Academic literature on the topic 'Race discrimination – United States – Chicago'
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Journal articles on the topic "Race discrimination – United States – Chicago"
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GREENBERG, AMY S. "IRISH IN THE CITY: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN AMERICAN URBAN HISTORY." Historical Journal 42, no. 2 (June 1999): 571–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008572.
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Parish boundaries: the Catholic encounter with race in the twentieth-century urban north. By John T. McGreevy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Pp. vi+362. ISBN 0-226-55873-8. $27.50.What parish are you from? A Chicago Irish community and race relations. By Eileen M. McMahon. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1995. Pp. xii+226. ISBN 0-8131-1877-8. $32.95.The Boston Irish: a political history. By Thomas H. O'Connor. London: Northeastern University Press, 1995. Pp. xixx+363. ISBN 1-55553-220-9. £23.50.The New York Irish. Edited by Ronald H. Bayor and Timothy J. Meagher. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Pp. xxii+743. ISBN 0-8018-5199-8. $45.00.The public city: the political construction of urban life in San Francisco, 1850–1900. By Philip J. Ethington. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xvi+464. ISBN 0-8018-5199-8. £40.00.Civic wars: democracy and public life in the American city during the nineteenth century. By Mary P. Ryan. London: University of California Press, 1997. Pp. xii+376. ISBN 0-520-20441-7. £16.15.Few events have had a greater impact on urban America than the Irish Catholic exodus, which eventually brought one third of the Irish to the United States. Irish Catholics were the first ethnic group to immigrate in large numbers to America's cities and to experience overt discrimination. Overcoming that discrimination, they emerged as the consummate political force in urban America. In the late nineteenth century, Irish politicians and their political machines controlled a majority of America's large cities, long before the election of John F. Kennedy as president brought the Irish political presence to the national stage. At once integrated into American culture and proud of their ethnic culture and identity, the Irish in America continue to have a clear cultural presence in both positive and negative ways, in many American cities. The Irish hold the best parades, but sometimes refuse to allow Irish homosexuals the right to parade in them. The Irish are proud of their neighbourhoods, sometimes to the point of physical violence.For the first time in over two centuries, however, Irish immigration patterns have reversed. Over the last two years, 13,000 more Irish moved back to Ireland from America than went the other way. This watershed change provides a good opportunity to reconsider the history of the Irish in America's cities, as the authors of some recent publications demonstrate. This review will examine six current studies that illuminate the Irish urban experience in America. The authors of these histories document the role of the Irish and the Catholic church in urban racial disturbances in the twentieth century; they reconsider the importance of the Irish to urban political culture; and they explore the contested meanings of being Irish in urban America.
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Lum, Grande. "The Community Relations Service's Work in Preventing and Responding to Unfounded Racially and Religiously Motivated Violence after 9/11." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, no. 2 (December 2018): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i2.2.
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On the morning of September 11, 2001, New York City-based Community Relations Service (“CRS”) Regional Director Reinaldo Rivera was at a New Jersey summit on racial profiling. At 8:46 a.m., an American Airlines 767 crashed into the North Tower of New York City’s World Trade Center. Because Rivera was with the New Jersey state attorney general, he quickly learned of the attack. Rivera immediately called his staff members, who at that moment were traveling to Long Island, New York, for an unrelated case. Getting into Manhattan had already become difficult, so Rivera instructed his conciliators to remain on standby. At 9:03 a.m., another 767, United Airlines Flight 175, flew into the World Trade Center’s South Tower. September 11 initiated a new, fraught-filled era for the United States. For CRS, an agency within the United States Department of Justice, it was the beginning of a long-term immersion into conflict issues that involved discrimination and violence against those whose appearance led them to be targets of anti-terrorist hysteria or mis- placed backlash. Appropriately, in the days following 9/11, the federal government, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”), concentrated on ferreting out the culprits of the heinous acts. However, the FBI discovered that Middle Eastern terrorists were responsible for the tragedies, and communities around the nation saw a surge of violence against people who appeared to be of Middle Eastern descent, requiring a response to protect those who were unfairly targeted. These outbreaks began as soon as September 12. Police in Illinois stopped 300 people from marching on a Chicago-area mosque. In Gary, Indiana, a masked gunman shot twenty-one times at a Yemeni- American gas station attendant. In Texas, a mosque was hit by six bullets. On September 15, a man who had been reported by an Applebee’s waiter as saying that he wanted to “shoot some rag heads” shot a Chevron gas station owner Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh-American. The man, Frank Roque, shot through his car window, and five bullets hit Sodhi, killing him instantly. Roque drove to a home he previously owned and had sold to an Afghan-American couple and fired on it. He then shot a Lebanese-American man. According to a police report, Roque said in reference to the 9/11 tragedy, “I [cannot] take this anymore. They killed my brothers and sisters.” Former Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta said, reflecting ten years later on the hate crimes that followed the attack on the World Trade Center, “The tragedy of September 11th should be remembered in the sense of making sure that we [do not] let our emotions run away in terms of trying to show our commitment and conviction about patriotism [and] loyalty.” The events created a new chapter in American race relations, one in which racial tensions and fear were higher than ever for Arabs, Muslims, South Asians, Sikhs, and others who could be targeted in anti-Islamic hysteria because of their physical appearance or dress. In 2011, a CBS–New York Times poll found that 78% agreed that Muslims, Arab-Americans, and immigrants from the Middle East