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1
Carlson, Laura. "Comparative Discrimination Law: Historical and Theoretical Frameworks." Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law 1, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 1–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522031-12340001.
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AbstractHuman history is marked by group and individual struggles for emancipation, equality and self-expression. This first volume in the Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law briefly explores some of the history underlying these efforts in the field of discrimination law. A broad discussion of the historical development of issues of discrimination is first set out, looking at certain international, regional and national bases for modern discrimination legal structures. The national frameworks examined are the United States, the United Kingdom and Sweden, focusing on the historical developments in each of the countries with respect to discrimination legislation. Several of the theoretical frameworks invoked in a comparative discrimination law analysis are then addressed, either as institutional frameworks or theories addressing specific protection grounds. These include access to justice, comparative law method, feminist legal theory, critical race theory, post-colonial theory, queer theory and intersectionality.
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Campney, Brent M. S. "Calculating Race: Racial Discrimination in Risk Assessment." Journal of American History 109, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaac193.
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Evans, Douglas N., Kwan-Lamar Blount-Hill, and Michelle A. Cubellis. "Examining housing discrimination across race, gender and felony history." Housing Studies 34, no. 5 (June 8, 2018): 761–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673037.2018.1478069.
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Henderson, Kaitlyn. "Race, Discrimination, and the Cuban Constitution of 1940." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8178211.
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Abstract After the Revolution of 1933, the Cuban Communist Party reflected an intersection of labor organizers, members of prestigious black fraternal organizations, and the intelligentsia—groups that have previously been framed as distinct bodies of black political activism. I argue that the Communist Party successfully reintroduced critical discussions of racial discrimination on the island during the 1939 Club Atenas colloquium and the 1940 constitutional assembly. Public engagement with race and discrimination had previously been silenced due to the island's famous rhetoric of a raceless nation, created by the writings of José Martí and enforced during the Race War of 1912. Between the Revolution of 1933 and the constitution of 1940, the political landscape of Cuba transformed dramatically. As the traditional two-party system splintered, the Communist Party coalesced to establish themselves as a unique site for black political leadership and operated as the island's most outspoken critic of racial discrimination.
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McAlister, Melani. "Race Worlds: Discrimination, American-Style, in the Middle East." American Quarterly 59, no. 4 (2007): 1237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2007.0081.
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Lovelace, H. Timothy. "Making the World in Atlanta's Image: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Morris Abram, and the Legislative History of the United Nations Race Convention." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (May 2014): 385–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000667.
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Atlanta's human rights community was buzzing, because the United Nations (U.N.) was coming to town. On Sunday, January 19, 1964, the front page of theAtlanta Daily World, the city's oldest black newspaper and the South's only black daily, announced, “United Nations Rights Panel to Visit Atlanta.” The U.N. Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities (Sub-Commission), theDaily Worldexplained, was a fourteen nation “body that surveys the worldwide problems of discrimination.” The Sub-Commission had been invited to Atlanta by Morris Abram, a former Atlanta attorney and the lone United States member of the Sub-Commission, to study first-hand the city's well-publicized, efforts to improve in race relations. Sunday morning'sDaily Worldalso noted that the U.N. delegation “composed of experts, mostly lawyers and jurists” was in the midst of drafting a global treaty designed to end racial discrimination, and the local paper highlighted Abram's role as the primary drafter of the race accord. “Mr. Abram, as the U.S. expert on the subcommission has proposed a sweeping eight-point treaty,” the article reported. According to theDaily World, the pending race treaty—the treaty that would ultimately become the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD or Convention)—would address “segregation, hate groups and discrimination in public accommodations.”
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Workman, Andrew A., Brian K. Landsberg, and Raymond Wolters. "Enforcing Civil Rights: Race Discrimination and the Department of Justice." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 2 (April 1998): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846229.
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Barry, Caroline M., Brady A. Garrett, Melvin D. Livingston, Terrence K. Kominsky, Bethany J. Livingston, and Kelli A. Komro. "Perceived Racial/Ethnic Discrimination and Depressive Symptoms among Adolescents Living in the Cherokee Nation." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 29, no. 1 (March 2022): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.2901.2022.22.
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The objective of this study was to examine the longitudinal relationship between perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and depressive symptoms among adolescents living in the Cherokee Nation, as well as the potential moderating roles of race and social support. Self-reported survey data were analyzed from a sample of high school students (n = 1,622) who identified as American Indian only, American Indian and White, and White only. Compared to students who reported no discrimination on the basis of race, those who reported ever having experienced discrimination scored, on average, 1.62 units higher on the depressive symptoms scale six months later (p = .0001, 95% CI: 0.90, 2.33), while adjusting for age, race, gender, baseline depressive symptoms, enrollment in a free/reduced-price lunch program, and social support. Discrimination intensity did not significantly predict depressive symptoms among those reporting some frequency of discrimination. Race and social support did not modify either effect. These findings may inform development of interventions to promote mental health among American Indian adolescents.
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Mazouz, Sarah. "A White Race Blindness?" French Politics, Culture & Society 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 116–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2021.390206.
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Drawing on observations and on interviews conducted in a préfecture and in a municipalité of the Paris periphery, this article analyzes how republican universalism operates as a “particularizing” tool that enacts Whiteness. Starting from the paradoxical situation in which White state officials are reluctant to engage with the notion of racial discrimination when they are keen to ascribe racial categories to people of color, I argue that race blindness is in fact a form of White blindness to racialization. People of color who subscribe to the ideology of colorblindness tend to adopt a position whereby their loyalty toward the requirement of race blindness is supposed to protect them from suspicions raised by the racialized identity they are assigned to. But in practice, this stance internalizes the way they are viewed by Whites. The article concludes by discussing the link between White race blindness and the failure of republican policies against racial discrimination.
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Mcgovern, Michael F. "Calculating Race: Racial Discrimination in Risk Assessment by Benjamin Wiggins." Technology and Culture 62, no. 3 (2021): 894–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2021.0112.
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Johannesson, Nils-Lennart. "Bring on the leprawns." English Today 26, no. 1 (February 23, 2010): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078409990630.
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Review of: Dimitra Fimi, Tolkien, Race and Cultural History: From Fairies to Hobbits. Palgrave Macmillan 2009. 252 pages. 9780230219519. Hardback £50.00Nils-Lennart Johannesson, Stockholm University, Sweden
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McCarthy, Anne Marie, Yi Liu, Sarah Ehsan, Zoe Guan, Jane Liang, Theodore Huang, Kevin Hughes, et al. "Validation of Breast Cancer Risk Models by Race/Ethnicity, Family History and Molecular Subtypes." Cancers 14, no. 1 (December 23, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/cancers14010045.
