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GREENBERG, AMY S. "IRISH IN THE CITY: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN AMERICAN URBAN HISTORY." Historical Journal 42, no. 2 (June 1999): 571–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008572.
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Parish boundaries: the Catholic encounter with race in the twentieth-century urban north. By John T. McGreevy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Pp. vi+362. ISBN 0-226-55873-8. $27.50.What parish are you from? A Chicago Irish community and race relations. By Eileen M. McMahon. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1995. Pp. xii+226. ISBN 0-8131-1877-8. $32.95.The Boston Irish: a political history. By Thomas H. O'Connor. London: Northeastern University Press, 1995. Pp. xixx+363. ISBN 1-55553-220-9. £23.50.The New York Irish. Edited by Ronald H. Bayor and Timothy J. Meagher. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Pp. xxii+743. ISBN 0-8018-5199-8. $45.00.The public city: the political construction of urban life in San Francisco, 1850–1900. By Philip J. Ethington. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xvi+464. ISBN 0-8018-5199-8. £40.00.Civic wars: democracy and public life in the American city during the nineteenth century. By Mary P. Ryan. London: University of California Press, 1997. Pp. xii+376. ISBN 0-520-20441-7. £16.15.Few events have had a greater impact on urban America than the Irish Catholic exodus, which eventually brought one third of the Irish to the United States. Irish Catholics were the first ethnic group to immigrate in large numbers to America's cities and to experience overt discrimination. Overcoming that discrimination, they emerged as the consummate political force in urban America. In the late nineteenth century, Irish politicians and their political machines controlled a majority of America's large cities, long before the election of John F. Kennedy as president brought the Irish political presence to the national stage. At once integrated into American culture and proud of their ethnic culture and identity, the Irish in America continue to have a clear cultural presence in both positive and negative ways, in many American cities. The Irish hold the best parades, but sometimes refuse to allow Irish homosexuals the right to parade in them. The Irish are proud of their neighbourhoods, sometimes to the point of physical violence.For the first time in over two centuries, however, Irish immigration patterns have reversed. Over the last two years, 13,000 more Irish moved back to Ireland from America than went the other way. This watershed change provides a good opportunity to reconsider the history of the Irish in America's cities, as the authors of some recent publications demonstrate. This review will examine six current studies that illuminate the Irish urban experience in America. The authors of these histories document the role of the Irish and the Catholic church in urban racial disturbances in the twentieth century; they reconsider the importance of the Irish to urban political culture; and they explore the contested meanings of being Irish in urban America.
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Lum, Grande. "The Community Relations Service's Work in Preventing and Responding to Unfounded Racially and Religiously Motivated Violence after 9/11." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, no. 2 (December 2018): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i2.2.
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On the morning of September 11, 2001, New York City-based Community Relations Service (“CRS”) Regional Director Reinaldo Rivera was at a New Jersey summit on racial profiling. At 8:46 a.m., an American Airlines 767 crashed into the North Tower of New York City’s World Trade Center. Because Rivera was with the New Jersey state attorney general, he quickly learned of the attack. Rivera immediately called his staff members, who at that moment were traveling to Long Island, New York, for an unrelated case. Getting into Manhattan had already become difficult, so Rivera instructed his conciliators to remain on standby. At 9:03 a.m., another 767, United Airlines Flight 175, flew into the World Trade Center’s South Tower. September 11 initiated a new, fraught-filled era for the United States. For CRS, an agency within the United States Department of Justice, it was the beginning of a long-term immersion into conflict issues that involved discrimination and violence against those whose appearance led them to be targets of anti-terrorist hysteria or mis- placed backlash. Appropriately, in the days following 9/11, the federal government, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”), concentrated on ferreting out the culprits of the heinous acts. However, the FBI discovered that Middle Eastern terrorists were responsible for the tragedies, and communities around the nation saw a surge of violence against people who appeared to be of Middle Eastern descent, requiring a response to protect those who were unfairly targeted. These outbreaks began as soon as September 12. Police in Illinois stopped 300 people from marching on a Chicago-area mosque. In Gary, Indiana, a masked gunman shot twenty-one times at a Yemeni- American gas station attendant. In Texas, a mosque was hit by six bullets. On September 15, a man who had been reported by an Applebee’s waiter as saying that he wanted to “shoot some rag heads” shot a Chevron gas station owner Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh-American. The man, Frank Roque, shot through his car window, and five bullets hit Sodhi, killing him instantly. Roque drove to a home he previously owned and had sold to an Afghan-American couple and fired on it. He then shot a Lebanese-American man. According to a police report, Roque said in reference to the 9/11 tragedy, “I [cannot] take this anymore. They killed my brothers and sisters.” Former Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta said, reflecting ten years later on the hate crimes that followed the attack on the World Trade Center, “The tragedy of September 11th should be remembered in the sense of making sure that we [do not] let our emotions run away in terms of trying to show our commitment and conviction about patriotism [and] loyalty.” The events created a new chapter in American race relations, one in which racial tensions and fear were higher than ever for Arabs, Muslims, South Asians, Sikhs, and others who could be targeted in anti-Islamic hysteria because of their physical appearance or dress. In 2011, a CBS–New York Times poll found that 78% agreed that Muslims, Arab-Americans, and immigrants from the Middle East are singled out unfairly by people in this country. Shortly after the September 11 attacks, this number stood at 90%. The same poll also found that one in three Americans think Muslim-Americans are more sympathetic to terrorists than other Americans. To address these misconceptions in the years following 9/11, CRS has done a significant amount of outreach, dispute resolution, and training to mitigate unfounded backlash against Arabs, Muslims, and Sikhs. Under CRS Director Freeman, the agency produced Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings and two training videos: On Common Ground, which provides background on Sikhism and concerns about safety held by Sikhs in America; and The First Three to Five Seconds, which provides background on Muslims and information on their interactions with law enforcement. In 2009, President Obamas signed the Matthew Shepard-James Byrd Junior Hate Crimes Prevention Act. The Act explicitly gave CRS jurisdiction to respond to and prevent hate crimes. For the first time, CRS jurisdiction expanded beyond race. Specifically, CRS was now authorized to work on issues of religion, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability in addition to race, color, and national origin. When I became CRS Director in 2012, following the continued incidents of unfounded violence and prejudice against those perceived as sharing heritage with Middle Eastern terrorists, I directed the agency to update the trainings and launched an initiative for regional offices to conduct these Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings. In the years following 9/11, controversy has continued over racial profiling of Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. Owing to the nature of the attack, one particular area of ongoing concern is access to airplane flights. Director of Transportation Mineta recalled how the racial profiling he witnessed echoed his own experience as a Japanese-American citizen: [T]here were a lot of people saying, “[We are] not [going to] let Middle Easterners or Muslims on the planes.” And I thought about my own experience [during World War II] because people [could not] make the distinction between the people who were flying the airplanes that attacked Pearl Harbor and the people who were living in Washington, Oregon, and California, who looked like the people flying the airplanes. In response to this problem, CRS trained thousands of law enforcement and Transit Security Association employees on cultural professionalism in working with Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. The work of addressing the profiling and mistreatment of Arab-Americans, Muslims, and Sikhs also spiked after the 2013 bombing of the Boston Marathon. CRS conciliators again reached out to leaders throughout the country at mosques and gurdwaras to confront safety and security issues regarding houses of worship and concerns about backlash violence based on faith, nationality, and race. Since 9/11, CRS’s work on racial profiling continues to respond to increasing conflicts and tensions both within the United States and around the globe. In the wake of the 9/11 tragedy, CRS adjusted its priorities and reallocated resources in the wake of the September 11 tragedy to address the needs of targeted communities and further intercultural understanding. CRS did so by increasing the religious awareness training provided to law enforcement and other agencies, and it committed more resources to working with Muslim and Sikh faith and advocacy organizations and people. This work was not originally envisioned when the 1964 Civil Rights Act created CRS. How- ever, this new focus reflects how the model of the African-American civil rights movement has inspired other efforts to attain equality and justice for minority groups in the United States. Just as the tragedy in Selma helped lead to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, the Oak Creek tragedy helped lead the FBI to update its hate crime categories. Former FBI Director James Comey articulated this idea best in his speech to the Anti-Defamation League, stating “do a better job of tracking and reporting hate crime to fully understand what is happening in our communities and how to stop it.” The Community Relations Service has evolved over time since its 1964 origins, and a substantial component has been the work in response to post 9/11 unfounded racial and religious violence.
