Academic literature on the topic 'Race discrimination – Great Britain'

Does equality exist in the 21st century, or, are minorities still forced to fight for equality? In nineteenth century, Britain, racism was blatant in all spheres of cultural, social, and economic life to the point that it crossed over into literature and theatre. In 1978, UNESCO adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Forty years have since passed, but has it made any difference? Contemporary British playwright Debbie Tucker Green’s Eye for Ear (2018), staged at the Royal Court Theatre, reminds us that racism and inequality is still a key social-political issue. This three-act, avant-garde, colloquial play depicts how both African-Americans as well as Black British people still live with racism today. It also highlights racism’s linguistic and legal past. Tucker Green particularly focuses on the violent aspect of that racism through the lens of different characters: an academic, a black student, a black boy, and black parents. The play concludes with crushed hope, for it deduces that Caucasians both in the United States and in Great Britain still dominate practically every facet of society. This study will examine Green’s Ear for Eye, racial discrimination in the 21st century, and how Tucker Green projects her views upon her work through the theory of race and racism.

Despite the fact that in national legislation there is a direct, general ban on the use in advertising of statements and/or images that are discriminatory, as well as directly making claims of a discriminatory nature on the basis of race, skin color, gender, age, state of health, sexual orientation, etc. in advertisements about available vacancies, the latter (discriminatory job advertisements) will continue to be an "integral attribute" of the employment process. It is worth noting that discrimination against employees/candidates in job advertisements is widespread not only in Ukraine. Every country to a certain degree or another faces this type of discrimination, and as a result, the requirements are set at the legislative level for job advertisements, namely: their content, place of publication; cases are prescribed in detail, when advantages are still allowed for one or another reason; liability of employers for violations of legislation. The article provides a concise retrospective analysis of national legislative requirements regarding the prohibition of discrimination in the advertising of employment services; the provisions of the regulatory acts establishing the procedure for prosecuting advertisers for violations of anti-discrimination norms were analyzed. It was concluded that, in general, the changes made to the current legislation in the field of advertisers' responsibility deserve a positive assessment, but the question of the effectiveness of fines in the real fight against discrimination in practice remains open. A study of the existing legal requirements for job advertisements and liability for their violation in such countries as the USA, Australia, France, Germany, Great Britain was carried out. The comparative legal analysis of national and foreign legislation made it possible to conclude that: 1) the list of signs for which discrimination in job advertisements is prohibited is almost similar; 2) foreign legislation, generally, defines in sufficient detail the possibility of deviating from anti-discrimination requirements, in contrast to national legislation; 3) in foreign practice, there are also requirements regarding the place of publication, placement of advertisements, failure to comply with which may indicate hidden or indirect discrimination, but in Ukraine, as of today, there are no such requirements; 4) responsibility, as in Ukraine, in most cases comes in the form of fines, although warnings are also possible.

This article measures discrimination in the reality TV show Big Brother, a high-stakes environment. Data on contestants’ nominations are taken from 35 series of the British version of the show, covering the years 2000–2016. Race and age discrimination are found, with contestants more likely to nominate those of a different race and those different in age from themselves. However, no discrimination is identified on the basis of gender, geographical region of origin, or level of education. Racial discrimination is driven by males, but females exhibit stronger age discrimination than males. Age discrimination is driven by the younger contestants discriminating against the older. Regional differences emerge, particularly between contestants from Greater London and those from the north of England; northerners have a stronger tendency to engage in racial and age discrimination, and to discriminate in favour of the opposite gender.

This article examines disabled people’s employment in Great Britain and France. In both countries, they are far less likely to be employed than non-disabled people, but the gap is wider in Britain than in France. Possible explanations for the wider gap in Britain include weak enforcement mechanisms, judicial resistance and the lack of an institutional role for trade unions, resulting in an implementation gap; while the narrower gap in France may reflect the more proactive legislation, including its quota-levy scheme. We conclude that these explanations are not mutually exclusive, and we suggest that Britain might consider adopting some French provisions, thus tempering its voluntarist approach.

Great Britain is perceived as a traditional immigrant country. In relation to Poland, the process of immigration to the British Isles – especially for economic purposes – intensified after 2004, with the accession to the European Union. The perception of immigrants in the UK began to change in the first months after the referendum on Brexit, when there was an increase in hate crimes, mainly xenophobic crimes. The article presents the subject of Polish economic immigrants in the United Kingdom. Based on their own research conducted among Poles living in Leicester, the authors describe the perception of this group, taking into account positive and negative features of Poles, stereotypes associated therewith or the problem of discrimination (including language discrimination).