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(1) Background: The purpose of this study is to compare the performance of four breast cancer risk prediction models by race, molecular subtype, family history of breast cancer, age, and BMI. (2) Methods: Using a cohort of women aged 40–84 without prior history of breast cancer who underwent screening mammography from 2006 to 2015, we generated breast cancer risk estimates using the Breast Cancer Risk Assessment tool (BCRAT), BRCAPRO, Breast Cancer Surveillance Consortium (BCSC) and combined BRCAPRO+BCRAT models. Model calibration and discrimination were compared using observed-to-expected ratios (O/E) and the area under the receiver operator curve (AUC) among patients with at least five years of follow-up. (3) Results: We observed comparable discrimination and calibration across models. There was no significant difference in model performance between Black and White women. Model discrimination was poorer for HER2+ and triple-negative subtypes compared with ER/PR+HER2−. The BRCAPRO+BCRAT model displayed improved calibration and discrimination compared to BRCAPRO among women with a family history of breast cancer. Across models, discriminatory accuracy was greater among obese than non-obese women. When defining high risk as a 5-year risk of 1.67% or greater, models demonstrated discordance in 2.9% to 19.7% of patients. (4) Conclusions: Our results can inform the implementation of risk assessment and risk-based screening among women undergoing screening mammography.
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Lujan, Heidi L., and Stephen E. DiCarlo. "Science reflects history as society influences science: brief history of “race,” “race correction,” and the spirometer." Advances in Physiology Education 42, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/advan.00196.2017.
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Spirometers are used globally to diagnose respiratory diseases, and most commercially available spirometers “correct” for race. “Race correction” is built into the software of spirometers. To evaluate pulmonary function and to make recordings, the operator must enter the subject's race. In fact, the Joint Working Party of the American Thoracic Society/European Respiratory Society recommends the use of race- and ethnic-specific reference values. In the United States, spirometers apply correction factors of 10–15% for individuals labeled “Black” and 4–6% for people labeled “Asian.” Thus race is purported to be a biologically important and scientifically valid category. However, history suggests that race corrections may represent an implicit bias, discrimination, and racism. Furthermore, this practice masks economic and environmental factors. The flawed logic of innate, racial difference is also considered with disability estimates, preemployment physicals, and clinical diagnoses that rely on the spirometer. Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on the State of Virginia (1832) may have initiated this mistaken belief by noting deficiencies of the “pulmonary apparatus” of blacks. Plantation physicians used Jefferson’s statement to support slavery, believing that forced labor was a way to “vitalize the blood” of deficient black slaves. Samuel Cartwright, a Southern physician and slave holder, was the first to use spirometry to record deficiencies in pulmonary function of blacks. A massive study by Benjamin Apthorp Gould (1869) during the Civil War validated his results. The history of slavery created an environment where racial difference in lung capacity become so widely accepted that race correction became a scientifically valid procedure.
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Flannery, Mércia Santana. "“She discriminated against her own race”." Narrative Inquiry 18, no. 1 (August 15, 2008): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ni.18.1.06fla.
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Current studies within narrative analysis and sociolinguistics have shown that identities are emergent and negotiated in current talk and, thus, not pre-existing the now and then of a given interaction. This article presents the analysis of a story told by a black Brazilian woman describing an episode of racial discrimination between two black characters in which prejudice was transmitted through the voice of a white figure. While the storyteller articulates the multi-layered voicing in her story, she also portrays relationships and makes identity claims for herself while also drawing on, and sometimes contradicting, prevailing ideologies of race and racism in her culture. I analyze the linguistic means through which the narrator constructs different positioning levels (Bamberg, 1997) while the roles of author, figure and principal (Goffman, 1981) shift to represent the actions performed in the story world by its different characters. The narrator’s main strategies are the lamination of the characters’ speech through constructed dialogue and references to skin color, which enable her to interpret the episode of discrimination toward an individual of the same race.
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Hebl, Mikki, Shannon K. Cheng, and Linnea C. Ng. "Modern Discrimination in Organizations." Annual Review of Organizational Psychology and Organizational Behavior 7, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-orgpsych-012119-044948.
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This review describes the history, current state, and future of modern discrimination in organizations. First, we review development of discrimination from the early 1900s to the present day, specifically discussing various stigmatized identities, including gender, race, sexual orientation, religion, disability, weight, and age. Next, we describe both individual-level (e.g., identity management, allyship) and organization-level (e.g., training, norm setting) strategies for reducing and reacting to discrimination. Finally, we describe future research directions in the relationship between subtle and overt discrimination, intersectionality, the impact of social media, and cross-cultural considerations—areas that we suggest would help us gain a more comprehensive understanding of modern discrimination.
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Küey, L. "Clarifying Definitions of „Race“, Racism, and Ethnocentrism." European Psychiatry 65, S1 (June 2022): S35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2022.123.
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Human beings need social group identities. These may be based on age, sex, gender and gender identity, ethnicity, religious beliefs, language, nationality and etc. In fact, in-group identities, collaborations and reference systems have positive effects on health / mental health. But, the problematic issue is the process of Othering and Dehumanization of the group designated to be the Other. Othering, rising from imagined or the expectation of generalized differences and used to distinguish groups of people as separate from the norm reinforces and maintains discrimination. Social power relations determine the stratification of ‘them’ and ‘us’. Whether a group is to be designated as the Other and labelled with prejudice will depend on the zeitgeist of the current dominant social power. Dehumanization created many tragedies via genocide, slavery, racism, sexism, and other intolerant forms of violence. Theories, generally termed as scientific racism of late 19th. & early 20th. centuries, times of colonialism, assumed that some races are inferior to others, and that differential treatment of races is consequently justified. Such approaches led to movements of unification / purification practices which cannot be legitimate and caused vast individual and institutional racial discrimination, human rights violations and violence. As a social determinant of health, racial discrimination and ethnocentrism, a powerful force that weakens human relations, continue to afflict the health and mental health conditions of people. Albeit racial discrimination, peoples of the world also have a history of effective praxis of inclusive ways of solving conflicts of interests between in-groups and out-groups. Disclosure No significant relationships.
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Friesel, Ofra. "Race versus Religion in the Making of the International Convention Against Racial Discrimination, 1965." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (May 2014): 351–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000017.