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Akinlade, Ekundayo Y., Jason R. Lambert, and Peng Zhang. "Mechanisms for hiring discrimination of immigrant applicants in the United States." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, no. 4 (April 18, 2020): 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-08-2019-0218.
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PurposeFew studies examine how hiring discrimination can be an antecedent to the labor exploitation of immigrant workers. The main purpose of this paper is to advance the theoretical understanding of how the intersectionality of race and immigrant status affects differential hiring treatment, and how it affects job offers, job acceptance and hiring decision outcomes for immigrant job seekers.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws from theories on status and intersectionality, and literature on immigration labor and racial hierarchy, addressing the unequal power relations that underlie race and immigration status affecting the hiring process, to advance critical understandings of why immigrant job seekers accept positions where they may be exploited.FindingsThis paper provides a conceptual model to critically synthesize the complexity between race and immigrant status, and their effect on the experience of immigrant job seekers differently. Exploitation opportunism is introduced to better understand the mechanisms of hiring discrimination among immigrant job seekers to include the role of race, immigrant status, economic motivations and unequal power relations on the hiring process.Practical implicationsThe framework for exploitation opportunism will help employers improve the quality and fairness of their hiring methods, and empower immigrant job seekers to not allow themselves to accept subpar job offers which can lead to exploitation.Originality/valueThe paper provides an original analysis of immigrant job seekers' experience of the hiring process that reveals the intragroup differences among immigrants based on race and status, and the decision-making mechanisms that hiring managers and immigrant job seekers use to evaluate job offers and job acceptance.
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Bruyère, Susanne M., Sarah von Schrader, Wendy Coduti, and Melissa Bjelland. "United States Employment Disability Discrimination Charges: Implications for Disability Management Practice." International Journal of Disability Management 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/jdmr.5.2.48.
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AbstractIt is 20 years since the passage of the Americans With Disabilities Act, yet employment and economic inequities continue for people with disabilities. The purpose of this article is to inform and encourage disability management leading practices to contribute toward reducing these disparities. The approach is an examination of where in the employment process applicants and incumbent employees perceive employment disability discrimination, leading to the filing of charges against an employer. Employment disability discrimination claims filed by individuals over 15 years (1993–2007) with the United States (US) Equal Employment Opportunity Commission or state and local Fair Employment Practice Agencies are studied. The authors analyse employment discrimination charges by year, basis (i.e., protected class characteristics, such as disability, age, or race), issue (i.e., actions of the employer, such as discharge, hiring, or harassment), employer characteristics (i.e, size of business and industry sector), and joint filings under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act (gender, race/ethnicity, and religious discrimination) and the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA). Special attention is paid to where in the employment process people with specific impairments are perceiving discrimination. Implications of these research findings for the practice and administration of disability management and employer policies are discussed.
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Bedell, Frederick D. "ESSAY ON HUMAN (RACE RELATIONS) IN THE UNITED STATES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2018): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v6.i2.2018.1569.
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This essay speaks to the context of domination and subordination in particular as it pertains to White Supremacy/White Privilege as manifested in the history of slavery and “Jim Crow” in the United States. It is within this historical context one can discern the present status of race relations in the United States that continues to foster race discrimination through the policies of the ethnic majority (white) power structure, e.g.-institutional racism, voter suppression laws, gerrymandering of voter districts and banking policies to name a few areas.
The research of books, papers, television interviews and personal experiences provides a testament to present government policies that endeavor to maintain a social construct of dominance and subordination by the white power structure in the United States.
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Assari, Shervin. "Social Epidemiology of Perceived Discrimination in the United States: Role of Race, Educational Attainment, and Income." International Journal of Epidemiologic Research 7, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/ijer.2020.24.
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Background and aims: This study aimed to compare non-Hispanic Black (NHB) and non-Hispanic White (NHW) American adults for the associations of educational attainment and household income with perceived racial discrimination. Methods: The 2010 National Alcohol Survey (NAS N12), a nationally representative study, included 2635 adults who were either NHB (n=273) or NHW (n=2362). We compared NHBs and NHWs for the associations between education, income, and perceived racial discrimination. We used linear regression for data analysis. Outcome was perceived racial discrimination; the predictors were educational attainment and household income; covariates were age and gender; and moderator was race. Results: In the total sample, high income was associated with lower levels of perceived racial discrimination, while educational attainment was not significantly associated with perceived racial discrimination. There was also an interaction between race and education but not household income, suggesting a difference in the association between educational attainment and perceived racial discrimination between NHB and NHW individuals. For NHW individuals, household income was inversely associated with perceived racial discrimination. For NHB individuals, however, household income was not related to perceived racial discrimination. For NHB but not NHW individuals, educational attainment was correlated with more not less perceived racial discrimination. Conclusion: High income protects NHW but not NHB individuals against perceived racial discrimination, and NHB individuals with high education levels report more not less perceived racial discrimination.
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Yi, Eun-Hye, Michin Hong, and Cherish Bolton. "RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN HEALTHCARE SETTINGS OF OLDER ADULTS: SUBJECTIVE REASONS AND CONTRIBUTORS." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.1835.