The article considers gender discrimination in the field of labor relations in the United Kingdom (UK) in the pre-covid period. In the past decades, the Western European countries have made the most significant progress in achieving gender equality in various fields, including labor relations, and became the world leader in this area. However, despite all the efforts of the international community, no country has achieved a full gender equality, and Great Britain is no exception. The authors argue that the British anti-discrimination legislation (before leaving the European Union) was based on international acts and conventions. For a long time, there were acts and laws prohibiting discrimination in the labor market, which seriously hindered the implementation of an effective anti-discrimination policy in the sphere of labor relations. It was not until 2010 that the law on equality was passed to replace all previous laws and regulations and to provide an exhaustive list of criteria for prohibiting discrimination. As a result, Great Britain began to develop a rather strict national anti-discrimination legislation in the field of labor relations. Thus, in the past decades, the UK has been achieving gender equality in the economic sphere at a faster pace than the average European Union country. The study shows a steady decline in the gender wage gap in the UK over the past two decades, which may be considered one of the countrys most significant achievements in fighting gender discrimination in the labor market. However, there is still a number of serious challenges: a relatively low female labor force participation and employment rate, a gender wage gap and income gap, horizontal and vertical segregation, a gender gap in postgraduate education, and a significant gender gap in time spent on family responsibilities. Age discrimination presents a special problem in the sphere of labor relations in Great Britain. In the European Union, the first laws prohibiting age discrimination were adopted only in the 2000s, and in the UK - in 2006. This problem still remains extremely acute for the labor market, since age discrimination in the UK ranks third among the most common grounds for discrimination - after gender and disability.

Young Black Muslim Women (BMW) have complex, intersectional identities and exist at the margins of various identity groupings. Given this, members of the community can face societal relegation across, not only race and gender lines, but across religious ones, too. This paper explores the lived experiences of intragroup discrimination, identity and belonging in 11 young Black Muslim Women in the United Kingdom. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants and thematically analysed through the lens of intersectionality. The use of an intersectional framework facilitated an understanding of the manner in which the sample was multiply marginalised. Two key themes emerged from the interviews: firstly, around experiences of intragroup and intersectional discrimination and, secondly, around the challenges of responding to and coping with the negative effects of such discrimination. Participants discussed the cross-cutting nature through which they faced discrimination: from within the Black community; from within the Muslim community; and as a result of their gender. The non-exclusivity of these three identities result in constant encounters of discrimination along different dimensions to their personal identity. They also developed diverse means of coping with this marginalisation including drawing from religious beliefs and mobile identifications, i.e. performing different aspects of their identities in different contexts. The present study contributes to existing knowledge in its focus on an under-researched group and emphasises the negative effects of intragroup discrimination. The paper importantly highlights the diversity within the Black community and considers the (in)visibility of Black Muslim Women within society.

This thesis explores the idea that an equality state has evolved in Britain since the 1960s. The policies and institutions that make up the equality state are those that seek to ensure some forms of equality between its citizens. Its latest development has been through the 2010 Equality Act that promotes equality in relation to nine protected characteristics, but just two of these are considered here, race and sex. The study will investigate the origins of the equality state under the 1964-1970 Labour governments through the formulation of policies that explicitly or implicitly promoted sex and racial equality. The main areas examined in relation to racial equality are the anti-discrimination provisions of the 1965 and 1968 Race Relations Acts; measures to promote the integration of immigrants, particularly in employment, education, housing and policing; the institutions which aided integration particularly the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants and Community Relations Commission; and the Urban Programme and other measures taken in response to Enoch Powell's 1968 'Rivers of Blood' speech. With sex equality the areas considered are the 1970 Equal Pay Act; the development of policy to promote equal opportunity in employment; and the reform of law relating to abortion, divorce and the availability of contraceptive services through state agencies. iv The primary focus of the thesis is on the policy making process and the research is based on government papers in The National Archives. Other influences on these policy areas have been researched through primary sources, particularly policies' origins in the Labour Party, the influence of the trade union movement, campaigning groups and, in the case of sex equality, the remaining first wave feminist organisations. Through this the thesis develops an understanding of the nature and limitations of the equality that the equality state promotes.

