherent.

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Sousa, Romilson Silva. "A Literatura Mítica e o Estado: Os Arquétipos da Racionalidade Ético-civilizatória | Mythic Literature and the State: The Archetypes of Ethical-Civilizing Rationality." Caderno Teológico da PUCPR 5, no. 2 (March 4, 2021): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/2318-8065.05.02.p81-98.

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A grande mortalidade de negros e pobres em nossa contemporaneidade, abre uma reflexão sobre a vida, a ética e a justiça e suas relações com a necropolítica nos forçando a repensar o Estado e sua racionalidade ético-civilizatória (SOUSA, 2020b). Compreender o Estado, a Ciência Política e seus arquétipos é necessário para entendermos as origens das relações de poder e as relações étnico-raciais que marcaram e marcam a formação e a reprodução da iniquidade na história da raça humana. Denunciada pela literatura marginal dos pesquisadores e intelectuais negros (SOUZA, 2000) a literatura oficial carece de suplementação de outras perspectivas. Considerando que apesar de tradições historiográficas diferentes, tanto para Nietzsche como para Foucault e Paul Ricoeur, a verdade é histórica, pensar a interdisciplinaridade entre história, filosofia e literatura, implica em construir um tipo de genealogia das relações de poder sob a ótica de uma ética que é civilizatória e epistêmica. Considerando que as narrativas míticas podem recompor um saber eticamente comprometido com novas epistemologias e novas perspectivas interpretativas. Deste modo a importância da literatura mítica (SOUSA, 2020, 2020b) para a recomposição epistemológica de discursos na literatura bíblica. Uma pergunta foi o ponto de partida: quais as contribuições da literatura mítica para a compreensão da Ciência Política? Nosso objetivo então foi identificar aspectos da literatura mítica capaz de contribuir para uma outra interpretação para a ciência política. Tivemos por objetivos específicos: compreender a razão e a racionalidade de estado; analisar a racionalidade ético-civilizatória no Estado; identificar o papel dos arquétipos na literatura mítica e suas contribuições para a formação do Estado. Partindo dos processos de formação histórico-cultural e da dialética presente nas relações étnico-raciais nas racionalidades ético-civilizatórios, a literatura mítica (SOUSA, 2020) utilizamos como referências principais no estudo da cultura e civilização egípcia: Camara (2011), Diop (1974, 1991, 2014). Serviram também como fonte de pesquisa bibliográfica a literatura bíblica e a egípcia. Utilizamos uma metodologia baseada na bricolagem (KINCHELOE & BERRY, 2007). Sugerimos em nosso trabalho sugere a necessidade de considerarmos a literatura mítica na análise das relações entre poder e o Estado, a partir dessa literatura como um lócus epistêmico para a outra compreensão da materialidade teoria do Estado. AbstractThe high mortality of blacks and the poor in our contemporaneity opens a reflection on life, ethics and justice and its relations with the necropolitics, forcing us to rethink the State and its ethical-civilizing rationality (SOUSA, 2020b). Understanding the State, Political Science and its archetypes is necessary to understand the origins of power relations and the ethnic-racial relations that have marked and mark the formation and reproduction of inequity in the history of the human race. Denounced by the marginal literature of black researchers and intellectuals (SOUZA, 2000), the official literature needs supplementation from other perspectives. Considering that despite different historiographical traditions, both for Nietzsche and for Foucault and Paul Ricoeur, the truth is historical, thinking about the interdisciplinarity between history, philosophy and literature, implies building a kind of genealogy of power relations from the perspective of an ethics which is civilizing and epistemic. Considering that mythic narratives can recompose knowledge ethically committed to new epistemologies and new interpretative perspectives. Thus, the importance of mythical literature (SOUSA, 2020, 2020b) for the epistemological recomposition of discourses in biblical literature. One question was the starting point: what are the contributions of mythical literature to the understanding of Political Science? Our aim, then, was to identify aspects of mythical literature capable of contributing to another interpretation for political science. We had for specific objectives: to understand the reason and rationality of state; to analyze the ethical-civilizing rationality in the State; to identify the role of archetypes in mythical literature and their contributions to the formation of the State. Starting from the processes of cultural historical formation and the dialectic present in the ethnic-racial relations in the ethical-civilizing rationalities, the mythical literature (SOUSA, 2020) we used as main references in the study of Egyptian culture and civilization: Camara (2011), Diop (1974, 1991, 2014). Biblical and Egyptian literature also served as a source of bibliographic research. We use a methodology based on DIY (KINCHELOE & BERRY, 2007). We suggest in our work suggests the need to consider mythical literature in the analysis of the relations between power and the State, from that literature as an epistemic locus for the other understanding of the State theory materiality.