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Abstract Racism is prevalent in the United States; however, literature exploring racial discrimination experienced by older adults is still limited. The current study examined subjective reasons for discrimination and compared race/ethnic groups. Then, we examined the contributors to racial discrimination in healthcare settings. An older adult sample aged 55 or higher was drawn from California Health and Interview Survey 2017 for analysis (N=12,261). African Americans were the highest (13.06%) among five racial-ethnic groups who reported racial discrimination experienced in a lifetime in getting medical care, while Whites were the lowest (1.57%). Perceived reasons for discrimination were significantly different by racial/ethnic group. Only 3.5% of Whites perceived they were discriminated against due to their race, whereas racial/ethnic minorities perceived the main reason for discrimination was their race/skin color (African American: 55.43%, Others: 24.06%, Asian Americans: 20.26%, Hispanics: 18.22%). The weighted logistic regression analyses revealed that being a racial/ethnic minority, economic status, mental health status, citizenship, the length of living in the United States, and age were significantly associated with the experience of racial discrimination of older people. Analyses by race/ethnic groups found different contributors. For example, poverty was the most prominent factor in racial discrimination for Whites, while education was for African Americans. This study identified an apparent gap in lifetime discrimination toward racial/ethnic minority older people. Also, we found racial discrimination experience combined with systematic barriers. The findings of this study support the need for interventions for race/ethnicity-based trauma of older people and anti-racism framework education for healthcare professionals and researchers.
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Rambe, Sri Astuti, and Asnani Asnani. "RACE DISCRIMINATION IN TONY KUSHNER’S MOVIE SCRIPT LINCOLN." JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE 3, no. 2 (November 29, 2021): 208–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.30743/jol.v3i2.4551.
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This research is concerned with the race discrimination in Tony Kushner’s movie script Lincoln. A story of four months of struggle of Lincoln and the Republican party and its supporters to pass the 13th amendment which formally abolished slavery in the United States passing the Senate on April 8, 1864, and the House on January 31, 1865 and approved by President Abraham Lincoln on February 1, 1865. The analysis focuses on the types of race discrimination: the direct and the indirect of race discrimination and the negative impacts of race discrimination adopted from Liliweri. This research used descriptive qualitative research. The one adopted in the research is proposed by Khotari and Bogdan Taylor. The finding shows that the direct race discrimination is an act of limiting a job based on race. It comes from black soldiers. There is also a tendency to discriminate between groups and beliefs with human law itself. The negative impacts of race discrimination are slavery and civil war. Furthermore, race discrimination also causes heavy casualties between whites and blacks by taking over place the territories of the minority.
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Steiker, Carol S., and Jordan M. Steiker. "The Rise, Fall, and Afterlife of the Death Penalty in the United States." Annual Review of Criminology 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-criminol-011518-024721.
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This review addresses four key issues in the modern (post-1976) era of capital punishment in the United States. First, why has the United States retained the death penalty when all its peer countries (all other developed Western democracies) have abolished it? Second, how should we understand the role of race in shaping the distinctive path of capital punishment in the United States, given our country's history of race-based slavery and slavery's intractable legacy of discrimination? Third, what is the significance of the sudden and profound withering of the practice of capital punishment in the past two decades? And, finally, what would abolition of the death penalty in the United States (should it ever occur) mean for the larger criminal justice system?
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Marx, Anthony W. "Race-Making and the Nation-State." World Politics 48, no. 2 (January 1996): 180–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0003.
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Why was official racial domination enforced in South Africa and the United States, while nothing comparable to apartheid or Jim Crow was constructed in Brazil? Slavery and colonialism established the pattern of early discrimination in all three cases, and yet the postabolition racial orders diverged. Miscegenation influenced later outcomes, as did economic competition, but neither was decisive. Interpretations of these historical and economic factors were shaped by later developments. This article argues that postabolition racial orders were significantly shaped by the processes of nation-state building in each context. In South Africa and the United States ethnic or regional “intrawhite” conflict impeding nation-state consolidation was contained by racial domination. Whites were unified by excluding blacks, in an ongoing dynamic that took different forms. Continued competition and tensions between the American North and South or South Africa's English and Afrikaners were repeatedly resolved or diminished through further entrenchment of Jim Crow or apartheid. With no comparable conflict requiring reconciliation in Brazil, no official racial domination was constructed, although discrimination continued. The dynamics of nation-state building are then reviewed to explain variations in black mobilization and the end of apartheid and Jim Crow.
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Broyles, Philip, and Weston Fenner. "Race, human capital, and wage discrimination in STEM professions in the United States." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 30, no. 5/6 (June 22, 2010): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443331011054226.
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Johnson-Lawrence, V. D., and H. Hunte. "Race, Discrimination, and Sleep in the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) Study." International Journal of Epidemiology 44, suppl_1 (September 23, 2015): i274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyv096.529.
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Semu, Linda L. "The Intersectionality of Race and Trajectories of African Women into the Nursing Career in the United States." Behavioral Sciences 10, no. 4 (March 25, 2020): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/bs10040069.
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This paper uses narratives of Malawian-born registered nurses working in the United States to capture pathways through which African women are entering the nursing profession. The paper highlights how race, immigrant status and language acts as potential sources of discrimination within the nursing profession. The paper utilizes intersectionality as a feminist framework that places black women’s experiences at the center of analysis to capture the multidimensionality of their experiences. The qualitative study highlights the multiple pathways through which African immigrant women enter the nursing profession and how being African, immigrant female nurses predisposes them to discrimination in their interactions with employment institutions and patients. Focusing on African women’s experiences as recent immigrants enriches the global migration narrative and helps contextualize the intersectionality of race, gender and discrimination within particular contexts.
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Assari, Shervin. "Race, Education Attainment, and Happiness in the United States." International Journal of Epidemiologic Research 6, no. 2 (June 21, 2019): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15171/ijer.2019.14.
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Background and aims: As suggests by the Minorities’ Diminished Returns (MDR) theory, education attainment and other socioeconomic status (SES) indicators have a smaller impact on the health and well-being of non-White than White Americans. To test whether MDR also applies to happiness, in the present study, Blacks and Whites were compared in terms of the effect of education attainment on the level of happiness among American adults. Methods: General Social Survey (1972-2016) is a series of national surveys that are performed in the United States. The current analysis included 54785 adults (46724 Whites and 8061 Blacks). The years of schooling (i.e., education attainment) and happiness were the main independent variable and the main dependent variable of interest, respectively. In addition, other parameters such as gender, age, employment status, marital status, and the year of the survey were the covariates and race was the focal effect modifier. Finally, the logistic regression model was used to analyze the data. Results: Based on the results, high education attainment was associated with higher odds of happiness in the pooled sample. Further, a significant interaction was found between race and education attainment on the odds of happiness, showing a larger gain for Whites compared to Blacks. Racespecific models also confirmed this finding (i.e., a larger magnitude of the effect of education for Whites compared to Blacks). Conclusion: Overall, the MDR theory also applies to the effect of education attainment on happiness. Blacks’ disadvantage in comparison to the Whites in gaining happiness from their education may be due to the structural, institutional, and interpersonal racism and discrimination in the US. Therefore, there is a need for economic and public policies that can minimize the Blacks’ diminished returns of education attainment and other SES resources.