are singled out unfairly by people in this country. Shortly after the September 11 attacks, this number stood at 90%. The same poll also found that one in three Americans think Muslim-Americans are more sympathetic to terrorists than other Americans. To address these misconceptions in the years following 9/11, CRS has done a significant amount of outreach, dispute resolution, and training to mitigate unfounded backlash against Arabs, Muslims, and Sikhs. Under CRS Director Freeman, the agency produced Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings and two training videos: On Common Ground, which provides background on Sikhism and concerns about safety held by Sikhs in America; and The First Three to Five Seconds, which provides background on Muslims and information on their interactions with law enforcement. In 2009, President Obamas signed the Matthew Shepard-James Byrd Junior Hate Crimes Prevention Act. The Act explicitly gave CRS jurisdiction to respond to and prevent hate crimes. For the first time, CRS jurisdiction expanded beyond race. Specifically, CRS was now authorized to work on issues of religion, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability in addition to race, color, and national origin. When I became CRS Director in 2012, following the continued incidents of unfounded violence and prejudice against those perceived as sharing heritage with Middle Eastern terrorists, I directed the agency to update the trainings and launched an initiative for regional offices to conduct these Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings. In the years following 9/11, controversy has continued over racial profiling of Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. Owing to the nature of the attack, one particular area of ongoing concern is access to airplane flights. Director of Transportation Mineta recalled how the racial profiling he witnessed echoed his own experience as a Japanese-American citizen: [T]here were a lot of people saying, “[We are] not [going to] let Middle Easterners or Muslims on the planes.” And I thought about my own experience [during World War II] because people [could not] make the distinction between the people who were flying the airplanes that attacked Pearl Harbor and the people who were living in Washington, Oregon, and California, who looked like the people flying the airplanes. In response to this problem, CRS trained thousands of law enforcement and Transit Security Association employees on cultural professionalism in working with Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. The work of addressing the profiling and mistreatment of Arab-Americans, Muslims, and Sikhs also spiked after the 2013 bombing of the Boston Marathon. CRS conciliators again reached out to leaders throughout the country at mosques and gurdwaras to confront safety and security issues regarding houses of worship and concerns about backlash violence based on faith, nationality, and race. Since 9/11, CRS’s work on racial profiling continues to respond to increasing conflicts and tensions both within the United States and around the globe. In the wake of the 9/11 tragedy, CRS adjusted its priorities and reallocated resources in the wake of the September 11 tragedy to address the needs of targeted communities and further intercultural understanding. CRS did so by increasing the religious awareness training provided to law enforcement and other agencies, and it committed more resources to working with Muslim and Sikh faith and advocacy organizations and people. This work was not originally envisioned when the 1964 Civil Rights Act created CRS. How- ever, this new focus reflects how the model of the African-American civil rights movement has inspired other efforts to attain equality and justice for minority groups in the United States. Just as the tragedy in Selma helped lead to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, the Oak Creek tragedy helped lead the FBI to update its hate crime categories. Former FBI Director James Comey articulated this idea best in his speech to the Anti-Defamation League, stating “do a better job of tracking and reporting hate crime to fully understand what is happening in our communities and how to stop it.” The Community Relations Service has evolved over time since its 1964 origins, and a substantial component has been the work in response to post 9/11 unfounded racial and religious violence.
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Akinlade, Ekundayo Y., Jason R. Lambert, and Peng Zhang. "Mechanisms for hiring discrimination of immigrant applicants in the United States." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, no. 4 (April 18, 2020): 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-08-2019-0218.
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PurposeFew studies examine how hiring discrimination can be an antecedent to the labor exploitation of immigrant workers. The main purpose of this paper is to advance the theoretical understanding of how the intersectionality of race and immigrant status affects differential hiring treatment, and how it affects job offers, job acceptance and hiring decision outcomes for immigrant job seekers.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws from theories on status and intersectionality, and literature on immigration labor and racial hierarchy, addressing the unequal power relations that underlie race and immigration status affecting the hiring process, to advance critical understandings of why immigrant job seekers accept positions where they may be exploited.FindingsThis paper provides a conceptual model to critically synthesize the complexity between race and immigrant status, and their effect on the experience of immigrant job seekers differently. Exploitation opportunism is introduced to better understand the mechanisms of hiring discrimination among immigrant job seekers to include the role of race, immigrant status, economic motivations and unequal power relations on the hiring process.Practical implicationsThe framework for exploitation opportunism will help employers improve the quality and fairness of their hiring methods, and empower immigrant job seekers to not allow themselves to accept subpar job offers which can lead to exploitation.Originality/valueThe paper provides an original analysis of immigrant job seekers' experience of the hiring process that reveals the intragroup differences among immigrants based on race and status, and the decision-making mechanisms that hiring managers and immigrant job seekers use to evaluate job offers and job acceptance.
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Bruyère, Susanne M., Sarah von Schrader, Wendy Coduti, and Melissa Bjelland. "United States Employment Disability Discrimination Charges: Implications for Disability Management Practice." International Journal of Disability Management 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/jdmr.5.2.48.