The central theme or 'red-thread' that I consider in this thesis is the concept of risk as it is perceived by and affects the two sides of the medical encounter -in this instance ethnic Pakistanis and Health Professionals- in Britain. Each side very often perceives risk quite distinctively, relating to the balance between the spiritual and temporal realms. This is particularly germane in matters to do with possible congenital defects within the prenatal realm for the ethnic Pakistani, and predominantly Muslim, side of this encounter. Thus one of the factors considered in this thesis is how senses of Islam impact upon the two sides. By ethnic Pakistanis Islam is seen as central to all life decisions, whilst Health Professionals view Islam with some considerable trepidation, little understanding it or its centrality to the former's decision-making processes. This is particularly significant with regard to attitudes to health and health care. In the initial stages of the project I had thought first cousin marriage (FCM), seen by ethnic Pakistanis as desirable and by Health Professionals as putting ethnic Pakistanis at-risk to be central to the argument, but concluded that concerns around FCM were a 'red herring', merely a trope for the tensions between the two sides -at once both British and at-risk from audit culture. Although no longer central, FCM remains a viable touchstone in consideration of the two sides' perceptions of genetic risk. In this thesis the medical encounter between ethnic Pakistanis and Health Professionals is performed within the realm of the so called New Genetics. Here the respective understandings of the New Genetics are informed by the enculturation processes that shape the two sides' world view. Furthermore, I will agree with Lord Robert Winston's and others' concern that any attempt to eradicate an adaptive genetic mutation, in this instance, thalassaemia, from the gene pool is not only undesirable in the short term, but also that such eradications may have an adverse, and far reaching, effect on whole population groups in the future. The main thrust of my argument is that audit culture not only compounds risk for both sides, but also perpetuates institutional racism within the National Health Service (NHS), by promulgating what I have called the language myth. That is to say that much institutional racism is the unwanted by-product of the NHS's attempts to become more patient centred and its continuing efforts to develop systems of best practice. This professionalisation process within the NHS can be seen to impact most strongly in relation to communication -particularly the claimed language barrier between the two sides. This 'barrier' has worrying policy implications for any meaningful communication between the two sides, notably relating to obtaining informed consent from ethnic Pakistani patients -with a resultant increase in risk for the two sides and clear economic consequences for the NHS.

This thesis examined how international students experience life in the UK and, in particular, how these students respond to experiences with discrimination and social exclusion. Specifically, we drew on the rejection-identification model (Branscombe et al., 1999) in order to examine the impact of minority group identification as a coping strategy against perceptions of discrimination. Despite the number of studies supporting the rejection-identification model (e.g. Schmitt et al., 2002, Schmitt et al., 2003), discrepant findings were found in other research (e.g. McCoy & Major, 2003; Eccleston & Major, 2006). In order to solve these inconsistencies we proposed to extend this model in two important ways. Firstly, building on important work on the multidimensionality of social identification (e.g. Cameron & Lalonde, 2001; Ellemers et al., 1999; Jackson, 2002), we argued that a multidimensional perspective of the rejection-identification model is fundamental given that different dimensions of social identification (i.e. ingroup affect, centrality, and ingroup ties) have different effects on psychological well-being. Secondly, we hypothesised that the protective effect of the different dimensions of social identification depended upon individual preferences, beliefs and behaviours towards own and host group (i.e. acculturation strategies). These two extensions to the rejection-identification model were tested longitudinally with a sample of 160 international students. Results indicated that none of the dimensions of social identification serve to protect students from the harmful effects of discrimination. Indeed, support was found for the argument that it is important to investigate possible moderators of the rejection-identification relationship. Our results also indicated that when international students perceive discrimination, a separation strategy allows them to maintain ingroup affect, and in this way protect their self-esteem. Integration, marginalisation, and assimilation strategies were associated with lower ingroup affect leaving these students without a successful strategy to cope with discrimination. Although the aim of this thesis was to examine the experiences of international students, in Chapter 7 we replicated our previous model with a sample of Polish immigrants (N = 66) in order to test whether our results could be generalised to other minority groups. Results supported the previous findings with international students. Finally, the discussion of this thesis focused on the importance of taking into account individual acculturation strategies in order to understand the relation between perceived discrimination, minority group identification, and well-being. We also focused on how the knowledge generated by this research may support international students.

This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Technology, Sydney, 2000.
Sportsmen: Tarpot, Tom Wills, Mullagh, King Cole, Jellico, Peter, Red Cap, Harry Rose, Bullocky, Johnny Cuzens, Dick-a-Dick, Charley Dumas, Jim Crow, Sundown, Mosquito, Tiger and Twopenny. Bibliography: p. 431-485.

State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.