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Fischer, Brodwyn. "Quase pretos de tão pobres? Race and Social Discrimination in Rio de Janeiro's Twentieth-Century Criminal Courts." Latin American Research Review 39, no. 1 (2004): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038942.

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Conceived as a contribution to debates about the role of state institutions in perpetuating racial inequality in modern Brazil, this article explores the relative importance of social and racial characteristics in determining defendants' treatment in Rio de Janeiro's criminal courts between 1930 and 1964. Focusing on rarely noted aspects of defendants' class and citizenship status, and emphasizing the importance of judicial procedure, it argues that social discrimination was open in Rio de Janeiro's courts, but that race alone was a relatively poor predictor of defendants' fates. At the same time, it suggests that racial and social characteristics ought not to be seen as separate and competing categories, both because “social' language had important racial meanings and because ”social“ discrimination had significant racial implications. Institutionalized social prejudice may thus go far in explaining the stubborn persistence of racial inequity in an age when ”racial democracy“ became a national hope and mantra.

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Layton‐Henry, Zig. "Immigration and race relations: Political aspects ‐No. 12." New Community 12, no. 2 (June 1985): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1985.9975907.

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Layton‐Henry, Zig. "Immigration and race relations: Political aspects – no. 13." New Community 12, no. 3 (December 1985): 531–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1985.9975932.

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Layton‐Henry, Zig. "Immigration and race relations: Political aspects ‐No. 14." New Community 13, no. 1 (March 1986): 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1986.9975956.

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FitzGerald, Marian. "Immigration and race relations: Political aspects — No. 15." New Community 13, no. 2 (September 1986): 265–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1986.9975976.

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RitzGerald, Marian. "Immigration and race relations: Political aspects — No. 16." New Community 13, no. 3 (March 1987): 442–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1987.9976000.

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Lohé, M. J. Le. "Immigration and race relations: Political aspects — No. 17." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 14, no. 3 (March 1988): 451–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1988.9976082.

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19

Sandford, Stella. "Kant, race, and natural history." Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 9 (April 18, 2018): 950–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718768358.

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This article presents a new argument concerning the relation between Kant’s theory of race and aspects of the critical philosophy. It argues that Kant’s treatment of the problem of the systematic unity of nature and knowledge in the Critique of Pure Reason and the Critique of the Power of Judgment can be traced back a methodological problem in the natural history of the period – that of the possibility of a natural system of nature. Kant’s transformation of the methodological problem from natural history into a set of philosophical (and specifically epistemological) problems proceeds by way of the working out of his own problem in natural history – the problem of the natural history of the human races – and specifically the problem of the unity in diversity of the human species, in response to which he develops a theory of race. This theory of race is, further, the first developed model of the use of teleological judgment in Kant’s work. The article thus argues that Kant’s philosophical position on the systematic unity of nature and of knowledge in the first and third Critiques, and his account and defense of teleological judgment, are developed out of problems first articulated in his solution to the problem of the unity in diversity of the human species – that is, in his theory of race. The article does not seek to establish that these aspects of the critical philosophy are therefore racialised. But it does demonstrate, against those who deny its salience to his philosophy, how the problem of the unity in diversity of the human species and Kant’s theory of race is significant for the development of aspects of the critical philosophy and thus contributes to their philosophical problematics.