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AbstractIt is 20 years since the passage of the Americans With Disabilities Act, yet employment and economic inequities continue for people with disabilities. The purpose of this article is to inform and encourage disability management leading practices to contribute toward reducing these disparities. The approach is an examination of where in the employment process applicants and incumbent employees perceive employment disability discrimination, leading to the filing of charges against an employer. Employment disability discrimination claims filed by individuals over 15 years (1993–2007) with the United States (US) Equal Employment Opportunity Commission or state and local Fair Employment Practice Agencies are studied. The authors analyse employment discrimination charges by year, basis (i.e., protected class characteristics, such as disability, age, or race), issue (i.e., actions of the employer, such as discharge, hiring, or harassment), employer characteristics (i.e, size of business and industry sector), and joint filings under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act (gender, race/ethnicity, and religious discrimination) and the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA). Special attention is paid to where in the employment process people with specific impairments are perceiving discrimination. Implications of these research findings for the practice and administration of disability management and employer policies are discussed.
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Bedell, Frederick D. "ESSAY ON HUMAN (RACE RELATIONS) IN THE UNITED STATES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2018): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v6.i2.2018.1569.
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This essay speaks to the context of domination and subordination in particular as it pertains to White Supremacy/White Privilege as manifested in the history of slavery and “Jim Crow” in the United States. It is within this historical context one can discern the present status of race relations in the United States that continues to foster race discrimination through the policies of the ethnic majority (white) power structure, e.g.-institutional racism, voter suppression laws, gerrymandering of voter districts and banking policies to name a few areas.
The research of books, papers, television interviews and personal experiences provides a testament to present government policies that endeavor to maintain a social construct of dominance and subordination by the white power structure in the United States.
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Assari, Shervin. "Social Epidemiology of Perceived Discrimination in the United States: Role of Race, Educational Attainment, and Income." International Journal of Epidemiologic Research 7, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/ijer.2020.24.
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Background and aims: This study aimed to compare non-Hispanic Black (NHB) and non-Hispanic White (NHW) American adults for the associations of educational attainment and household income with perceived racial discrimination. Methods: The 2010 National Alcohol Survey (NAS N12), a nationally representative study, included 2635 adults who were either NHB (n=273) or NHW (n=2362). We compared NHBs and NHWs for the associations between education, income, and perceived racial discrimination. We used linear regression for data analysis. Outcome was perceived racial discrimination; the predictors were educational attainment and household income; covariates were age and gender; and moderator was race. Results: In the total sample, high income was associated with lower levels of perceived racial discrimination, while educational attainment was not significantly associated with perceived racial discrimination. There was also an interaction between race and education but not household income, suggesting a difference in the association between educational attainment and perceived racial discrimination between NHB and NHW individuals. For NHW individuals, household income was inversely associated with perceived racial discrimination. For NHB individuals, however, household income was not related to perceived racial discrimination. For NHB but not NHW individuals, educational attainment was correlated with more not less perceived racial discrimination. Conclusion: High income protects NHW but not NHB individuals against perceived racial discrimination, and NHB individuals with high education levels report more not less perceived racial discrimination.
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Yi, Eun-Hye, Michin Hong, and Cherish Bolton. "RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN HEALTHCARE SETTINGS OF OLDER ADULTS: SUBJECTIVE REASONS AND CONTRIBUTORS." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.1835.
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Abstract Racism is prevalent in the United States; however, literature exploring racial discrimination experienced by older adults is still limited. The current study examined subjective reasons for discrimination and compared race/ethnic groups. Then, we examined the contributors to racial discrimination in healthcare settings. An older adult sample aged 55 or higher was drawn from California Health and Interview Survey 2017 for analysis (N=12,261). African Americans were the highest (13.06%) among five racial-ethnic groups who reported racial discrimination experienced in a lifetime in getting medical care, while Whites were the lowest (1.57%). Perceived reasons for discrimination were significantly different by racial/ethnic group. Only 3.5% of Whites perceived they were discriminated against due to their race, whereas racial/ethnic minorities perceived the main reason for discrimination was their race/skin color (African American: 55.43%, Others: 24.06%, Asian Americans: 20.26%, Hispanics: 18.22%). The weighted logistic regression analyses revealed that being a racial/ethnic minority, economic status, mental health status, citizenship, the length of living in the United States, and age were significantly associated with the experience of racial discrimination of older people. Analyses by race/ethnic groups found different contributors. For example, poverty was the most prominent factor in racial discrimination for Whites, while education was for African Americans. This study identified an apparent gap in lifetime discrimination toward racial/ethnic minority older people. Also, we found racial discrimination experience combined with systematic barriers. The findings of this study support the need for interventions for race/ethnicity-based trauma of older people and anti-racism framework education for healthcare professionals and researchers.
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Rambe, Sri Astuti, and Asnani Asnani. "RACE DISCRIMINATION IN TONY KUSHNER’S MOVIE SCRIPT LINCOLN." JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE 3, no. 2 (November 29, 2021): 208–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.30743/jol.v3i2.4551.
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This research is concerned with the race discrimination in Tony Kushner’s movie script Lincoln. A story of four months of struggle of Lincoln and the Republican party and its supporters to pass the 13th amendment which formally abolished slavery in the United States passing the Senate on April 8, 1864, and the House on January 31, 1865 and approved by President Abraham Lincoln on February 1, 1865. The analysis focuses on the types of race discrimination: the direct and the indirect of race discrimination and the negative impacts of race discrimination adopted from Liliweri. This research used descriptive qualitative research. The one adopted in the research is proposed by Khotari and Bogdan Taylor. The finding shows that the direct race discrimination is an act of limiting a job based on race. It comes from black soldiers. There is also a tendency to discriminate between groups and beliefs with human law itself. The negative impacts of race discrimination are slavery and civil war. Furthermore, race discrimination also causes heavy casualties between whites and blacks by taking over place the territories of the minority.