AbstractRepercussions of global crises can often be seen in the fact that many legal issues arise or become even more complex, while this is also true when speaking about the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Certainly, the analysis of the effects of such crisis is of great importance during the peak of the crisis, but also afterwards, in the context shaped by the (previous) crisis. In light of the mentioned, the widely present issue of discrimination in the world of work has become even more present during the crisis caused by the COVID-19, and discrimination based on race and ethnicity is no exception in this regard. From patients refusing to be treated by doctors because of their race to increased poverty rates, one may infer that impacts of the mentioned crisis have brought injustice and inequality based on race and ethnic background to the forefront of public eye all over the world, including the European Union. In that sense, the paper deals with the legal framework of importance, but also the existence and implications of racial and ethnic discrimination in practice, especially during and after the pandemic, i.e., analyzes this issue as the issue of “law and beyond”.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

The Equality Act 2010 (EqA) (which applies in Great Britain and not in Northern Ireland) replaces the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (DDA) and all the other antidiscrimination statutes and regulations (e.g. Sex Discrimination Act 1975; Race Relations Act 1976). The EqA has updated, added to, and consolidated the various definitions of discrimination that existed in the previous legislation. It makes discrimination because of various ‘protected characteristics’ unlawful. Disability is one of the ‘protected characteristics’. This chapter focuses on the disability discrimination provisions of the EqA but covers some of the other ‘protected characteristics’ in passing. Originally, antidiscrimination legislation was piecemeal, inadequate, and disparate. The EqA has pulled together the various pieces of antidiscrimination legislation, added explicit detail in some areas (e.g. includes a new definition of indirect disability discrimination), new concepts (e.g. ‘discrimination on the grounds of combined characteristics’) and modified the former approach under the disability discrimination legislation concerning comparisons with an ‘able-bodied’ person. These issues are explained in the following sections.

This chapter discusses W. Arthur Lewis's early years growing up in the West Indies and studying and teaching in Great Britain, which left a deep imprint on him and shaped personality traits and intellectual activities that stayed with him throughout his life. The son of upwardly mobile school-teachers, he took advantage of the escape hatches that the West Indies system of education afforded to persons of exceptional intellectual merit. Unlike some of his peers, he did not allow the ferocious academic competition to gain a West Indian government scholarship or the many overt acts of racial discrimination and the daily routine of bias that his generation of young intellectuals experienced to rob him of his humanity. His mastery of a field of economic knowledge vital to the colonizers made him immensely attractive to the colonial elite. Yet he desperately wanted to use his skills to advance the cause of racial and political equality. Even at this early stage, Lewis's life abounded in contradictions and tensions, clearly manifested in his writings. He struggled to articulate a middle position between free market economics and the planned and regulated economies that were attracting political leaders and economists in many parts of the world.

Abstract This chapter emphasizes Anglo-Indian roles defending the colonial state, and intertwined anxieties concerning their future in a self-governing India. Anglo-Indians served in the police, the Intelligence Branch, and the Raj's strategically sensitive transport and communication infrastructure, principally the railways, telegraphs, and customs services. After the disbandment of the Anglo-Indian Force/AIF following the conclusion of the Great War, Army authorities refused to recognise Anglo-Indians as a "martial race", substituting de facto compulsory enlistment in the Auxiliary Force (India)/AF(I). Nonetheless, despite ongoing discrimination, Anglo-Indians remained keen to volunteer for the Royal Air Force/RAF during the Second World War. In these military and auxiliary roles Anglo-Indians policed anticolonial terrorism, infrastructural/industrial sabotage, civil unrest, and intercommunal conflict, especially Hindu-Muslim. British parliamentary debates over Anglo-Indians' future involved Winston Churchill and Clement Attlee, while the proposals of the Cripps Mission of 1942 stunned Henry Gidney, encouraging agricultural colonisation in McCluskiegunge (founded by Earnest Timothy McCluskie) and the Britasian League of Calcutta's proposed Andaman Islands scheme. Colonisation assumed various guises-- Europeanising, Christianising, segregationist, confidently mixed, or pan-Eurasiainist--triangulating between pro-British, pro-Indian, and separationist orientations. The chapter concludes with the discordant cases of a Nazi sympathizer and Colonel Cyril John Stracey of Subhas Chandra Bose's Indian National Army/INA.

Research in the field of Language Attitudes and Social Perceptions has evidenced the associations between a speaker’s accent and a listener’s perceptions of various aspects of their identity – intelligence, socio-economic background, race, region of origin, friendliness, etc. This process of ‘profiling’ results in discrimination and issues faced in various social institutions where verbal communication is of great importance, such as education environments, or even during employee recruitment. This study uses a mixed-methods approach, employing a sequential explanatory design to investigate the social evaluation process of native and non-native accents on status and solidarity parameters by students from a multicultural university located in Pune, India. The findings are consistent with research in the field of language attitudes, demonstrating preference for Indian and Western accents as compared to other Asian accents. Semi-structured interviews revealed factors such as education, colonial history, globalization and media consumption to be key in influencing these evaluations. The themes are explored in the context of the World Englishes framework, and the socio-economic history of the English language in India.