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20

Binderman, Murray, and R. Fred Wacker. "Ethnicity, Pluralism, and Race: Race Relations Theory in American Before Myrdal." Social Forces 65, no. 1 (September 1986): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2578953.

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Johnson, Howard. "Post-Emancipation Race Relations in the Bahamas." Slavery & Abolition 30, no. 3 (September 2009): 483–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390903098144.

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Vickerman, Milton. "RECENT IMMIGRATION AND RACE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070087.

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AbstractContemporary immigration is affecting U.S. society in many ways, particularly with respect to racial dynamics. Three aspects of these dynamics stand out: the conceptualization of race, the meaning of assimilation, and racial relations between groups. Although contemporary immigration, being largely non-White, is challenging U.S. society's entrenched conceptualization of race as revolving around a Black/White framework, this framework is not being rapidly overturned. Instead, immigrants are increasing social complexity by both adapting to the Black/White dichotomy and seeking alternatives to it through multiculturalism. The conceptualization of race is pivotally important because it determines the shape of assimilation, and, consistent with growing immigration-driven complexity, no one model of assimilation dominates the society. Instead, Anglo-conformity and multiculturalism are competing for preeminence. Blacks, because of U.S. society's failure to completely absorb them, helped to originate multiculturalism, but immigration is strengthening the model's appeal. Blacks and immigrants are adapting to U.S. society by utilizing both Anglo-conformity and multiculturalism. Immigration, increasingly, is also influencing race relations because of its volume and character. Even though Black/White conflict remains unresolved, future race relations will go beyond this nexus to incorporate other groups in complex interactions, revolving around the formation of coalitions and conflict situations as groups pursue particular interests.

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23

Holdaway, Simon. "Police race relations in England: A history of policy." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 22, no. 3 (August 1998): 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0147-1767(98)00011-x.

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Miller, Fredric M., and Howard Gillette. "Race Relations in Washington, D.C., 1878-1955." Journal of Urban History 21, no. 1 (November 1994): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614429402100106.

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Nikitina, Yulia. "Past Memories, Future Memories: Race Against History." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 33, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 514–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2020.1845081.

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Cruickshank, Joanna. "Race, History, and the Australian Faith Missions." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000677.

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In 1901, the parliament of the new Commonwealth of Australia passed a series of laws designed, in the words of the Prime Minister Edmund Barton, “to make a legislative declaration of our racial identity”. An Act to expel the large Pacific Islander community in North Queensland was followed by a law restricting further immigration to applicants who could pass a literacy test in a European language. In 1902, under the Commonwealth Franchise Act, “all natives of Asia and Africa” as well as Aboriginal people were explicitly denied the right to vote in federal elections. The “White Australia policy”, enshrined in these laws, was almost universally supported by Australian politicians, with only two members of parliament speaking against the restriction of immigration on racial grounds.

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Williams, John Hoyt. "Observations on Blacks and Bondage in Uruguay, 1800-1836." Americas 43, no. 4 (April 1987): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007186.

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In the last ten years there has been a great deal of interest in the scholarship devoted to the related issues of slavery and race relations in Latin America. This writer has himself published works which shed some light on the Black “experience” in isolated, interior Paraguay in the nineteenth century. The ongoing task to more fully understand the different patterns of racial (in all of its aspects) relations in Latin America has been fruitful and has elucidated much of a story, an experience, long hidden. There is, however, much to be done, for the vast bulk of the studies published to date deal with a few, selected countries (or colonies); most notably Brazil and Cuba. Nations such as Chile, Uurguay, Colombia and even Argentina, have received as yet very little attention from the scholars of slavery and race relations.

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Owens, Patricia. "History, race and the pitfalls of ideal normative theorising." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 34, no. 6 (November 2, 2021): 846–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2021.1994304.

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Hill, Herbert. "The importance of race in American labor history." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 9, no. 2 (December 1995): 317–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02904338.

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Dávila, Jerry, and Zachary R. Morgan. "Since Black into White: Thomas Skidmore on Brazilian Race Relations." Americas 64, no. 3 (January 2008): 409–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2008.0017.