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Steiker, Carol S., and Jordan M. Steiker. "The Rise, Fall, and Afterlife of the Death Penalty in the United States." Annual Review of Criminology 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-criminol-011518-024721.
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This review addresses four key issues in the modern (post-1976) era of capital punishment in the United States. First, why has the United States retained the death penalty when all its peer countries (all other developed Western democracies) have abolished it? Second, how should we understand the role of race in shaping the distinctive path of capital punishment in the United States, given our country's history of race-based slavery and slavery's intractable legacy of discrimination? Third, what is the significance of the sudden and profound withering of the practice of capital punishment in the past two decades? And, finally, what would abolition of the death penalty in the United States (should it ever occur) mean for the larger criminal justice system?
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Marx, Anthony W. "Race-Making and the Nation-State." World Politics 48, no. 2 (January 1996): 180–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0003.
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Why was official racial domination enforced in South Africa and the United States, while nothing comparable to apartheid or Jim Crow was constructed in Brazil? Slavery and colonialism established the pattern of early discrimination in all three cases, and yet the postabolition racial orders diverged. Miscegenation influenced later outcomes, as did economic competition, but neither was decisive. Interpretations of these historical and economic factors were shaped by later developments. This article argues that postabolition racial orders were significantly shaped by the processes of nation-state building in each context. In South Africa and the United States ethnic or regional “intrawhite” conflict impeding nation-state consolidation was contained by racial domination. Whites were unified by excluding blacks, in an ongoing dynamic that took different forms. Continued competition and tensions between the American North and South or South Africa's English and Afrikaners were repeatedly resolved or diminished through further entrenchment of Jim Crow or apartheid. With no comparable conflict requiring reconciliation in Brazil, no official racial domination was constructed, although discrimination continued. The dynamics of nation-state building are then reviewed to explain variations in black mobilization and the end of apartheid and Jim Crow.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Race discrimination – United States – Chicago"
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Richert, Jennifer Kathleen. "Changing attitudes Congressional rhetoric, race, & educational inequalities /." CONNECT TO THIS TITLE ONLINE, 2007. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-07182007-152948/.
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Kennedy, Mike. "Medical School Admissions Across Socioeconomic Groups: An Analysis Across Race Neutral and Race Sensitive Admissions Cycles." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28440/.
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While the relationship between academic variables and admission into medical school has been well documented, the relationship between socioeconomic background and admission has not been extensively examined. In 2001, the Texas Legislature passed HB 1641, which allowed for the use of socioeconomic variables in the admission of graduate and professional school students. Additionally, the Grutter v. Bollinger decision in 2003 removed a prohibition on the use of race or ethnicity in the admission of students in the state of Texas. The study examined the role medical school admissions selectivity as it relates to the socioeconomic background during a race neutral admissions cycle in 2005 and a race sensitive admissions cycle in 2006. The results of data analysis found that in a race neutral admissions cycle socioeconomic background was a significant factor in the admission of applicants to medical school. However, it was not a significant factor for applicants from underrepresented minority groups. The analysis also found that socioeconomic background was a significant factor in the admission of applicants to medical school in a race sensitive admissions cycle as well. Finally, the study found that variances in selectivity led to differences in the socioeconomic makeup of entering students across different medical schools. From the data analyzed in this study, it can be argued admission to medical school is in agreement with the sociological literature in that parental socioeconomic status is positively related to academic opportunities for their offspring.
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Hadjor, Kofi Buenor. "Race and the American nation : the role of racial politics in the shaping of modern America." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2000. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.673802.
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Williams, Germaine Shaw. "(Re)Culturing the City: Race, Urban Development, and Arts Policy in Chicago, 1935-1987." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2015. http://repository.cmu.edu/dissertations/473.
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This dissertation examines the intersection of race, urban development, and arts policy in Chicago between 1935 and 1987. Maintaining a focus at the city level, it considers how activists, politicians, civic leaders, and bureaucrats operated within three policy environments presented by the Works Progress Administration’s Federal Art Project (1935-‐1943), an interregnum period of dispersed domestic cultural policymaking (1944-‐1963), and the early years of the National Endowments for the Arts and Humanities (1965-‐1985). In the interplay between cultural activism, federal policy implementation, and the arc of urban development in Chicago, recognition of the arts as a key component of the local economy deepened, an extensive infrastructure formed, and refinements of the meaning of cultural democracy advanced. Chapters focus on the development of Work Progress Administration community art centers as a component of the relief policy framework; the implications for municipal arts policy of Mayor Richard J. Daley’s concern for stimulating the local economy and attracting affluent whites to the city; the extension of a state-‐wide system of support for the arts in Illinois; and the Harold Washington administration’s efforts to institutionalize the arts as a part of city government via a vision of cultural democracy that emphasized multiculturalism, access, and free exchange. The dissertation considers the role of government in supporting the arts sector’s orientation towards cultural democracy, defined by valued diversity, open participation, and the right to be heard regardless of race and class background.