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Grainger, Corbett, and Andrew Schreiber. "Discrimination in Ambient Air Pollution Monitoring?" AEA Papers and Proceedings 109 (May 1, 2019): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20191063.
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In the United States, ambient air quality is regulated through National Ambient Air Quality standards (NAAQS). Enforcement of these standards is delegated to state and sub-state regulators who are also tasked with designing their own monitoring networks for ambient pollution. Past work has found evidence consistent with strategic behavior: local regulators strategically avoid pollution hotspots when siting monitors. This paper assesses whether income and race have historically played a role in monitor siting decisions.
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Liu, Sze Yan, Roman Pabayo, and Peter Muennig. "Perceived Discrimination and Increased Odds of Unmet Medical Needs Among US Children." International Journal of Health Services 51, no. 3 (March 12, 2021): 364–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731421997087.
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Our study examines the association between perceived discrimination due to race and unmet medical needs among a nationally representative sample of children in the United States. We used data from the 2016-2017 National Survey of Children's Health, a population-based cross-sectional survey of randomly selected parents or guardians in the United States. We compared results from the coarsened exact matching (CEM) method and survey-weighted logistic regression to assess the robustness of the results. Using self-reported measures from caregivers, we find that ∼2.7% of US children have experienced racial discrimination with prevalence varying significantly by race. While <1% of non-Hispanic whites have experienced some measure of racism, this increases to 8.8% among non-Hispanic blacks. Perceived discrimination was associated with significantly greater odds of unmet medical needs in the adjusted, survey-weighted multivariate-adjusted model (adjusted odds ratio [OR] = 2.4 and 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.2, 4.9) as well as in the CEM-model estimate (OR = 2.8 and 95% CI = 1.8, 4.0). Children who have experienced perceived discrimination had higher odds of unmet medical needs. Awareness of discrimination among children may help inform future intervention development that addresses unmet medical needs during childhood.
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Jeremiah, Rohan, Adrian Raygoza, Xavier Hernandez, and Charles Brandon. "How American Attitudes about Race, Ethnicity, and Gender affect the Health and Wellbeing of Black-African Refugee Men in the United States." International Journal of Mens Social and Community Health 4, no. 1 (August 17, 2021): e83-e91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22374/ijmsch.v4i1.39.
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More than half of all refugees currently resettled in the United States are racial-ethnic-minority men. Yetrefugee health scholarship has not fully explored racial ethnic minority refugee men's encounters with resettlement environment norms about race, ethnicity and gender. This paper describes an intersectional-informed qualitative study of the daily stressors experienced by Black-African refugee men in the United States to explain how such experiences impact their health and wellbeing. These men’s life narratives illumi-nate how stigma and discrimination associated with race, ethnicity, gender affect their health and wellbeing during resettlement. These findings offer evidence that the realities of ethnic minority refugee men in the United States, while unique, can contribute to broader discourses about minority men’s health inequities.
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Inman, Arpana G., Pratyusha Tummala-Narra, Anju Kaduvettoor-Davidson, Alvin N. Alvarez, and Christine J. Yeh. "Perceptions of Race-Based Discrimination Among First-Generation Asian Indians in the United States." Counseling Psychologist 43, no. 2 (January 21, 2015): 217–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011000014566992.
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Morning, Ann, and Daniel Sabbagh. "From sword to plowshare: using race for discrimination and antidiscrimination in the United States." International Social Science Journal 57, no. 183 (March 2005): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-8701.2005.00531.x.
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Hernández, Tanya Katerí. "Racial Discrimination." Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law 3, no. 1 (January 15, 2019): 1–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522031-12340005.
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Abstract This fifth volume in the Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law surveys the field of comparative race discrimination law for the purpose of providing an introduction to the nature of comparing systems of discrimination and the transnational search for effective equality laws and policies. This volume includes the perspectives of racialized subjects (subalterns) in the examination of the reach of the laws on the ground. It engages a variety of legal and social science resources in order to compare systems across a number of contexts (such as the United States, Canada, France, South Africa, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Israel, India, and others). The goal is to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of various kinds of anti-discrimination legal devices to aid in the study of law reform efforts across the globe centered on racial equality.
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Lovelace, H. Timothy. "Making the World in Atlanta's Image: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Morris Abram, and the Legislative History of the United Nations Race Convention." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (May 2014): 385–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000667.
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Atlanta's human rights community was buzzing, because the United Nations (U.N.) was coming to town. On Sunday, January 19, 1964, the front page of theAtlanta Daily World, the city's oldest black newspaper and the South's only black daily, announced, “United Nations Rights Panel to Visit Atlanta.” The U.N. Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities (Sub-Commission), theDaily Worldexplained, was a fourteen nation “body that surveys the worldwide problems of discrimination.” The Sub-Commission had been invited to Atlanta by Morris Abram, a former Atlanta attorney and the lone United States member of the Sub-Commission, to study first-hand the city's well-publicized, efforts to improve in race relations. Sunday morning'sDaily Worldalso noted that the U.N. delegation “composed of experts, mostly lawyers and jurists” was in the midst of drafting a global treaty designed to end racial discrimination, and the local paper highlighted Abram's role as the primary drafter of the race accord. “Mr. Abram, as the U.S. expert on the subcommission has proposed a sweeping eight-point treaty,” the article reported. According to theDaily World, the pending race treaty—the treaty that would ultimately become the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD or Convention)—would address “segregation, hate groups and discrimination in public accommodations.”
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Connolly, Michael. "Discrimination Law and the Quota Fear in Britain and the United States." International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 6, no. 4 (June 2005): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135822910500600404.
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On 19th July 2003, following the (EU) Race Directive, 1 a new definition of indirect racial discrimination carne into force in the United Kingdom. 2 Its principal effect was to annul the Court of Appeal's restrictive interpretation of the previous definition. 3 However, the new definition may have potential to cover a class of case beyond any contemplated by the draftsman, where there is a racially imbalanced workforce, but with no identifiable cause; or the ‘result-only’ case. If this were so, the fear is that employers would be forced to adopt quotas, rather than face litigation. This issue arose some time ago in the United States, where, provoked by this quota fear, a majority of the Supreme Court rejected such a broad interpretation of the Civil Rights Act 1964. 4 This paper will discuss whether the quota fear in result-only cases has substance, and whether these cases should indeed be recognised and challengeable under US and UK legislation. 5
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Thüsing, Gregor. "Following the U.S. Example: European Employment Discrimination Law and the Impact of Council Directives 2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 19, Issue 2 (June 1, 2003): 187–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2003011.