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The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 1965 (CERD), was negotiated at the United Nations (UN) during the years 1962–1965. At that period, the UN was an organization so highly politicized and split that it was almost paralyzed, operatively speaking. Human rights codification was a major field whose advancement came to a standstill as a result of the lack of cooperation between UN member-states. Nevertheless, the UN managed to unite around the denunciation of racial discrimination, and unanimously adopted CERD on December 21, 1965. Furthermore, the period of time that elapsed between the presentation of the initiative and the vote on the final version of the treaty was only 3 years; a rather short period of time, UN experience considered.
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Roediger, David. "What if Labor Were Not White and Male? Recentering Working-Class History and Reconstructing Debate on the Unions and Race." International Labor and Working-Class History 51 (April 1997): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790000199x.
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During World War Two Alexander Saxton, the great historian of race and class, was a young activist working in the railroad industry. In a lengthy article for theDaily Workerhe caught the complexity of racial discrimination among railway unions. The brotherhoods which organized railroad labor inculded several unions which had historically established the worst records of attempting to enforce what one commentator called the “Nordic closed shop” in their crafts. By the time Saxton wrote, however, the railwayunions had joined in campaigns against the poll tax and against lynching. What they avoided was agitation against “alleged” racism in their own workplaces. When the Fair Employment Practices Committee canceled hearings inquiring into discrimination in railroad employment, the unions rejoiced. Their newspaper observed that in any case such hearings would be illegitimate if African Americans joined in the deliberations. “Thereshould be on the Committee,” according to Labor, “no representative of any race or special interest.” Saxton added, “Apparently white men belongto no race.”
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Rabo, Annika. "Cultural Expertise in Sweden: A History of Its Use." Laws 8, no. 3 (September 17, 2019): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws8030022.
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This paper is a case study of the use of cultural experts, broadly defined as including mediators and academicians with a variety of backgrounds, in Sweden. It draws on data collected through qualitative interviews with cultural experts, by following court cases through legal documents, mass media and other printed material, and by my own experience as a cultural expert. The paper provides a context to the potential application of the concept of cultural expertise regarding the appointment of such experts by lawyers, prosecutors and courts. It analyzes cases concerning the Sami, the Roma and recent immigrants from Africa and Asia. The Sami cases revolve around conflicts with the Swedish state over rights and ownership. The Roma cases revolve around questions of ethnic discrimination. Cases of immigrants from outside Europe consist of individual criminal cases and asylum. I argue that Swedish ideas—and ideals—of sameness and equality have had an impact on the legal cases that I discuss in this paper. While the legal issues in each of these cases differ, the paper argues that they demonstrate a similarity in how Swedish-majority society manages and even creates cultural differences. I conclude by showing the ways culture, rights, and obligations are understood in courts reflect mainstream trends of Swedish society and suggest the need for cultural expertise in the form of interdisciplinary collaboration.
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Teng, Emma J. "Chinese Elites and U.S. Gatekeeping: Racial Discrimination and Class Privilege in Boston's 1905 King Incident." Modern American History 4, no. 1 (March 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.1.
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In 1905, Boston immigration officials detained four Chinese students of the King family, inciting protest from Euro-American elites and sparking an international controversy that gave momentum to the American Boycott movement in Shanghai. A prominent family, the Kings successfully rallied business leaders to take their cause to President Theodore Roosevelt and effectively used the press to articulate Chinese grievances. Bringing to a head the tension between race-based and class-based interpretations of exclusion that troubled the legislation from its inception, the case prompted key reforms in the administration of Chinese exclusion and helped promote a pivot away from the movement for a wholesale “Chinese ban.” An examination of this incident and its role in struggles over immigration law illuminates the conflicted position of Chinese elites—disempowered by race yet empowered by class status—under exclusion. It also provides insights into the agency of Chinese elites in mobilizing resources to combat immigration abuses.
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Flores, René D. "The Resurgence of Race in Spain: Perceptions of Discrimination Among Immigrants." Social Forces 94, no. 1 (March 18, 2015): 237–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sov056.
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JOHNES, MARTIN, and MATTHEW TAYLOR. "BOXING, RACE, AND BRITISH IDENTITY, 1945–1962." Historical Journal 63, no. 5 (February 14, 2020): 1349–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000724.
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AbstractWith a formal colour bar on British championships operating until 1948, boxing had long been a site of racial discrimination. The abolition of the sport's colour bar was recognition of the wrongness of racial exclusion and it was followed by a celebration of black fighters as local and national heroes. The sport became a rare space where black men could be spoken about, discussed, and celebrated without primary reference to their colour. However, race was never irrelevant, especially as the number of black boxers rose with wider patterns of migration. Race was thus widely discussed in boxing, although there was rarely open discussion of racism. This absence, along with black successes in the ring, masked deep levels of both structural and interpersonal prejudice. Racial differences remained accepted as common sense by white Britons. Indeed, immigration intensified racism in Britain, changing the perceived position of people of colour from exotic novelties to threats to society. Boxing is thus a reminder of the contradictory dynamics of race. Formal mechanisms of exclusion could be removed, while informal mechanisms intensified. Individuals could be celebrated, while people of colour as a group were looked down upon. Black achievements could simultaneously reinforce ideas of black inferiority.
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Goldberg, David Theo, Ramón Grosfoguel, and Eric Mielants. "Field of Dreams." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, no. 3-4 (August 2006): 259–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715206065783.
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This article examines the complicity of academic paradigms and public policies with racist discourses and racial discrimination in the United States. From the most overt racial segregation policies and biological racist discourses to the most recent and covert forms of ‘color-blind racism’, the article discusses the shifting forms of racial discrimination and academic paradigms in the US. The first part discusses mainstream academic schools of thought relating to race and ethnicity in the US. The second part provides a brief history of public policies related to race. Given the myth of the US as a land of equal opportunities for migrants from all over the world, race and ethnic based paradigms are frequently conflated with migration theories. Both are examined in the article.
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Singer, Joseph William. "Public Rights." Law and History Review 38, no. 3 (August 2020): 621–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000036.
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Scott focuses on the conflicts in the state of Louisiana over a provision in the post-Civil War Louisiana Constitution of 1868 that guaranteed “public rights” to all regardless of race. While we still live with shockingly high levels of racial discrimination in public accommodations, front and center today are claims that the Constitution's guarantee of religious liberty requires exemptions from state laws that prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. To understand the historical context within which we confront this issue today, it will help to understand how public accommodations law has changed over time through the course of United States history.
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Johnes, Martin. "Race, Archival Silences, and a Black Footballer Between the Wars." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 4 (September 2, 2020): 530–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwaa023.