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Hollins, Robert Norvell III. "Discrimination and Nepotism Within Police Specialty Units." PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3094.
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A career as a police officer has served as a legitimate avenue for many Black Americans to elevate themselves from numerous low paying less prestigious jobs, to a more respectable better paying secured occupation that has a higher social economic status. The general perception related to the civil service position of a police officer, suggests that it is an occupation which should offer an environment free from discrimination and nepotism, thereby allowing fair treatment and equal access for advancement to all individuals employed within the police organization.
The concept of a police organization that offers fair treatment and equal access for advancement to all of its employees in a climate that is free from discrimination and nepotism is the subject of considerable skepticism among many black police officers.
Police departments throughout the United States of America have been challenged by a highly visible accusation of discrimination and nepotism in regards to the selection process and the police personnel selected to become members of elite police specialty units.
This thesis traces the historical involvement of black police officers in The United States and their progression to obtain equality and fair treatment as police officers within the law enforcement community.
This thesis examines the racial demographics of eighteen (18) police departments located in various sections of the United States and the racial demographics of the elite police specialty units which are incorporated within each police department.
In addition, this thesis will analyze collected data from the police departments that participated in the study and determine if the minority representation within each of the police department's elite police specialty units is equal to the general population which the police departments serve and proportionate to the minority representation within the police department.
Finally, this thesis will examine data identifying Black American's representation in significant areas of the criminal justice system, thus analyzing the correlation between Black American's over-representation in the criminal components of the criminal justice system and their under-representation within police departments and elite police specialty units.
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Dunbar, Anthony W. "Critical race information theory applying a CRITical race lens to information studies /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835191&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Richter, Lauren Elizabeth. "Patterns of hazardous waste in the United States analyzing rural environmental justice with spatial data /." Online access for everyone, 2008. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Summer2008/l_richter_071508.pdf.
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Black, Watt Lesley. "The Federal Constitution and Race-Based Admissions Policies in Public Charter Schools." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3159/.
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The primary questions addressed in this dissertation are whether race-based admissions policies in charter schools are constitutionally permissible, and if not, how could an admissions policy be designed so that it would promote school diversity without violating the law? These questions are important because there are significant numbers of philosophers and scholars who hypothesize that student body diversity not only enhances educational outcomes but also is a necessary component of civic education in a liberal democracy. The researcher takes no particular stance on the benefits of educational diversity, focusing instead on the constitutional questions raised by the use of race-sensitive policies in the interest of diversity. The primary methodology used throughout is legal research, though the literature review includes references to political philosophers and social scientists as well as primary legal sources. Chapter I outlines the most frequent arguments made in favor of school diversity and suggests that the judicial philosophy expressed by the Supreme Court over the last twenty-five years has moved away from the philosophy expressed in Brown v. Board. In Chapter II, Supreme Court precedent on affirmative action policies is analyzed, focusing mainly on the decision of the divided Court in University of California Board of Regents v. Bakke. Chapter III provides a detailed analysis of how six different Federal Circuit Courts interpreted Bakke, highlighting numerous recurring judicial themes and concerns. In Chapter IV, existing charter school laws are examined state by state. Chapter V suggests several policy options for those interested in promoting a diverse charter school student body.
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Kushnick, Louis. "Race and class : racism and the reproduction of class-based societies : studies of Britain, the United States and western Europe." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669670.
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Miller, Aletha Rena. "The relationship between racial discrimination induced anger and smoking among Black adolescents." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11022/.
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This study explored whether a relationship exists between smoking behaviors and racial discrimination induced anger among Black adolescents. Participants consisted of 134 Black adolescents from 14 to 18 years of age who frequently visited a recreation center in the Northeast. Forty-four participants were males and 90 were females. All participants were administered a modified version of the CAGE questionnaire, a background information questionnaire, and a measure designed to assess the extent to which they feel angry because they had been discriminated against. Only age was found to be predictive of scores on the CAGE. Only gender was found to be predictive of smoking frequency. The Black Anger Measure (BAM) was significantly correlated with smoking behaviors. Some implications for theory, research and practice are suggested.
Books on the topic "Race discrimination – United States – Chicago"
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Critical race counterstories along the Chicana/Chicano educational pipeline. New York: Routledge, 2006.
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Racial oppression in the global metropolis: A living black Chicago history. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007.
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Making the second ghetto: Race and housing in Chicago, 1940-1960. Chicago, Ill: The University of Chicago Press, 1998.
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Sal, Castro, ed. Blowout!: Sal Castro and the Chicano struggle for educational justice. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011.
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Ralph, James R. Northern protest: Martin Luther King, Jr., Chicago, and the civil rights movement. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1993.
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Jim Crow nostalgia: Reconstructing race in Bronzeville. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008.
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Kutner, Laurie A. Environmental discrimination. [Chicago, Ill.]: Council of Planning Librarians, 1994.
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The Mexican outsiders: A community history of marginalization and discrimination in California. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1995.
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Theorizing discrimination in an era of contested prejudice: Discrimination in the United States. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2008.
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Race and gender discrimination across urban labor markets. New York: Garland Pub., 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Race discrimination – United States – Chicago"
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Yang, Philip Q. "Race, Ethnicity, and Perceived Everyday Discrimination in the United States." In Handbook of Racism, Xenophobia, and Populism, 689–705. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13559-0_31.