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Abstract: European employment discrimination law has made a major step forward recently: Council Directives 2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC aim to prohibit the employer from discriminating because of race or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age and sexual orientation. Similar anti-discrimination provisions were enacted many years ago in the United States. In the light of the experience of the U.S. courts with these statutes, this article intends to explore possible consequences of the new Directive for the Member States’ employment law.
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Yip, Tiffany. "Ethnic/Racial Identity—A Double-Edged Sword? Associations With Discrimination and Psychological Outcomes." Current Directions in Psychological Science 27, no. 3 (May 1, 2018): 170–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721417739348.
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Given the prominence of ethnicity/race in the United States, many youths construct an ethnic/racial identity (ERI). However, ERI development occurs against a backdrop of prejudice, oppression, and discrimination. This synthetic review explores (a) how identity and discrimination are related and (b) their association with psychological health. There is a reciprocal developmental association between ERI and discrimination, in which each informs the other. Although discrimination is detrimental for mental health, its impact depends on identity. In some cases, ERI confers protection from discrimination, and in others, it poses additional vulnerabilities. A strong sense of commitment to one’s identity confers protection against the negative effects of discrimination, while high levels of identity exploration are associated with increased vulnerability. However, the importance of ethnicity/race to one’s identity both protects from and increases vulnerabilities to discrimination. Suggestions for future research to help to disambiguate these associations are offered.
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Gong, Fang, Jun Xu, and David T. Takeuchi. "Racial and Ethnic Differences in Perceptions of Everyday Discrimination." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 3, no. 4 (December 27, 2016): 506–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649216681587.
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This study examines differences in perceptions of discrimination across multiple racial and ethnic minority groups. We focus on structural factors such as race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status (SES) and psychosocial factors such as racial/ethnic identities as predictors of perceived everyday discrimination. Data come from the Collaborative Psychiatric Epidemiology Surveys (CPES), and analyses reveal several important patterns. First, perceived everyday discrimination is highly prevalent among racial/ethnic minorities in the United States and these perceptions largely reflect existing racial/ethnic hierarchies: African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans report the highest level of discrimination, whereas most Asian and Latino groups report less. Second, education, income, and immigration-related factors such as duration of residence and English language proficiency are positively associated with perceived discrimination. Third, the effects of racial/ethnic identity on perceived discrimination vary across ethnic groups, showing stronger associations among Afro-Caribbeans than among other racial and ethnic minorities. Findings from this study help to advance our theoretical understanding and empirical knowledge of racial/ethnic stratification and perceived discrimination in the United States.
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van Meter, Karl M. "Quotas, Diversity, and Inequalities : Affirmative Action in the United States and Elsewhere." Tocqueville Review 25, no. 1 (January 2004): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.25.1.99.
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On 15 January 2003, a little more than two months before deciding to invade Iraq, the President of the United States, George W. Bush, made another highly-contested decision concerning affirmative action and what constitutes a “quota”, both of which conservative Republican administrations, such as Bush's, vigorously oppose. This opposition is based on the premise that in the United States opportunity exists for all, and those who work hard automatically succeed. The possibility of systematic discrimination — be it based on race, culture, gender or wealth — is quite simply rejected.
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Dávila, Jerry. "Challenging Racism in Brazil. Legal Suits in the Context of the 1951 Anti-Discrimination Law." Varia Historia 33, no. 61 (April 2017): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-87752017000100008.
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Abstract This article examines efforts to define the nature of racial discrimination in Brazil, within an environment shaped by perceptions of the meaning of racism in the United States and perceptions about the nature of race relations in the lusophone world. The article asks how did black Brazilians work to define discrimination, and what opportunities did they find to mount challenges? This study elucidates reactions to discrimination, looking for these acts where they occurred rather than where the U.S. experience tells us to find them, exploring efforts to define discrimination and to create means to challenge it. Though these efforts often dialogued with ever-present perceptions about race in the U.S., they were adapted to particular legal, political, social and cultural circumstances in the Brazil of their time. In particular, I examine challenges to discrimination through criminal suits brought under Brazil's 1951 anti-discrimination law.
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Nunnally, Shayla C. "LINKING BLACKNESS OR ETHNIC OTHERING?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 2 (2010): 335–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000305.
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AbstractDawson (1994) submits Black linked fate is a major predictor of Black political behavior. This theory conjectures that the experiences of African Americans with race and racial discrimination in the United States unify their personal interests under a rubric of interests that are best for the Black racial group. With increasing Black ethnic diversity in the United States, however, it becomes important to ascertain how African Americans perceive linkages across Black ethnic groups. This study examines African Americans' linkages with West Indian and African peoples in the United States, referred to here as diasporic linked fate. The study tests the influence of parent-child, intra-racial socialization messages on these linkages. Results suggest that, while a majority of African Americans acknowledge Black linked fate, they distinguish these linkages based on ethnicity and have more tenuous linkages with West Indians and Africans in the United States. While intra-racial socialization messages offer some import in explaining perceived differences in Black ethnic groups' living experiences, more frequent experiences with racial discrimination, and membership in a Black organization offer more import in explaining diasporic linked fate.
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Armstrong-Mensah, Elizabeth, Harshita Patel, Priyanka Parekh, and Crystal Lee. "Mental Health Inequities and Disparities among African American Adults in the United States: The Role of Race." Research in Health Science 5, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): p23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rhs.v5n3p23.
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Although the rate of mental illness among African Americans and Whites in the United Sates are similar, African Americans tend to have the worst mental health outcomes in the country. This is due to several inequities, particularly those associated with race such as discrimination, provider bias, stereotyping, weak socio-economic status, limited access to health insurance, poor quality mental health care, treatment gaps, culture, and stigma related to mental health care. Recognizing that the differences in mental health outcomes among minority populations in the United States is also driven by race and not just by brain chemistry, or environmental exposures, and developing strategies that target the issue of race, will not only lead to increased access to mental health services among African Americans, but will generally improve upon their mental health status. This article discusses mental health disparities among African Americans, the inequities that cause them, and strategies for addressing the disparities with a focus on race.
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Goldberg, David Theo, Ramón Grosfoguel, and Eric Mielants. "Field of Dreams." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, no. 3-4 (August 2006): 259–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715206065783.
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This article examines the complicity of academic paradigms and public policies with racist discourses and racial discrimination in the United States. From the most overt racial segregation policies and biological racist discourses to the most recent and covert forms of ‘color-blind racism’, the article discusses the shifting forms of racial discrimination and academic paradigms in the US. The first part discusses mainstream academic schools of thought relating to race and ethnicity in the US. The second part provides a brief history of public policies related to race. Given the myth of the US as a land of equal opportunities for migrants from all over the world, race and ethnic based paradigms are frequently conflated with migration theories. Both are examined in the article.
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Krenn, Michael L. "The Age of Discrimination: Race and American Foreign Policy after World War I." Genealogy 6, no. 1 (February 14, 2022): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6010016.