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Abstract The relative absence of colour in archival sources has led the British historiography of race to concentrate too much on the reactions of white Britons and not enough on black experiences. With some notable exceptions, this has created an analytical emphasis on racism and discrimination rather than the agency of black men and women to resist prejudices and live meaningful lives. This article explores the life of Welsh footballer Eddie Parris in order to investigate the working-class black experience in interwar Britain. It acts as a reminder of the importance of thinking of people of colour in early-twentieth-century Britain as individuals rather than just as a racialized category. Nonetheless, notions of racial difference were so pervasive that race was never irrelevant for their lives. The task for the historian is to acknowledge and investigate the impact of these ideas without letting them push aside the actual people within them.
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Koechlin, Tim. "Whitewashing Capitalism: Mainstream Economics’ Resounding Silence on Race and Racism." Review of Radical Political Economics 51, no. 4 (September 16, 2019): 562–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613419873229.
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This paper is about the gaping silence in mainstream economics regarding the relationship among capitalism, race, racism, and enduring racial inequality in the USA. Racial inequality is a glaring and enduring fact about the US economy. And yet mainstream economics has little to say about race or racism. Gregory Mankiw’s bestselling textbook devotes seven pages to “discrimination.” There is no discussion of racism per se. Mainstream economists and textbooks typically conflate racism and “discrimination,” and reassure the reader that “markets contain a natural remedy for employer discrimination” (Mankiw, 2008: 409). A student is likely to leave ECON 101 (or an economics major) with a sense that “economic science” has “shown” that discrimination is not that big a deal, and that the history of racist plunder and exploitation in the USA (of which there likely has been no discussion) is not relevant to “economics.” I argue here that the mainstream narrative (its assumptions, its logic, its conclusions, and its rhetorical choices and emphases) systematically obscures, dismisses, and ignores essential ways that racial inequality has been (re)produced by US capitalism. Especially striking is the resounding silence about the legacy of racist economic practices—in particular, the ways in which the enormous black/white wealth gap (and its effects) in the USA are linked to centuries of racist exclusion, violence, and plunder. The mainstream narrative thus whitewashes capitalism and exonerates “the market system.” The final section argues for a radical multidisciplinary economics. JEL classification: J15, D63
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Marcus, Kenneth H., and Yong Chen. "Inside and Outside Chinatown: Chinese Elites in Exclusion Era California." Pacific Historical Review 80, no. 3 (August 1, 2011): 369–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2011.80.3.369.
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Chinese elites who were exempted from the Exclusion Act of 1882 became important figures in interethnic dialogue in the West. This article focuses on herbalists and missionaries, who were often able to cross boundaries of race, geography, and gender through their professions. In comparing the experiences of these elites in Los Angeles with their counterparts in San Francisco—the two cities in California with the highest Chinese populations by 1890—the authors demonstrate how a limited degree of inclusion was possible during a period of extreme discrimination and race hatred. The examination of photographs, newspaper articles and advertisements, memoirs, and other materials provides a way to understand the class dimensions of the Exclusion Act in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century California.
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Collins, William J. "Race, Labor Markets, and Social Disorder in Twentieth-Century America." Social Science History 29, no. 2 (2005): 235–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012931.
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In 1900, approximately 10 percent of African Americans resided in central cities; by 1970, nearly 60 percent did, far higher than the corresponding proportion of whites. This geographic redistribution was central to the twentieth-century African American economic experience, with connections radiating in innumerable directions: to labor markets, housing markets, educational systems, the civil rights movement, and public policy responses to discrimination and poverty. Although migration patterns are not their focus, each essay in this special section is closely connected to the black population's historic redistribution.
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Trochim, Michael R. "The Brazilian Black Guard Racial Conflict in Post-Abolition Brazil." Americas 44, no. 3 (January 1988): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006908.
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The existence of racial democracy in Brazil has long since come into serious question. The work of sociologists like Florestan Fernandes and historians like Carl Degler has demonstrated the fact of racial discrimination in Brazil, yet the history of race relations in Brazil still seems to stand in contrast to that of the United States. Occurrences of widespread racial violence and the organization of militant movements for social, economic, and political equality take up little space in the historical literature dealing with Brazil. The apparent lack of endemic racial conflict in Brazil has been explained as the result of the marginalization of black people in Brazilian capitalism or as the result of a social mechanism like Degler's “mulatto escape hatch,” which separates the mass of black people from their natural leaders. Consequently, a consciousness of racial solidarity did not develop as the basis for political organization. Without such organization, black people could not effectively confront the white power structure on the issues of race, and, ultimately, class discrimination.
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Reid, Debra A. "African Americans and Land Loss in Texas: Government Duplicity and Discrimination Based on Race and Class." Agricultural History 77, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 258–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-77.2.258.
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Abstract "African American Farmers and Land Loss in Texas," surveys the ways that discrimination at the local, state, and national levels constrained minority farmers during the twentieth century. It considers the characteristics of small-scale farming that created liabilities for landowners regardless of race, including state and federal programs that favored commercial and agribusiness interests. In addition to economic challenges African American farmers had to negotiate racism in the Jim Crow South. The Texas Agricultural Extension Service, the state branch of the USDA’s Extension Service, segregated in 1915. The "Negro" division gave black farmers access to information about USDA programs, but it emphasized their subordinate position relative to white farmers. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 did not reverse decades of racial discrimination. Instead, USDA officials relied on federalism, a theory as old as the Constitution, to justify their tolerance of civil rights violations in Texas and elsewhere. Then, special needs legislation passed during the 1970s and 1980s did not realize its potential to serve ethnically diverse and economically disadvantaged rural Texans. Discrimination based on race combined with a bias toward commercial production. This crippled most black farmers and led to their near extinction.
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O'Brien, Barbara, and Catherine M. Grosso. "Criminal Trials and Reforms Intended to Reduce the Impact of Race: A Review." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 16, no. 1 (October 13, 2020): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-042020-111040.
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This review collects initiatives and legal decisions designed to mitigate discrimination in pretrial decision making, jury selection, jury unanimity, and jury deliberations. It also reviews initiatives to interrupt implicit racial biases. Among these, Washington's new rule for jury selection stands alone in treating racism as the product of both individual actors’ decisions and long-standing legal structures. Washington's rule shows the limits of recent US Supreme Court decisions addressing discrimination in cases with unusual and clearly problematic facts. The court presents these cases as rare remediable aberrations, ignoring the well-documented history of racism in jury selection. The final section juxtaposes limited reforms with the contemporary prison abolitionist movement to illuminate boundaries of incremental reforms. Reforms must reflect cognizance of the extent to which racism exists at multiple levels. Reforms that do not are less likely to make change, because they are either narrow in scope or focused on discrimination by individuals.