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Carroll, Fred. "“Negro Subversion”." In Race News. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041495.003.0002.
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A skeletal national communications network of news by, about, and for African Americans came into existence as black men and women migrated from the rural South for better wages and opportunities in the industrial North and elsewhere. Upstart newspaper publishers courted readers by adopting modern journalism practices and emboldening demands for racial reform, as illustrated by the Chicago Defender and Crisis magazine. News coverage of the East St. Louis race riot and the so-called Houston mutiny showed how journalists continued to denounce segregation and discrimination even after the United States joined World War I. Press criticism provoked government surveillance and censorship. State intimidation, though, failed to silence dissident publishers who claimed to rival ministers as Black America’s preeminent leaders.
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Carson, Matter. "“We Win a Place in Industry”." In A Matter of Moral Justice, 11–23. University of Illinois Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043901.003.0002.
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Chapter 1 explores the technological and social factors that contributed to the birth of the power laundry industry at the turn of the twentieth century, highlighting why the industry flourished in the urban industrial North but not in the South, where Black women continued to wash clothes by hand. Using census data and Women’s Bureau reports, the chapter demonstrates that by 1930 the power laundry had become the leading industrial employer of Black women in the United States, surpassing both the garment and tobacco trades. In New York, Chicago, and other leading centers of the industry and of the Great Migration, power laundries served as vehicles of proletarianization, enabling African American women to leave the much-despised field of domestic service and take their place, albeit on the lowest rungs of the industrial ladder. Chapter 1 highlights the complex ways in which race, gender, and migration shape urban labor markets and illuminates how Black wage-earning women balanced their income-earning needs with their desire for autonomy and dignity within a labor market narrowly circumscribed by race and gender discrimination.
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O’Neill, June, and Dave O’Neill. "Explaining Race and Gender Wage Gaps." In United States Income, Wealth, Consumption, and Inequality, 177–218. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197518199.003.0008.
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This chapter uses data from the American Community Survey (ACS) and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 cohort (NLSY79) to calculate wage differentials. Measured wage gaps shrink and are often eliminated when accounting for a variety of factors, suggesting that discrimination may not be the primary driver of earnings differentials. When examining NLSY79 data, differences in schooling, scores on the Armed Forces Qualification Test, and lifetime work experience explain virtually all the difference in hourly pay between minority and white men. For women, controlling for these variables results in a wage premium for minority women. This does not rule out the possibility that the variables controlled for do not themselves reflect past employer discrimination; however, these effects should not be confused with current employer discrimination. The data also suggest that the gender wage gap is driven by different choices made by men and women and not gender discrimination.
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"The paradox of decategorization: deinstitutionalizing race through race-based affirmative action in the United States." In Fighting Discrimination in Europe, 40–56. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203722848-9.
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Vodanovich, Stephen J., and Deborah E. Rupp. "Race, Color, and National Origin Discrimination." In Employment Discrimination, 61–94. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190085421.003.0004.
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This chapter describes some of the most significant cases in the area of employment discrimination (e.g., McDonnell Douglas v. Green [1977], which largely established the disparate treatment scenario; Teamsters v. United States [1977], and Hazelwood v. United States [1977], which solidified legal guidelines for pattern or practices cases [a subtype of the disparate treatment scenario]). The authors also present the historic adverse impact case Griggs v. Duke Power (1972). Among other concepts, Griggs famously contained the key terms of job-relatedness and business necessity to defend tests and job requirements that unintentionally disadvantage protected subgroup members. The authors also describe the complicated cases Wards Cove v. Atonio (1989) and Ricci v. DiStefano (2009), both of which have often been mischaracterized and misunderstood. Finally, concerns about discrimination due to the use of criminal history background and credit history checks are discussed. The chapter ends with a summary of the law on English-language requirements.
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Paul-Emile, Kimani. "Race and Health Law." In The Oxford Handbook of Race and Law in the United States. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190947385.013.15.
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Abstract This chapter discusses the relationship between race and health law. Health law is a wide-ranging category that includes public health law and healthcare law. Both healthcare law and public health law have implications for race, particularly racial formation, racial inequality, and racial justice. To illustrate the relationship between race and health disparities, this chapter begins by considering the disproportionately high mortality rates of infants and mothers of color. It then examines the role of public health law in racial formation; investigates health law in the context of segregation and the expansion of civil rights; and analyzes the interplay between health insurance and racial equity. The chapter concludes by highlighting current challenges in both healthcare law and public health law, including physician and patient interpersonal discrimination, and structural inequality.
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Wiggins, Benjamin. "Proxies." In Calculating Race, 78–96. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197504000.003.0005.
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Calculating Race’s fourth chapter demonstrates that race has become so highly correlated with other social statistics that actuarial science in general has developed a baked-in racial bias. Racial discrimination by proxy (e.g., zip code standing in for race) can be glimpsed in the disparate impact of data-driven decision-making in housing, healthcare, policing, sentencing, and more. Simply leaving out racial data in statistically aided decision-making distances institutions from claims of intentional discrimination, but a disparate, discriminatory impact lingers when other factors correlated with race power actuarial analyses. Chapter 4 considers how insurance law in the United States has defined the limits of acceptable discrimination. By surveying the progression of state-by-state regulations that prohibit or accept the use of race, gender, sex, sexuality, ability, age, and genetics in an industry that revolves around the ability to discriminate risk, it uncovers who the United States has historically chosen to protect.