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The decade after World War I has traditionally been defined as an “age of isolation.” The American public’s disillusionment with World War I, highlighted by the dismal failure of President Woodrow Wilson’s efforts to join the League of Nations, led to “A Return to Isolationism,” according to a brief summary of American diplomacy produced by the Department of State. Despite the fact that historian William Appleman Williams attempted to destroy the “legend of isolationism in the 1920s” and other scholars have followed his lead with a string of publications recounting the very active U.S. engagement with the rest of the world following the war, many textbooks continue to describe the 1920s as an age wherein the United States withdrew into a shell of isolation. My article suggests that one way of reconciling these apparently contradictory interpretations of American foreign policy in the decade after World War I is to examine one particular factor that has been largely overlooked: Whether “isolationist” or not, the United States during those years utilized race as a way to simultaneously build walls in and around the American nation as well as construct the ideological foundations for U.S. postwar expansion and engagement.
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Strassle, Paula D., Anita L. Stewart, Stephanie M. Quintero, Jackie Bonilla, Alia Alhomsi, Verónica Santana-Ufret, Ana I. Maldonado, Allana T. Forde, and Anna María Nápoles. "COVID-19–Related Discrimination Among Racial/Ethnic Minorities and Other Marginalized Communities in the United States." American Journal of Public Health 112, no. 3 (March 2022): 453–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2021.306594.
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Objectives. To determine the prevalence of COVID-19–related discrimination among major US racial/ethnic groups and estimate associations between discrimination, race/ethnicity, and other sociodemographic characteristics. Methods. We conducted a nationally representative online survey of 5500 American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian, Black/African American, Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, Latino (English and Spanish speaking), White, and multiracial adults from December 2020 to February 2021. Associations between sociodemographic characteristics and COVID-19–related discrimination were estimated via multinomial logistic regression. Results. A total of 22.1% of the participants reported experiencing discriminatory behaviors, and 42.7% reported that people acted afraid of them. All racial/ethnic minorities were more likely than White adults to experience COVID-19–related discrimination, with Asian and American Indian/Alaska Native adults being most likely to experience such discrimination (discriminatory behaviors: adjusted odd ratio [AOR] = 2.59; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.73, 3.89; and AOR = 2.67; 95% CI = 1.76, 4.04; people acting afraid: AOR = 1.54; 95% CI = 1.15, 2.07; and AOR = 1.84; 95% CI = 1.34, 2.51). Limited English proficiency, lower education, lower income, and residing in a big city or the East South Central census division also increased the prevalence of discrimination. Conclusions. COVID-19–related discrimination is common, and it appears that the pandemic has exacerbated preexisting resentment against racial/ethnic minorities and marginalized communities. Efforts are needed to minimize and discredit racially driven language and discrimination around COVID-19 and future epidemics. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(3):453–466. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306594 )
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Campomanes, Oscar V. "Images of Filipino Racialization in the Anthropological Laboratories of the American Empire: The Case of Daniel Folkmar." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1692–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1692.
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In his now classic essay of race discourse analysis, “race under representation,” David Lloyd observes that “the discourse of race … undergoes a crucial shift in the late eighteenth century from a system of arbitrary marks to the ascription of natural signs” (69). The consequent fetishistic obsession with phenotype and somatology holds hegemonic sway over discourses of racial difference from that moment up to the early 1900s and the 1920s, when anthropological relativism and the cultural pluralism of Horace Kallen and Robert Park (of the Chicago school) eclipse nineteenth-century biological racism, at least in the United States.
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Kidd, Kacie, Amber L. Hill, Gina M. Sequeira, Scott Rothenberger, Kristin N. Ray, Elizabeth Miller, and Gerald T. Montano. "4384 Factors Impacting Access to Gender Affirming Care for Gender Diverse Youth in the United States." Journal of Clinical and Translational Science 4, s1 (June 2020): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cts.2020.268.
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OBJECTIVES/GOALS: Access to pediatric subspecialty care varies by sociodemographic factors. Providers for gender diverse youth (GDY) are rare, and GDY face health disparities, stigma, and discrimination. We examined the association between GDY access to medical and mental health care and rurality, race, parental education, and other GDY-specific factors. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: We surveyed parents of GDY (<18 years old) across the United States. Participants were recruited through online communities and listserves specific to parents of GDY. We determined associations between access to gender-specific medical or mental health providers and rurality, race, parental education, as well as other GDY-specific factors including age, time since telling their parent their gender identity, parent-adolescent communication, parent stress, and gender identity using chi-square or Fisher’s exact tests. We calculated adjusted odds ratios using logistic regression models. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: We surveyed 166 parents and caregivers from 31 states. The majority (73.2%) identified as white, 66.5% had earned a bachelor’s degree or higher, and 7.6% lived in a zip code designated rural by the Federal Office of Rural Health Policy. We found no evidence of association between reported GDY access to medical or mental health care and race, parental education, or rurality. We did find a significant univariate association between access to mental health care and feminine (either female or transfeminine/transfemale) gender identity (p = 0.033, OR 2.60, 95% CI 1.06 – 6.36). After controlling for parent-adolescent communication in a backwards elimination logistic regression model, it was no longer significant (p = 0.137, OR 2.05, 95% CI 0.80 – 5.25). DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: Despite rurality, race, and parental education impacting access to pediatric subspecialty care, we failed to find these associations among GDY accessing gender care. There is a need to better understand structural and societal barriers to care for this population including the impact of stigma and discrimination.
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Cook-Martín, David, and David FitzGerald. "Liberalism and the Limits of Inclusion: Race and Immigration Law in the Americas, 1850–2000." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, no. 1 (June 2010): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2010.41.1.7.
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Most scholars argue that the global triumph of liberal norms within the last 150 years ended discriminatory immigration policy. Yet, the United States was a leader in the spread of policy restrictions aimed at Asian migrants during the early twentieth century, and authoritarian Latin American regimes removed racial discrimination from their immigration laws a generation before the United States and Canada did. By the same token, critical theorists claim that racism has not diminished, but most states have removed their discriminatory laws, thus allowing significant ethnic transformation within their borders. An analysis of the immigration policies of the twenty-two major countries of the Americas since 1850 reveals that liberal states have been discriminatory precisely because of their liberalism and elucidates the diffusion of international legal norms of racial exclusion and inclusion.
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Relia, Kunal, Zhengyi Li, Stephanie H. Cook, and Rumi Chunara. "Race, Ethnicity and National Origin-Based Discrimination in Social Media and Hate Crimes across 100 U.S. Cities." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 13 (July 6, 2019): 417–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v13i01.3354.
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We study malicious online content via a specific type of hate speech: race, ethnicity and national-origin based discrimination in social media, alongside hate crimes motivated by those characteristics, in 100 cities across the United States. We develop a spatially-diverse training dataset and classification pipeline to delineate targeted and self-narration of discrimination on social media, accounting for language across geographies. Controlling for census parameters, we find that the proportion of discrimination that is targeted is associated with the number of hate crimes. Finally, we explore the linguistic features of discrimination Tweets in relation to hate crimes by city, features used by users who Tweet different amounts of discrimination, and features of discrimination compared to non-discrimination Tweets. Findings from this spatial study can inform future studies of how discrimination in physical and virtual worlds vary by place, or how physical and virtual world discrimination may synergize.