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In the 40 years since he published Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Thomas Skidmore has simultaneously been a leading U.S. scholar of Latin American history and a prominent public figure in Brazil. Balancing these roles, Skidmore has written and commented extensively on recent Brazilian political and economic history. But he is also the author of an influential intellectual history of racial thought in Brazil, Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought (1974). Black into White examines what Skidmore calls the “whitening thesis” by which Brazilian intellectuals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries managed their racial and nationalist anxieties by interpreting miscegenation as a dynamic process that would dilute Brazil’s black population.

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Rzheshevsky, O. A. "The Race for Berlin." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 8, no. 3 (September 1995): 566–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518049508430204.

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Gilligan, Chris. "Northern Ireland and the limits of the race relations framework." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (December 13, 2018): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818090.

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Anti-immigrant racism has become a prominent issue in Northern Ireland since 1998. It is an issue that is routinely understood and tackled through a ‘race relations’ framework. The first part of this article outlines and discusses the data on immigration and on recorded racist incidents in Northern Ireland, within a race relations framework. The second part of the article argues that the race relations framework is inherently limited because it treats racism as a crime to be punished, rather than as a manifestation of contradictions within capitalism as a social system.

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Vlasov, Nikolay. "Otto von Bismarck’s concept of race." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2020): 246–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi20.

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Exploration of the outlook and the views of renowned political figures constitutes one of the most thriving fields of historical research. This article focuses on such an understudied topic as a concept of race developed by Otto von Bismarck, the “Iron Chancellor”. To examine the interrelation between Bismarck’s views on a certain nation’s “racial” features and his policy towards this country, the article offers a case study of Bismarck’s attitude to Russia and the Russians and its influence on German-Russian relations. This case study relies on a wide range of sources, which completely reveal Bismarck’s ‘racial’ understanding of Russia.

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Ramada Curto, Diogo. "Book Review: "Race is about Politics: Lessons from History"." Análise Social LV, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31447/as00032573.2020235.10.

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Brown, Robert A. "POLICING IN AMERICAN HISTORY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000171.

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AbstractThis article examines the historical evolution of policing in America with a focus on race. Specifically, it is argued that racial bias has deep roots in American policing, and reforms in policing and American society have not eliminated the detrimental experiences of Blacks who encounter the police. Historical information and contemporary empirical research indicate that, even when legal and other factors are equal, Blacks continue to experience the coercive and lethal aspects of policing relative to their non-Black counterparts.

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Müller-Wille, Staffan. "Corners, Tables, Lines." Nuncius 36, no. 3 (November 18, 2021): 517–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03603001.

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Abstract The modern concept of race is usually traced back to proponents of a “natural history of mankind” in the European Enlightenment. Starting from allegorical representations of the four continents in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and the eighteenth-century visual genre of castas paintings, I suggest that modern conceptions of race were significantly shaped by diagrammatic representations of human diversity that allowed for tabulation of data, combinatorial analysis, and quantification, and hence functioned as “tools to think with.” Accounting for racial ancestry in terms of “proportions of blood” not only became a preoccupation of scholars as a consequence, but also came to underwrite administrative practices and popular discourses. To contribute to a better understanding of the history of race relations, historians of the race concept need to pay more attention to these diagrammatic aspects of the concept.

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Espiritu, Yen Le, and In-Jin Yoon. "On My Own: Korean Businesses and Race Relations in America." Social Forces 77, no. 4 (June 1999): 1632. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3005893.

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Kluegel, James R., and Obie Clayton. "An American Dilemma Revisited: Race Relations in a Changing World." Social Forces 77, no. 3 (March 1999): 1207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3005982.

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Griffin, Farah Jasmine. "At Last …?: Michelle Obama, Beyoncé, Race & History." Daedalus 140, no. 1 (January 2011): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00065.