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Quillian, Lincoln, and Arnfinn H. Midtbøen. "Comparative Perspectives on Racial Discrimination in Hiring: The Rise of Field Experiments." Annual Review of Sociology 47, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 391–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-090420-035144.
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This article reviews studies of hiring discrimination against racial and ethnic minority groups in cross-national perspective. We focus on field experimental studies of hiring discrimination: studies that use fictitious applications from members of different racial and ethnic groups to apply for actual jobs. There are more than 140 field experimental studies of hiring discrimination against ethno-racial minority groups in 30 countries. We outline seventeen empirical findings from this body of studies. We also discuss individual and contextual theories of hiring discrimination, the relative strengths and weaknesses of field experiments to assess discrimination, and the history of such field experiments. The comparative scope of this body of research helps to move beyond micromodels of employer decision-making to better understand the roles of history, social context, institutional rules, and racist ideologies in producing discrimination. These studies show that racial and ethnic discrimination is a pervasive international phenomenon that has hardly declined over time, although levels vary significantly over countries. Evidence indicates that institutional rules regarding race and ethnicity in hiring can have an important influence on levels of discrimination. Suggestions for future research on discrimination are discussed.
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Kent, Michael, and Peter Wade. "Genetics against race: Science, politics and affirmative action in Brazil." Social Studies of Science 45, no. 6 (October 21, 2015): 816–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312715610217.
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This article analyses interrelations between genetic ancestry research, political conflict and social identity. It focuses on the debate on race-based affirmative action policies, which have been implemented in Brazil since the turn of the century. Genetic evidence of high levels of admixture in the Brazilian population has become a key element of arguments that question the validity of the category of race for the development of public policies. In response, members of Brazil’s black movement have dismissed the relevance of genetics by arguing, first, that in Brazil race functions as a social – rather than a biological – category, and, second, that racial classification and discrimination in this country are based on appearance, rather than on genotype. This article highlights the importance of power relations and political interests in shaping public engagements with genetic research and their social consequences.
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Kurian, Allison W., Elisha Hughes, Ryan Bernhisel, Braden Probst, Jerry Lanchbury, Susanne Wagner, Alexander Gutin, et al. "Performance of the IBIS/Tyrer-Cuzick (TC) Model by race/ethnicity in the Women’s Health Initiative." Journal of Clinical Oncology 38, no. 15_suppl (May 20, 2020): 1503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2020.38.15_suppl.1503.
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1503 Background: The TC model, a breast cancer (BC) risk assessment tool based on family cancer history, reproductive and lifestyle factors is used to guide BC screening and prevention. TC was developed and validated largely in non-Hispanic White (NHW) women. We evaluated the calibration and discrimination of TC version 7.02 among racially/ethnically diverse post-menopausal women enrolled in the Women’s Health Initiative (WHI) clinical trials or observational study. Methods: WHI enrolled post-menopausal women from 1993-1998 and followed them prospectively for BC incidence. We included women aged ≤80 years at enrollment with no prior BC or mastectomy and with data required for TC, including weight, height, ages at menarche, first birth and menopause, menopausal hormone therapy use and family history of breast or ovarian cancer in first or second-degree relatives. Calibration was assessed by the ratio of observed BC cases to the number expected by TC (O/E), with expected cases calculated as the sum of cumulative hazards. We tested for differential discrimination by race/ethnicity (NHW, African American, Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, Native American, other) using Cox regression. Time to BC was modeled using age, race/ethnicity, TC estimate (transformed by log of relative lifetime risk), and a term for interaction between race/ethnicity and TC estimate. Results: During the follow-up period (median 18.9 years, maximum 23.4 years), 6,836 new BC cases were diagnosed among 91,893 women. TC was well-calibrated overall (O/E 0.95) in NHW and African Americans, but over-estimated risk for Hispanics (O/E 0.75, Table). Results suggested good calibration for Asian/Pacific Islanders and Native Americans, but sample sizes were small. Discrimination did not differ significantly by race/ethnicity (two-sided p-value for interaction = 0.33). Conclusions: TC provided similar risk discrimination among post-menopausal women of different racial/ethnic groups over nearly 20 years of follow-up; however, it overestimated risk for Hispanics. Future studies in diverse populations are warranted, with need for a more accurate breast cancer risk assessment tool for Hispanics. [Table: see text]
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Wright, Winthrop R. "The Todd Duncan Affair: Acción Democrática and the Myth of Racial Democracy in Venezuela." Americas 44, no. 4 (April 1988): 441–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006969.
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In June, 1945, Time Magazine informed its readers that the North American singer, Robert Todd Duncan, had been refused accomodations by three prominent hotels in Caracas, Venezuela. This news, came as a shock to many Venezuelans who had considered their nation a racial democracy in which discrimination and prejudice did not exist. They felt doubly disturbed because a North American news magazine charged that the hotels had refused to admit Duncan, his wife, and his accompanist, William Allen, because of their race. They resented the fact that representatives of the press in the most racist society of the Americas accused Venezuelans of practicing racial discrimination of the sort found in the United States.
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Bhabha, Faisal. "‘ISLANDS OF EMPOWERMENT’: ANTI-DISCRIMINATION LAW AND THE QUESTION OF RACIAL EMANCIPATION." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 31, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v31i2.4412.
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In her evocative masterpiece, The Alchemy of Race and Rights, published in 1991, Patricia Williams captured a moment in American legal thought that marked a turning point in expressions about race and power, and the implications for social equality. It contained lessons extending beyond America’s unique race history, to the general social and political dynamics in liberal democracy that create conditions of privilege and exclusion. She invited us to think about the place of law in the social and institutional practices that sustain status quo hierarchies, despite proclaimed civil rights commitments to justice. She also inspired hope that the role of the lawyer could be one of mutinous agitator—struggling from the inside, using the tools and skills of practice to support the causes of identifiable communities and social movements. Dans son chef-d’œuvre évocateur, The Alchemy of Race and Rights, publié en 1991, Patricia Williams a saisi un moment dans la pensée juridique américaine qui a marqué un tournant au niveau des expressions concernant la race et le pouvoir, ainsi que les répercussions pour l’égalité sociale. L’ouvrage contenait des leçons qui allaient au-delà de l’histoire raciale unique des États-Unis et qui abordaient la dynamique sociale et politique générale de la démocratie libérale qui crée des conditions de privilège et d’exclusion. L’auteure nous a invités à examiner la place du droit dans les pratiques sociales et institutionnelles qui maintiennent les hiérarchies du statu quo, malgré les engagements en matière de droits civils qui ont été pris en faveur de la justice. Elle a aussi laissé espérer que l’avocat pourrait jouer un rôle d’agitateur rebelle — luttant de l’intérieur, en utilisant les outils et compétences pratiques pour soutenir les causes des collectivités et des mouvements sociaux identifiables.