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Carlson, Laura. "Comparative Discrimination Law: Historical and Theoretical Frameworks." Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law 1, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 1–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522031-12340001.
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AbstractHuman history is marked by group and individual struggles for emancipation, equality and self-expression. This first volume in the Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law briefly explores some of the history underlying these efforts in the field of discrimination law. A broad discussion of the historical development of issues of discrimination is first set out, looking at certain international, regional and national bases for modern discrimination legal structures. The national frameworks examined are the United States, the United Kingdom and Sweden, focusing on the historical developments in each of the countries with respect to discrimination legislation. Several of the theoretical frameworks invoked in a comparative discrimination law analysis are then addressed, either as institutional frameworks or theories addressing specific protection grounds. These include access to justice, comparative law method, feminist legal theory, critical race theory, post-colonial theory, queer theory and intersectionality.
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Liebler, Carolyn A., Jacob Wise, and Richard M. Todd. "Occupational Dissimilarity between the American Indian/Alaska Native and the White Workforce in the Contemporary United States." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 42, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.42.1.liebler.
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Who has which job? When this answer differs by race group or sex, inefficiencies such as labor market discrimination or suboptimal investment in education may be impeding productivity and sustaining inequities. We use US Census data to analyze the occupational structure of American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) workers relative to non-Hispanic white workers. Relative to white workers, AI/AN workers are generally overrepresented in low-skilled occupations and underrepresented in high-skilled occupations, especially men and single-race AI/AN workers. AI/AN occupational dissimilarity does not appear to have declined substantially since 1980. Sex-specific multivariate analyses do not remove the significant inequalities in observed occupational outcomes.
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Chan, Keith. "The Association of Acculturation with Overt and Covert Perceived Discrimination for Older Asian Americans." Social Work Research 44, no. 1 (March 2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/swr/svz023.
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Abstract Asian older adults are a fast-growing population in the United States. Because Asian older adults are a largely immigrant population, acculturation has an impact on their perceived discrimination, which is negatively associated with health and mental health. Discrimination can be overt, characterized by distrust and direct messages that are hostile and exclusionary, or covert, characterized by unfair treatment and messages that are negative and degrading. This study investigates the association of acculturation with perceived overt and covert discrimination, measured by the Everyday Discrimination Scale, with a sample of 348 foreign-born older Asian Americans from the National Latino and Asian American Study. Acculturation was measured by English-speaking ability, immigration-related variables, and ethnic identity. Results indicated that perceived covert discrimination was more prevalent than overt discrimination among older Asians. Among acculturation variables, only citizenship was associated with higher perceived covert and overt discrimination. Identifying with the same race was associated with higher covert discrimination. Findings suggest that higher acculturation is associated with greater exposure to discrimination for Asian older adults. Efforts to increase access and utilization of social and health-related services should consider the context of older Asians’ experiences as a discriminated immigrant group in the United States.
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V. Sritharan, Durga. "Thoughts of The Little Brown Girl." JCSCORE 8, no. 2 (October 25, 2022): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2642-2387.2022.8.2.165-167.
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In this poem, the author highlights the internal struggles of racial and ethnic discrimination, including the feeling of guilt and the art of code-switching. The author is a Sri Lankan-American woman, who has witnessed and experienced discrimination and wonders if her feelings of confusion are valid, as her parents, who immigrated to the United States, changed her life trajectory before she was born. She writes this poem to emphasize that pursuing the American Dream can still lead to continuous race- and ethnicity-focused challenges and accounts of proving one’s worth. Her reflection inspired this poem upon growing up in a predominantly white area and her growing passion for research and education surrounding race and ethnicity.
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Pitts, Britney. "“Uneasy Lies the Head that Wears a Crown”: A Critical Race Analysis of the CROWN Act." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 7 (June 2, 2021): 716–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211021096.
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Black hair in the United States remains misunderstood and othered against Eurocentric standards of beauty and professionalism as evidenced by the ongoing policing of Black hair in schools and workplaces. The CROWN Act of 2019 was passed in several states to protect Black adults and children from hair-biased discrimination, and was introduced to the United States Congress in December 2019. In September 2020, the CROWN Act passed in the US House of Representatives, however, it has not been passed in the Senate, yet. In this paper, I provide a critical race analysis of hair policies and challenges collected from news articles, the CROWN Research Study, and testimonies in support of the CROWN Act to demonstrate the importance of this bill’s passing at the federal level.
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Camacho, David, Kelly Pacheco, Charles Henderson, M. Cary Reid, and Elaine Wethington. "Loneliness and Changes in Cognitive Functioning Among Racially Diverse Older Adults in the United States." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2021): 586–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.2251.
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Abstract Longitudinal studies examining the association of loneliness with cognitive decline rarely include older members of racial minorities. Guided by a Minority Stress Framework, we used Waves 2 and 3 from the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project to assess whether loneliness (UCLA-3-items) at W2 predicts cognitive decline (Chicago Cognitive Functioning Measure) among US African-American, Latino, and white older adults (ages≥60). We included interactions of W2 loneliness with race in examining changes in cognitive functioning. Estimates were (N=1,950) adjusted for demographics, chronic disease, depression, and social connectedness. In all groups, loneliness was positively associated with greater global cognitive decline over the 5-year interval. However, analyses of different domains of cognitive functioning (e.g., executive functioning, memory) suggested that this association differs by cognitive domain and race. Future research on interventions to prevent cognitive decline should consider targeting loneliness, include diverse older adults, and examine global and specific domains of cognitive functioning.
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Dennard, Elizabeth, Elizabeth Kristjansson, Nedelina Tchangalova, Sarah Totton, Donna Winham, and Annette O’Connor. "Food insecurity among African Americans in the United States: A scoping review." PLOS ONE 17, no. 9 (September 12, 2022): e0274434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274434.
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In 2019, the estimated prevalence of food insecurity for Black non-Hispanic households was higher than the national average due to health disparities exacerbated by forms of racial discrimination. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Black households have experienced higher rates of food insecurity when compared to other populations in the United States. The primary objectives of this review were to identify which risk factors have been investigated for an association with food insecurity, describe how food insecurity is measured across studies that have evaluated this outcome among African Americans, and determine which dimensions of food security (food accessibility, availability, and utilization) are captured by risk factors studied by authors. Food insecurity related studies were identified through a search of Google Scholar, PubMed, CINAHL Plus, MEDLINE®, PsycINFO, Health Source: Nursing/Academic Edition, and Web of Science™ (Clarivate), on May 20, 2021. Eligible studies were primary research studies, with a concurrent comparison group, published in English between 1995 and 2021. Ninety-eight relevant studies were included for data charting with 37 unique measurement tools, 115 risk factors, and 93 possible consequences of food insecurity identified. Few studies examined factors linked to racial discrimination, behaviour, or risk factors that mapped to the food availability dimension of food security. Infrequently studied factors, such as lifetime racial discrimination, socioeconomic status (SES), and income insecurity need further investigation while frequently studied factors such as age, education, race/ethnicity, and gender need to be summarized using a systematic review approach so that risk factor impact can be better assessed. Risk factors linked to racial discrimination and food insecurity need to be better understood in order to minimize health disparities among African American adults during the COVID-19 pandemic and beyond.