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In this essay, Griffin brings to the fore two extraordinary black women of our age: First Lady Michelle Obama and entertainment mogul Beyonce Knowles. Both women signify change in race relations in America, yet both reveal that the history of racial inequality in this country is far from over. As an Ivy League-educated descendent of slaves, Michelle Obama is not just unfamiliar to the mainstream media and the Washington political scene; during the 2008 presidential campaign, she was vilified as angry and unpatriotic. Beyonce, who controls the direction of her career in a way that pioneering black women entertainers could not, has nonetheless styled herself in ways that recall the distinct racial history of the Creole South. Griffin considers how Michelle Obama's and Beyonce's use of their respective family histories and ancestry has bolstered or diminished their popular appeal.

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Smith, Rogers M., Desmond S. King, and Philip A. Klinkner. "Challenging History: Barack Obama & American Racial Politics." Daedalus 140, no. 2 (April 2011): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00082.

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Modern American racial politics remains sharply divided over racial policy issues, with coalitions of political activists, groups, and governing institutions aligned on opposing sides. A “color-blind” policy alliance urges government to act with as little regard to race as possible. A “race-conscious” alliance argues that policies should aim to reduce material racial inequalities and that race-targeted measures are often needed. These modern racial policy alliances are strongly identified with the two major parties; as a result, they contribute to modern political polarization. In a predominantly white electorate, color-blind policies are far more popular than race-conscious ones. President Barack Obama has responded by stressing goals of national unity and foregrounding color-blind policies, while quietly choosing among them on race-conscious grounds and adopting limited race-targeted measures. It remains to be seen whether his approach can succeed in reducing material racial inequalities or immunizing him from charges of reverse racism. It also faces challenges at home and abroad for privileging American national interests above multicultural and internationalist concerns.

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Rabinowitz, Howard N. "Review essay: Psychological disorders, socio‐economic forces and American race relations." Slavery & Abolition 7, no. 2 (September 1986): 188–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440398608574912.

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Fields, Barbara J. "Whiteness, Racism, and Identity." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901004410.

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As an organizing concept, whiteness rests on insecure theoretical ground—specifically, the notions of identity and agency. It replaces racism with race and equates race with racial identity, which it accepts uncritically both as an empirical datum and as a tool of analysis. It thereby establishes a false parallel between the objects and the authors of racism and between Afro-Americans and other Americans of non-European ancestry. Whiteness is the ideological counterpart of race relations, both of them ways of skirting around the relations of political, social, and economic power that have determined the place of Afro-Americans in American society.

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Wolfe, Patrick. "Race and racialisation: Some thoughts." Postcolonial Studies 5, no. 1 (April 2002): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790220126889.

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Goldberg, David Theo. "The end(s) of race." Postcolonial Studies 7, no. 2 (July 2004): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1368879042000278889.

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Marwah, Inder S. "Contingency, history, agency: on Empire, Race and Global Justice." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 34, no. 6 (October 25, 2021): 840–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2021.1994302.

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Lim, Jason. "Book Review: The expansion of England: race, ethnicity and cultural history." Ecumene 6, no. 4 (October 1999): 489–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096746089900600412.

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Katznelson, Ira, and Suzanne Mettler. "On Race and Policy History: A Dialogue about the G.I. Bill." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 519–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708081267.

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We have independently analyzed the effects of the G.I. Bill's widely-utilized education and training benefits, and reached different conclusions. One of us argues that the implementation of these benefits, especially in the South, helped widen the income and wealth gaps between whites and blacks and further marginalized many African Americans; the other considers them to have been a rare example of a relatively inclusive policy, one that fostered equal citizenship. Because we are both historical institutionalists and we both share interests in matters of social policy, equality, and race, these dissimilar accounts require explanation. This dialogue first considers methodological issues, explaining our decisions about which forms of data to use and to emphasize, and how we made sense of contradictory findings. It next discusses interpretive matters, examining the processes through which we sometimes reached different conclusions even when we confronted the same evidence. Finally, the exchange considers some implications of our findings, probing the lessons they convey both about policy research and practice.