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Hartman, Ian C., and David Reamer. "A “Far North Dixie Land”: Black Settlement, Discrimination, and Community in Urban Alaska." Western Historical Quarterly 51, no. 1 (November 15, 2019): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whz097.
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Abstract Though it never ranked among the top destinations of the Great Migration, Alaska nevertheless enticed thousands of African Americans during the postwar decades. On the one hand, Black Alaskans experienced the lamentable patterns that defined American race relations in the twentieth century: housing and job discrimination alongside marginalization and racial violence. On the other hand, Black men and women also found in Alaska a place to make their own. This article presents a case study of urban history in the American West and demonstrates that despite its distance from other metropolitan centers, Alaska’s largest city, Anchorage, was not excluded from major postwar trends. Rather, many of the defining through-lines of midcentury U.S. history—mass migration, racial discrimination, community formation, urban planning, and civic activism, to name a few—were present and comprise a dynamic story that until now has never been told.
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Kondziella, Daniel, Klaus Hansen, and Lawrence A. Zeidman. "Scandinavian Neuroscience during the Nazi Era." Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 40, no. 4 (July 2013): 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0317167100014578.
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AbstractAlthough Scandinavian neuroscience has a proud history, its status during the Nazi era has been overlooked. In fact, prominent neuroscientists in German-occupied Denmark and Norway, as well as in neutral Sweden, were directly affected. Mogens Fog, Poul Thygesen (Denmark) and Haakon Sæthre (Norway) were resistance fighters, tortured by the Gestapo: Thygesen was imprisoned in concentration camps and Sæthre executed. Jan Jansen (Norway), another neuroscientist resistor, escaped to Sweden, returning under disguise to continue fighting. Fritz Buchthal (Denmark) was one of almost 8000 Jews escaping deportation by fleeing from Copenhagen to Sweden. In contrast, Carl Værnet (Denmark) became a collaborator, conducting inhuman experiments in Buchenwald concentration camp, and Herman Lundborg (Sweden) and Thorleif Østrem (Norway) advanced racial hygiene in order to maintain the “superior genetic pool of the Nordic race.” Compared to other Nazi-occupied countries, there was a high ratio of resistance fighters to collaborators and victims among the neuroscientists in Scandinavia.
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Segar, Matthew W., Byron C. Jaeger, Kershaw V. Patel, Vijay Nambi, Chiadi E. Ndumele, Adolfo Correa, Javed Butler, et al. "Development and Validation of Machine Learning–Based Race-Specific Models to Predict 10-Year Risk of Heart Failure: A Multicohort Analysis." Circulation 143, no. 24 (June 15, 2021): 2370–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/circulationaha.120.053134.
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Background: Heart failure (HF) risk and the underlying risk factors vary by race. Traditional models for HF risk prediction treat race as a covariate in risk prediction and do not account for significant parameters such as cardiac biomarkers. Machine learning (ML) may offer advantages over traditional modeling techniques to develop race-specific HF risk prediction models and to elucidate important contributors of HF development across races. Methods: We performed a retrospective analysis of 4 large, community cohort studies (ARIC [Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities], DHS [Dallas Heart Study], JHS [Jackson Heart Study], and MESA [Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis]) with adjudicated HF events. The study included participants who were >40 years of age and free of HF at baseline. Race-specific ML models for HF risk prediction were developed in the JHS cohort (for Black race–specific model) and White adults from ARIC (for White race–specific model). The models included 39 candidate variables across demographic, anthropometric, medical history, laboratory, and electrocardiographic domains. The ML models were externally validated and compared with prior established traditional and non–race-specific ML models in race-specific subgroups of the pooled MESA/DHS cohort and Black participants of ARIC. The Harrell C-index and Greenwood-Nam-D’Agostino χ 2 tests were used to assess discrimination and calibration, respectively. Results: The ML models had excellent discrimination in the derivation cohorts for Black (n=4141 in JHS, C-index=0.88) and White (n=7858 in ARIC, C-index=0.89) participants. In the external validation cohorts, the race-specific ML model demonstrated adequate calibration and superior discrimination (Black individuals, C-index=0.80–0.83; White individuals, C-index=0.82) compared with established HF risk models or with non–race-specific ML models derived with race included as a covariate. Among the risk factors, natriuretic peptide levels were the most important predictor of HF risk across both races, followed by troponin levels in Black and ECG-based Cornell voltage in White individuals. Other key predictors of HF risk among Black individuals were glycemic parameters and socioeconomic factors. In contrast, prevalent cardiovascular disease and traditional cardiovascular risk factors were stronger predictors of HF risk in White adults. Conclusions: Race-specific and ML-based HF risk models that integrate clinical, laboratory, and biomarker data demonstrated superior performance compared with traditional HF risk and non–race-specific ML models. This approach identifies distinct race-specific contributors of HF.
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Bromfield, Samantha G., Samaah Sullivan, Ryan Saelee, Lisa Elon, Bruno Lima, An Young, Irina Uphoff, et al. "Race and Gender Differences in the Association Between Experiences of Everyday Discrimination and Arterial Stiffness Among Patients With Coronary Heart Disease." Annals of Behavioral Medicine 54, no. 10 (March 30, 2020): 761–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/abm/kaaa015.
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Abstract Background Self-reported experiences of discrimination have been linked to indices of cardiovascular disease. However, most studies have focused on healthy populations. Thus, we examined the association between experiences of everyday discrimination and arterial stiffness among patients with a history of myocardial infarction (MI). Purpose We hypothesized that higher reports of discrimination would be associated with greater arterial stiffness and that associations would be more pronounced among Black women, in particular, relative to other race–gender groups, using an “intersectionality” perspective. Methods Data were from 313 participants (49.2% female, mean age: 50.8 years) who were 6 months post-MI in the Myocardial Infarction and Mental Stress 2 study. Data were collected via self-reported questionnaires, medical chart review, and a clinic visit during which arterial stiffness was measured noninvasively using pulse wave velocity. Results Reports of discrimination were highest in Black men and women and arterial stiffness was greatest in Black and White women. After adjustment for demographics and relevant clinical variables, discrimination was not associated with arterial stiffness in the overall study sample. However, discrimination was associated with increased arterial stiffness among Black women but not White women, White men, or Black men. Conclusions Despite no apparent association between discrimination and arterial stiffness in the overall study sample, further stratification revealed an association among Black women but not other race–gender groups. These data not only support the utility of an intersectionality lens but also suggest the importance of implementing psychosocial interventions and coping strategies focused on discrimination into the care of clinically ill Black women.