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YU, JOON-HO, SARA GOERING, and STEPHANIE M. FULLERTON. "Race-Based Medicine and Justice as Recognition: Exploring the Phenomenon of BiDil." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 18, no. 1 (January 2009): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180108090099.
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In the United States, health disparities have been framed by categories of race. Racial health disparities have been documented for cardiovascular disease, cancer, diabetes, HIV/AIDS, and numerous other diseases and measures of health status. Although such disparities can be read as symptoms of disparities in healthcare access, pervasive social and economic inequities, and discrimination, some have suggested that the disparities might be due, at least in part, to biological differences based on race. Or, to be more precise, if race itself has no determined biological meaning, race may nonetheless be a proxy that collects a group of individuals who share certain physiological or genotypic features that affect health.
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Womack, Malia Lee. "Militarizing Hate, Perpetuating Violence and Rape, and Allowing Human Rights Abuses to Go Unpunished." Politeja 18, no. 2(71) (August 5, 2021): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.71.11.
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The United States does not comply with the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), which is the United Nations’ core binding anti-racism human rights convention. One hundred and seventy seven states, including the US, have ratified the anti-racism multilateral agreement. The nation entered into the pact in 1994 yet still has not implemented its obligations to the statute. This study focuses on the protections ICERD provides Latino immigrants who are not United States citizens as this group is often ignored in advocacy for implementation strategies. Areas where the United States does not comply with ICERD include discriminatory immigration policies and practices, violent and discriminatory policing, gendered violence, and inequalities in the criminal justice system. It is critical to examine ICERD’s protections for Latino non-citizens because it reveals how the group experiences racism differently than other people because they endure intersectional forms of systematic and institutional discrimination due to their race, ethnicity, citizenship status, gender, and other identity traits. Methodologies used in this study include analysis of ICERD’s monitoring body’s General Recommendations, and the monitoring body’s reports about the United States’ lack of compliance with the statute. These are the most powerful regulatory forces of the treaty due to the monitoring body’s positionality as experts about the pact appointed through the United Nations system.
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Goering, John. "Anti‐Discrimination law on the grounds of race in the United States: Enforcement and research concerns." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 20, no. 3 (April 1994): 393–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1994.9976437.
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Ivanic, Aarti S., Jennifer R. Overbeck, and Joseph C. Nunes. "Status, Race, and Money." Psychological Science 22, no. 12 (November 4, 2011): 1557–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797611419519.
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A deeply entrenched status hierarchy in the United States classifies African Americans as lower status than Caucasians. Concurrently, African Americans face marketplace discrimination; they are treated as inferior and poor. Because having money and spending money signify status, we explored whether African Americans might elevate their willingness to pay for products in order to fulfill status needs. In Studies 1 and 2, explicit activation of the race concept led some African Americans to pay more than they would otherwise pay and also more than Caucasians. Individual differences in perceived status disadvantage and racial identification moderated this result. In Study 3, when race was salient, an overt status threat (inferior treatment in a purchasing context) similarly led African Americans, but not Caucasians, to pay more than they would otherwise pay. This research illustrates how African Americans whose status is threatened use spending as a way to assert status.
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Fraser, James, and Edward Kick. "The Interpretive Repertoires of Whites on Race-Targeted Policies: Claims Making of Reverse Discrimination." Sociological Perspectives 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389780.
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Drawing on the accounts of white men and women, we examine the role that discourse plays in the formation and reinforcement of ideals that perpetuate social disadvantaging. In addition, using discourse analysis we examine the redefinition of race-targeting policies from being a social remedy into being a current social problem. We collected interview and questionnaire data from a sample of 310 students and faculty at a predominantly white university, regarding their attitude toward race- and income-targeted social policies in the United States. We find that the majority of respondents who oppose race-targeting policies (1) frame racial discrimination as a problem of the past; (2) define race-targeting as a subversion of meritocracy; and therefore, (3) devalue programs that seek to provide differential opportunity to those groups that have been structurally disadvantaged in American society. We conclude that the “American stratification ethos” can be employed for disadvantaging purposes.
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Salem, James M. "Busting Out: African-American Culture from the 1954 Republican Lincoln Day Box Supper to the 1955 Emmett Till Lynching as Documented by the Chicago Defender." Prospects 29 (October 2005): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000185x.
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Black newspapers began to compete with the church as an institution influential in shaping black public opinion as early as 1878 in Chicago and, by World War II, according to the authors of Black Metropolis, they represented “one of the most powerful forces among Negroes in America.” The most prominent and influential of these weekly newspapers was the Chicago Defender, founded in 1905 by Robert S. Abbott, the “son of slaves,” who was encouraged to believe by his minister-stepfather that “a newspaper was one of the strongest weapons a Negro could have in the defense of his race.” Abbott, his biographer contends, “was one of the first Negroes in the United States to become a millionaire — and, in the process, he revolutionized the Negro press, today [1955] the greatest single force in the Negro world.” Though Abbott would have been proud of the compliment, he would not have printed it in his paper because during his lifetime the Defender was not permitted to use the terms Negro or black. Abbott preferred Race, Race men, and Race women.
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Addai-Mununkum, Theresah, and Rexford Boateng Gyasi. "Our skin is trouble: Racial discourse in Athol Fugard’s Sizwe Bansi is Dead, Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness and Wole Soyinka’s ‘Telephone Conversation’." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 9, no. 2 (July 25, 2021): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.9n.2p.24.
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The recent incident in Minneapolis, United States, where George Floyd, an African-American man, was manhandled by a police officer has brought about the resurgence of racial awareness as championed by the Black Lives Matter Movement. The concept of race has shaped the lives of so many generations and continues to do so in the 21st century. Racial segregation as well as the public hysteria on racism has had so much influence on societies and has led to discrimination and racial slurs across races. Using Critical Race Theory, this study examines racial discourse in Athol Fugard’s Sizwe Bansi is Dead, Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness and Wole Soyinka’s ‘Telephone Conversation’. The analysis of the discourse reveals racial tendencies in the description of the black race through white-black (Self/Other) binary (racial segregation), race-based discrimination and animal metaphors. The paper contributes to scholarship on racial discourses and foregrounds the function of language in depicting the racial orientation of characters in literary texts.