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KLEINBERG, S. J. "Race, Region, and Gender in American History." Journal of American Studies 33, no. 1 (April 1999): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898006082.

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Catherine Clinton and Michele Gillespie, The Devil's Lane: Sex and Race in the Early South (New York and London: Oxford University Press, 1997, £28.50). Pp. 274. ISBN 0 19 511242 3.Tera Hunter, To ‘Joy My Freedom’: Southern Black Women's Lives and Labors after the Civil War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997, £19.95). Pp. 311. ISBN 0 674 893 9 3.Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change, 1700–1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998, £38.00). Pp. 252. ISBN 0 8032 3716 2.Vicki L. Ruiz, From Out of the Shadows: Mexican Women in Twentieth-Century America (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998, £24.99). Pp. 240. ISBN 0 19 5114833.The historical study of women has evolved from a consideration of elite women, the quest for suffrage, and women in organized groups to encompass different classes, ethnic groups, and social settings. Writing women back into the historical record has led to a more creative use of data sources, a greater depth of understanding about how societies work on both formal and informal levels, and the exploration of gendered patterns of most aspects of the economy, social structure, and politics. However, the conceptual frameworks of women's history have not kept pace with the expansion of scholarship to encompass a more diverse population.These four books highlight two trends in contemporary historical practice: the inclusion of gender as an essential aspect of our understanding of the past and the use of comparative frameworks to investigate the significance of socially constructed sex roles for society. By contrasting women's lives in different settings and racial groups, the authors illustrate how communities shape gender roles and how those roles influence a wide range of social, political, economic, and cultural events. Gender thus takes its place as a fundamental category of historical analysis without which it is difficult to understand American (or any other) history; women's work, family relationships, voluntary, social, and political activities are as central to understanding society as men's.

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Pérez, Raúl. "Racism without Hatred? Racist Humor and the Myth of “Colorblindness”." Sociological Perspectives 60, no. 5 (August 2, 2017): 956–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121417719699.

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Critical Race scholars contend that the current period of “race relations” is dominated by a “color-blind” racial ideology. Scholars maintain that although individuals continue to hold conventional racial views, today people tend to minimize overt racial discourse and direct racial language in public to avoid the stigma of racism. This essay identifies racist humor as a discourse that challenges such constraints on public racist discourse, often derided as “political correctness,” in ways that reinforce everyday and systemic forms of racism in an ostensibly color-blind society. While humor research generally highlights the “positive” aspects of social humor and celebrates the possibilities of humor to challenge and subvert dominant racial meanings, the “negative” aspects of racist humor are often overlooked, downplayed, or are viewed as extreme and fringe incidents that occur at the periphery of mainstream society. Moreover, race scholars have largely ignored the role of humor as a “serious” site for the reproduction and circulation of racism in society. I contend that in a post-civil-rights and color-blind society, where overt racist discourse became disavowed in public, racist humor allows interlocutors to foster social relations by partaking in the “forbidden fruit” of racist discourse. In this article, I highlight the (re)circulation of racist jokes across three social contexts (in mass market joke books, on the Internet, and in the criminal justice system), to illustrate that racist humor exists not in a bygone past or at the margins of society but is widely practiced and circulated today across various social contexts and institutions in an ostensibly color-blind society.

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Maynes, Mary Jo. "Carol Poore,The Bonds of Labor: German Journeys to the Working World, 1890–1990. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2000. 298 pp. $39.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905220239.

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Approaches to the history of class relations in Germany as elsewhere have changed dramatically over the past two decades or so. Historical class analysis, which once pointed to the clear significance of class as a social marker, a cultural and political identity, in short, as a force of history, has became dulled in the wake of the collapse of socialism, the decline of organized labor, and the intellectual challenges associated with postmodernism, feminism, and race theory. As one student remarked in a recent seminar on the history and historiography of class relations in Europe, class has become the unexamined third pillar of the race, class, gender triad. Historians do not deny the significance of class relations; it has just that figuring out how to theorize and document the history of class is much more complicated than it used to be.

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