The article reveals the theoretical and methodical aspects of students’ civic education by means of literature. Emphasis is placed on the fact that in the conditions of unstable development of society, escalation of conflicts both between states and between fellow citizens, the issue of students’ civic education is actualized. The authors understand this concept as a form of social education, the formation of a citizen of a specific state, capable of successfully acting for the sake of preserving democracy and peace. Currently, informal education, in addition to the content of “social and civic competencies” that is understandable for Ukrainian educators, uses the term “competencies for the culture of democracy”, which, according to the authors, is a structured concept implemented in the European dimension of civic education. The authors emphasize that fiction affects human feelings and consciousness, it is a powerful means of moral, aesthetic and civic education. Through artistic images, writers provide an opportunity to form their attitude to the events described, to draw certain conclusions, to reflect on universal values, on the actions of one or another character, to see models of civic active/passive behavior. The article analyzes the European experience of civic education, in particular Great Britain and Germany. The authors take into account the literature of these countries and identify aspects that can serve as a basis for students’ civic education, compare them with the Ukrainian realities of civic education. The authors present the main vectors of civic education in Germany, which are determined by the content of literary works and encourage pluralism of opinions, tolerance for the views and judgments of others, motivate students to actively participate in civic life, awareness of the value of freedom, respect for human dignity, the right to self-expression, responsibility for an individual’s moral choice. The works are also the basis for establishing in teenagers such democratic values as the right to life, to fair treatment, dignity, freedom from discrimination, the right to equality, understanding the need to protect one’s rights and the rights of other people.The analysis of content concepts of literature for pupils in Great Britain shows that the priorities of civic education are national patriotism and the education of a law-abiding citizen. The textual material of the works and civic education lessons help pupils to better understand different forms of governance and their impact on citizens; to understand the responsibility and functions of management and the duties of citizens; to acquire socio-cultural experience that gives the opportunity to feel morally, socially, politically, legally competent and protected in society and to take direct part in the activities of civil society institutions. In Finland, the basic democratic values of the national core curriculum are open democracy, equality, responsibility for one’s own choice. An important focus of education in Finnish high school is gaining experience in shaping the future based on joint decisions and interaction.Taking into account the global trends of digitization, the authors considered digital technologies to be educational innovations in students’ civic education (electronic textbooks (not just digitized, but interactive, with virtual 3D materials that teachers can compose at their discretion), textbook scans for download, various materials: interactive laboratories, virtual museums, forums for teachers to communicate, etc.).

Quantity surveying in South Africa is a well-established professional discipline providing consulting services to the construction industry. The continued prosperity of a professional discipline such as quantity surveying is closely linked to sound management and efficient strategic leadership. The leaders and managers of the profession require accurate and up-to-date information on the profile of their members to integrate that information into future strategies and planning.Young democracies and developing countries such as South Africa often have demographics and financial industries, including the construction industry, that are much more dynamic than first-world countries such as the United States or Great Britain. Local government upliftment policies such as black economic empowerment changed the economic landscape. The membership profile of the quantity surveying profession is also seeing rapid change, presenting additional management challenges. A profession with a stable profile is easy to manage using past knowledge of membership makeup and preferences. However, a changing membership may cause strategies based on the knowledge of 5 to 10 years ago to be found wanting today.The recent COVID-19 pandemic disrupted economies and industries and did not spare the construction industry or the quantity surveying profession. During this time, the South African Association of Quantity Surveyors (ASAQS), assisted by the University of Pretoria, analysed the profile of its members employing a questionnaire forwarded to all ASAQS members on the database. This data confirmed significant changes to the age and racial makeup of the profession. However, the changed gender profile was amongst the study’s most significant findings. In the past, the typical South African quantity surveyor was a middle age to older male of European descent. This study will contrast the older members of the profession against the more recent entrants by comparing the profile of female members to that of male members. The analysis will include age, race, locational spread, academic qualifications, nationality, registration status with the Council of South African Quantity Surveyors, and length of the current employment term to provide a reasonably detailed comparison of the gender profile of quantity surveyors in South Africa.The above information will be valuable to the Association of South African Quantity Surveyors and to the management of quantity surveying firms and institutions such as universities that offer accredited academic programmes to train quantity surveyors. The findings can also be shared with quantity surveying professionals across international borders to compare against the profiles of their millennial cohorts of quantity surveyors.