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Parashar, Sangeeta. "Marginalized by race and place." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, no. 11/12 (October 7, 2014): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-01-2014-0003.
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Purpose – Given South Africa's apartheid history, studies have primarily focused on racial discrimination in employment outcomes, with lesser attention paid to gender and context. The purpose of this paper is to fill an important gap by examining the combined effect of macro- and micro-level factors on occupational sex segregation in post-apartheid South Africa. Intersections by race are also explored. Design/methodology/approach – A multilevel multinomial logistic regression is used to examine the influence of various supply and demand variables on women's placement in white- and blue-collar male-dominated occupations. Data from the 2001 Census and other published sources are used, with women nested in magisterial districts. Findings – Demand-side results indicate that service sector specialization augments differentiation by increasing women's opportunities in both white-collar male- and female-dominated occupations. Contrary to expectations, urban residence does not influence women's, particularly African women's, placement in any male-type positions, although Whites (white-collar) and Coloureds (blue-collar) fare better. Supply side human capital models are supported in general with African women receiving higher returns from education relative to others, although theories of “maternal incompatibility” are partially disproved. Finally, among all racial groups, African women are least likely to be employed in any male-dominated occupations, highlighting their marginalization and sustained discrimination in the labour market. Practical implications – An analysis of women's placement in white- and blue-collar male-dominated occupations by race provides practical information to design equitable work policies by gender and race. Social implications – Sex-typing of occupations has deleterious consequences such as lower security, wage differentials, and fewer prospects for promotion, that in turn increase labour market rigidity, reduce economic efficiency, and bar women from reaching their full potential. Originality/value – Very few empirical studies have examined occupational sex segregation (using detailed three-digit data) in developing countries, including South Africa. Methodologically, the paper uses multilevel techniques to correctly estimate ways in which context influences individual outcomes. Finally, it contributes to the literature on intersectionality by examining how gender and race sustain systems of inequality.
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Graham, Hugh Davis. "Race, History, and Policy: African Americans and Civil Rights Since 1964." Journal of Policy History 6, no. 1 (January 1994): 12–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003614.
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Dwarfing all debates over civil rights policy and race relations during the three decades since 1964 has been the storm over affirmative action. Critics have argued that affirmative action in practice has meant requiring racial quotas, and hence practicing “reverse discrimination” against innocent (usually white male) third parties. This has been done, critics contend, in the name of a law, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, that explicitly prohibited racial preferences. Proponents have countered that racism is so deeply rooted in American culture and institutions that mere nondiscrimination will perpetuate the injustice of the past. There is abundant evidence to support both contentions. The purpose of this essay is not to weigh the evidence and determine which side is correct. Ultimately such profound disagreements are not resolvable by logic and evidence alone, because they hinge on divergent assumptions about human nature and the purpose and limits of government. My more modest goal in this essay is to use the insights of history to understand why civil rights policy evolved in this dual fashion following the breakthrough legislation of 1964–68, and to try to assess the consequences.
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Petti, Emily, Pamela Rakhshan Rouhakhtar, Mallory J. Klaunig, Miranda Bridgwater, Caroline Roemer, Nicole D. Andorko, Joseph S. DeLuca, et al. "M241. MENTAL HEALTH TREATMENT-SEEKING IN INDIVIDUALS WITH HIGH LEVELS OF PSYCHOSIS-LIKE EXPERIENCES: IMPACT OF TRAUMA AND RACE." Schizophrenia Bulletin 46, Supplement_1 (April 2020): S227—S228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbaa030.553.
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Abstract Background Despite increases in psychiatric treatment-seeking in the U.S., sociodemographic and racial inequalities in mental health service utilization and quality of care remain, particularly among Black/African-American populations. Factors including trauma and racial discrimination impact psychosis spectrum symptom severity, but little is known about how these factors uniquely impact treatment-seeking behaviors and attitudes among youth with psychosis-like experiences (PEs). The current study examined the associations between trauma, discrimination, self-reported PEs, race, and treatment-seeking among a racially diverse group of college-aged youth endorsing high levels of PEs. Methods Participants were college students between 18 - 25 years of age (N = 177). The sample included individuals with self-reported race of Asian, Black, or White who endorsed PEs at a “high-risk” cutoff level as per the Prime Screen or Prodromal Questionnaire (PQ), commonly used measures of PEs. Analyses included the PQ total score to measure PEs; trauma history was assessed with the Life Events Checklist (total number of lifetime traumatic experiences endorsed); discrimination was measured by the 9-item situation section of the Experiences of Discrimination questionnaire. Participants self-reported mental health service utilization in the past 2 months (current), before 3 months ago (past), as well as how strongly they were considering seeking mental health care (future). Binary logistic regressions were used to analyze the associations between past and current help-seeking and race, trauma, discrimination, and PEs. A multiple linear regression analysis was performed to evaluate the associations between future treatment-seeking and race, PEs, trauma, and discrimination. Results Participants with higher PQ scores were more likely to endorse past (b = 0.04, SE = 0.15, χ2[1] = 8.03, p < .01, OR = 1.04), current (b = 0.05, SE =0.02, χ2[1] = 8.99, p < .01, OR = 1.05), and future treatment (b = 0.04, t(1) = 3.32, p < .01, f2 = 0.07). Asian and Black participants were significantly less likely than their White peers to have received past treatment (bAsian = -1.94, SEAsian = 0.47, χ2Asian[1] = 17.15, pAsian < .001, ORAsian = 0.14; bBlack = -1.53, SEBlack = 0.48, χ2Black[1] = 10.04, pBlack < .01, ORBlack = 0.22), current treatment (bAsian = -1.56, SEAsian = 0.51, χ2Asian[1] = 9.41, pAsian < .01, ORAsian = 0.21; bBlack = -1.06, SEBlack = 0.52, χ2Black[1] = 4.20, pBlack < .05, ORBlack = 0.35), and to be considering future treatment (bAsian = -0.51, tAsian (1) = -1.94, pAsian = .06, f2Asian = 0.02; bBlack = -0.58, tBlack (1) = -2.02, pBlack < .05, f2Black = 0.03). Experiences of trauma significantly predicted past treatment (b = 0.30 SE = 0.12, χ2[1] = 6.44, p < .05, OR = 1.35), but not current or future treatment (ps > .05). Experiences of discrimination did not significantly predict self-reported treatment variables across all analyses (all ps > .05). Discussion The current study examined the associations between race, trauma, PEs, discrimination, and psychiatric treatment-seeking in college students with high levels of psychosis-like experiences. Self-reported PE scores and race were significantly associated with all treatment-seeking variables, while experiences of discrimination were not significantly associated with help-seeking. Results suggest race-related disparities in help-seeking patterns among college-educated youth and young adults. These findings have implications for engaging racial and ethnic minorities in mental health treatment who are experiencing psychosis-like symptoms to alleviate these symptoms and any associated functional impairments or distress.