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Flores, John H. "Mexican Immigrant Understandings of Empire, Race, and Gender." In The Mexican Revolution in Chicago. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041808.003.0004.
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This chapter compares liberal and traditionalist understandings of empire, race, and gender to explain why liberals often declined U.S. citizenship and why traditionalists became more amenable to U.S. naturalization. Mexican liberals defined themselves as anti-imperialist mestizos and, in Chicago, they joined with Puerto Ricans and Nicaraguans to protest U.S. imperialism. Most liberals rebuffed U.S. naturalization, in part, because they were put off by U.S. imperialism, racism, and gender norms. By contrast, traditionalists celebrated the United States for granting them religious freedom, and challenged the liberals by exalting all that was Catholic and thus Spanish and white in Mexican culture. In so doing, traditionalists became more open to a U.S. understanding of whiteness and citizenship, and many traditionalists decided they could create new lives for themselves in the United States.
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Rothe, Eugenio M., and Andres J. Pumariega. "Immigration and Race." In Immigration, Cultural Identity, and Mental Health, 81–112. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190661700.003.0005.
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The chapter on Immigration and Race describes the history of race relations and the present and future and the rapidly changing racial topography of the United States. It explains these changes are based on the high rates of ethnic-racial intermarriage that have appeared in the last two decades. It analyzes the complexity of ethnic-racial self-identification, taking into account the tensions that appear between the identification imposed by the majority culture, in contrast with the person’s individual self-concept of ethnicity and race, especially in the face of the increasing multi-ethnic and multi-racial American population. It addresses the history of racism and discrimination experienced by minority populations and immigrants of color and the psychological effects of discrimination and racism on these populations. It describes the risk factors and protective factors that come into play when individuals are faced with experiences of discrimination and racism. It describes the process of ethnic-racial identity development and the different styles of ethnic-racial socialization and cultural orientation. Ultimately, it discussed the importance of ethnicity and race in the psycho-therapeutic encounter and offers treatment recommendations on how to approach and discuss issues of ethnicity and race in psychotherapy.
Conference papers on the topic "Race discrimination – United States – Chicago"
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"An Examination of the Barriers to Leadership for Faculty of Color at U.S. Universities." In InSITE 2019: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences: Jerusalem. Informing Science Institute, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4344.
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[This Proceedings paper was revised and published in the 2019 issue of the journal Issues in Informing Science and Information Technology, Volume 16] Aim/Purpose: The aim and purpose of this study is to understand why there is a dearth of faculty of color ascending to senior levels of leadership in higher education institutions, and to identify strategies to increase the representation of faculty of color in university senior administrative positions. Background: There is a lack of faculty of color in senior level academic administrative position in the United States. Although there is clear evidence that faculty of color have not been promoted to senior level positions at the same rate as their White col-leagues, besides racism there has been little evidence regarding the cause of such disparities. This is becoming an issue of increased importance as the student bodies of most U.S. higher educational institutions are becoming increasingly more inclusive of people of various racial and ethnic backgrounds. Methodology: Qualitative interviews were used. Contribution: This study adds to the research and information made previously available regarding the status of non-White higher educational members in the U.S. by contributing insights from faculty of color who have encountered and are currently encountering forms of discrimination within various institutions. These additions include personal experiences and suggestions regarding the barriers to diversification and implications of the lack of diversity at higher educational institutions. Given the few diverse administrative or executive leaders in service today in higher education, these personal insights provide seldom-heard perspectives for both scholars and practitioners in the field of higher education. Findings: Limited diversity among faculty at higher educational institutions correlates with persistent underrepresentation and difficulty in finding candidates for leadership positions who are diverse, highly experienced, and highly ranked. This lack of diversity among leaders has negative implications like reduced access to mentor-ship, scholarship, and other promotional and networking opportunities for other faculty of color. While it is true that representation of faculty of color at certain U.S. colleges and programs has shown slight improvements in the last decade, nationwide statistics still demonstrate the persistence of this issue. Participants perceived that the White boys club found to some extent in nearly all higher educational institutions, consistently offers greater recognition, attention, and support for those who most resemble the norm and creates an adverse environment for minorities. However, in these findings and interviews, certain solutions for breaking through such barriers are revealed, suggesting progress is possible and gaining momentum at institutions nationwide. Recommendations for Practitioners: To recruit and sustain diverse members of the academic community, institutions should prioritize policies and procedures which allocate a fair share of responsibilities between faculty members and ensure equity in all forms of compensation. In addition, institutional leaders should foster a climate of mutual respect and understanding between members of the educational community to increase confidence of people of color and allow for fresh perspectives and creativity to flourish. Where policies for diversification exist but are not being applied, leaders have the responsibility to enforce and set the example for other members of the organization. Assimilation of diverse members occurs when leaders create an inclusive environment for various cultures and advocate for social and promotional opportunities for all members of the organization. Recommendations for Researchers: Significant research remains on understanding barriers to the preparation of faculty of color for leadership in higher education. While this research has provided first-hand qualitative perspectives from faculties of color, additional quantitative study is necessary to understand what significant differences in underrepresentation exist by race and ethnicity. Further research is also needed on the compound effects of race and gender due to the historic underrepresentation of women in leadership positions. At the institutional and departmental level, the study validates the need to look at both the implicit and explicit enforcement of policies regarding diversity in the workplace. Future Research: Higher education researchers may extend the findings of this study to explore how faculty of color have ascended to specific leadership roles within the academy such as department chair, academic dean, provost, and president.
Reports on the topic "Race discrimination – United States – Chicago"
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McGee, Steven, Ronald I. Greenberg, Lucia Dettori, Andrew M. Rasmussen, Randi Mcgee-Tekula, Jennifer Duck, and Erica Wheeler. An Examination of Factors Correlating with Course Failure in a High School Computer Science Course. The Learning Partnership, August 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.51420/report.2018.1.
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Across the United States, enrollment in high school computer science (CS) courses is increasing. These increases, however, are not spread evenly across race and gender. CS remains largely an elective class, and fewer than three-fourths of the states allow it to count towards graduation. The Chicago Public Schools has sought to ensure access for all students by recently enacting computer science as a high school graduation requirement. The primary class that fulfills the graduation requirement is Exploring Computer Science (ECS), a high school introductory course and professional development program designed to foster deep engagement through equitable inquiry around CS concepts. The number of students taking CS in the district increased significantly and these increases are distributed equitably across demographic characteristics. With ECS serving as a core class, it becomes critical to ensure success for all students independent of demographic characteristics, as success in the course directly affects a student’s ability to graduate from high school. In this paper, we examine the factors that correlate with student failure in the course. At the student level, attendance and prior general academic performance correlate with passing the class. After controlling for student characteristics, whether or not teachers participated in the professional development program associated with ECS correlates with student success in passing the course. These results provide evidence for the importance of engaging teachers in professional development, in conjunction with requiring a course specifically designed to provide an equitable computer science experience, in order to broaden participation in computing.
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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. Equality Denied: Tech and African Americans. Institute for New Economic Thinking, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp177.
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Thus far in reporting the findings of our project “Fifty Years After: Black Employment in the United States Under the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,” our analysis of what has happened to African American employment over the past half century has documented the importance of manufacturing employment to the upward socioeconomic mobility of Blacks in the 1960s and 1970s and the devastating impact of rationalization—the permanent elimination of blue-collar employment—on their socioeconomic mobility in the 1980s and beyond. The upward mobility of Blacks in the earlier decades was based on the Old Economy business model (OEBM) with its characteristic “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) employment relations. At its launching in 1965, the policy approach of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission assumed the existence of CWOC, providing corporate employees, Blacks included, with a potential path for upward socioeconomic mobility over the course of their working lives by gaining access to productive opportunities and higher pay through stable employment within companies. It was through these internal employment structures that Blacks could potentially overcome barriers to the long legacy of job and pay discrimination. In the 1960s and 1970s, the generally growing availability of unionized semiskilled jobs gave working people, including Blacks, the large measure of employment stability as well as rising wages and benefits characteristic of the lower levels of the middle class. The next stage in this process of upward socioeconomic mobility should have been—and in a nation as prosperous as the United States could have been—the entry of the offspring of the new Black blue-collar middle class into white-collar occupations requiring higher educations. Despite progress in the attainment of college degrees, however, Blacks have had very limited access to the best employment opportunities as professional, technical, and administrative personnel at U.S. technology companies. Since the 1980s, the barriers to African American upward socioeconomic mobility have occurred within the context of the marketization (the end of CWOC) and globalization (accessibility to transnational labor supplies) of high-tech employment relations in the United States. These new employment relations, which stress interfirm labor mobility instead of intrafirm employment structures in the building of careers, are characteristic of the rise of the New Economy business model (NEBM), as scrutinized in William Lazonick’s 2009 book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States (Upjohn Institute). In this paper, we analyze the exclusion of Blacks from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) occupations, using EEO-1 employment data made public, voluntarily and exceptionally, for various years between 2014 and 2020 by major tech companies, including Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Cisco, Facebook (now Meta), Hewlett Packard Enterprise, HP Inc., Intel, Microsoft, PayPal, Salesforce, and Uber. These data document the vast over-representation of Asian Americans and vast under-representation of African Americans at these tech companies in recent years. The data also shine a light on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of large masses of lower-paid labor in the United States at leading U.S. tech companies, including tens of thousands of sales workers at Apple and hundreds of thousands of laborers & helpers at Amazon. In the cases of Hewlett-Packard, IBM, and Intel, we have access to EEO-1 data from earlier decades that permit in-depth accounts of the employment transitions that characterized the demise of OEBM and the rise of NEBM. Given our findings from the EEO-1 data analysis, our paper then seeks to explain the enormous presence of Asian Americans and the glaring absence of African Americans in well-paid employment under NEBM. A cogent answer to this question requires an understanding of the institutional conditions that have determined the availability of qualified Asians and Blacks to fill these employment opportunities as well as the access of qualified people by race, ethnicity, and gender to the employment opportunities that are available. Our analysis of the racial/ethnic determinants of STEM employment focuses on a) stark differences among racial and ethnic groups in educational attainment and performance relevant to accessing STEM occupations, b) the decline in the implementation of affirmative-action legislation from the early 1980s, c) changes in U.S. immigration policy that favored the entry of well-educated Asians, especially with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, and d) consequent social barriers that qualified Blacks have faced relative to Asians and whites in accessing tech employment as a result of a combination of statistical discrimination against African Americans and their exclusion from effective social networks.