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Owensby, Brian. "Toward a History of Brazil's “Cordial Racism”: Race Beyond Liberalism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 2 (April 2005): 318–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000150.
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As anyone who has tried knows, the central problem in thinking about race in Brazil is how to. The almost quantum-theory-like indeterminacy of the ways Brazilians of different skin colors interact has exercised imaginations for decades, fromfin-de-sièclescientific racists, to the eugenists of the 1920s, to interwar modernists who promoted the idea of racial democracy, to the Brazilian and later North American revisionists of the 1950s and beyond. The complexities of Brazilian race have not always been in the forefront of these debates. For much of the period up to the 1970s, scholars focused on debunking Brazil's vaunted myth of racial democracy—the national ideology claiming Brazil to be free of racial prejudice (Costa 1985). The effort was roundly successful. From this literature, we learned not only how wide a gap there has been between the ideal of racial democracy and the reality of racial and color prejudice in Brazil, but also the role elites have played in manipulating the myth to defuse racial and other social tensions (Hanchard 1994). Recently, some scholars have suggested that it is high time to look beyond the debunking agenda and take up once again the complexities of the Brazilian situation. Anthropologists have led the way, seeking to reveal “the range of contemporary understandings” of racial democracy and to explain something of its persistence as a tangible “dream” in the face of ongoing discrimination and prejudice in everyday Brazilian life (Sheriff 2001:8).
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HART, J. "MAKING DEMOCRACY SAFE FOR THE WWORLD." Pacific Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 49–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.49.
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Recent literature has argued that, beginning in the late 1940s, the increasing ideological competition between the Soviet Union and the United States-or, more broadly, between communism and capitalism-transformed America's record of racial discrimination and violence into an international issue with consequences for U.S. foreign policy. This article challenges that historiography by raising questions about both the timing and the cause of the increasing importance of civil rights to the U.S. foreign policy process. It focuses roughly equally upon the damage that discrimination against Latinos in the Southwest did to the Good Neighbor Policy and the dif�culties of the World War II propaganda organization, the Of�ce of War Information, in portraying America's racial practices to the world. To account for these examples requires us to recognize the World War II years-not the Cold War-as the decisive turning point when the history of domestic race relations could no longer be sanguinely ignored by U.S. policymakers.
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Hudson, Darrell L., Eli Puterman, Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo, Karen A. Matthews, and Nancy E. Adler. "Race, life course socioeconomic position, racial discrimination, depressive symptoms and self-rated health." Social Science & Medicine 97 (November 2013): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2013.07.031.
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Schmidt, Christopher W. "Rights, Dignity, and Public Accommodations." Law and History Review 38, no. 3 (August 2020): 599–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000243.
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In this essay I consider why debates over applying anti-discrimination norms to public accommodations have long been, and remain today, such a resilient presence in the history of the United States. I use as my starting point the most famous iteration of this phenomenon, the national debate sparked by the 1960 sit-in movement and culminating in the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which banned racial discrimination in public accommodations across the nation. The battle over racial discrimination and public accommodations in the early 1960s illuminates the moral issue at the heart of the issue, the lines of argument that characterize the debate over how to define legal rights in this area, and the ways in which different legal institutions have resolved, or failed to resolve, the issue. I then move backward time, highlighting the continuities between this episode and the struggle over race and public accommodations during Reconstruction. The history of the civil rights era provides a useful framework to analyze the terms of debate from a century earlier, and it provides particular insights into the significance of the concept of public rights that Rebecca Scott has so effectively brought to our attention.
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Ndlovu, Sifiso. "An Analysis of the History of Public Sector Trade Unionism in Zimbabwe." Cross Current International Journal of Economics, Management and Media Studies 1, no. 2 (April 26, 2019): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijemms.2019.v01i02.005.
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Before independence, labour policies and laws were oppressive towards the employment of African workers. Industrial relations were based on master- servant relationship. Employment was in a four-tiered structure, whereby Europeans were at the top followed by Asians, Coloureds and Africans at the bottom. Employers determined the working conditions unilaterally. The introduction of the tax system was used to discriminate African workers and to control labour movement. Africans worked in order to pay discriminatory tax such as the poll tax or hut tax. This official discrimination made the problem of African Workers worse. The workers were not only discriminated in working places but also on the basis of race and colour. African workers, therefore, used every opportunity to protest against poor working conditions and official discrimination on racial grounds. The fight against colonial rule cannot be differentiated from the fight for workers’ rights. And this could explain why the current labour movement in Zimbabwe is politicized in a way
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Ndlovu, Sifiso. "An Analysis of the History of Public Sector Trade Unionism in Zimbabwe." Cross Current International Journal of Economics, Management and Media Studies 1, no. 2 (April 26, 2019): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijemms.2019.v01i02.005.
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Before independence, labour policies and laws were oppressive towards the employment of African workers. Industrial relations were based on master- servant relationship. Employment was in a four-tiered structure, whereby Europeans were at the top followed by Asians, Coloureds and Africans at the bottom. Employers determined the working conditions unilaterally. The introduction of the tax system was used to discriminate African workers and to control labour movement. Africans worked in order to pay discriminatory tax such as the poll tax or hut tax. This official discrimination made the problem of African Workers worse. The workers were not only discriminated in working places but also on the basis of race and colour. African workers, therefore, used every opportunity to protest against poor working conditions and official discrimination on racial grounds. The fight against colonial rule cannot be differentiated from the fight for workers’ rights. And this could explain why the current labour movement in Zimbabwe is politicized in a way
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Canaday, Neil, and Charles Reback. "Race, Literacy, and Real Estate Transactions in the Postbellum South." Journal of Economic History 70, no. 2 (June 2010): 428–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050710000343.
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This article examines barriers that impeded the accumulation of land by African Americans in the postbellum South with a new data set of real estate transactions from 1880 Tennessee. We find that rates of purchase by African Americans differed little between plantation and non-plantation regions. We also find that parcels sold in plantation regions were relatively small, suggesting that African American accumulation of land was not hindered by plantation owners refusing to subdivide their properties. Additionally, we find blacks paid more than whites per acre of quality-constant land, although literacy at least partially mitigated the racial price discrimination.