Journal articles on the topic 'Race discrimination – Canada'

Using nationally representative data from the 2013 Canadian Community Health Survey, this article examines the prevalence and patterning of self-reported everyday discrimination in Canada. Almost twenty-three percent of Canadians report experiencing everyday discrimination. The most common types reported are gender, age, and race, followed by discrimination based on physical characteristics such as weight. Sex, age, marital status, race, place of birth, and body mass index all contribute to individuals’ reported experiences of discrimination. Gay men report particularly high levels of discrimination based on sexual orientation; Blacks, Asians, and Aboriginals report particularly high levels of racial discrimination; and Arabs, South and West Asians, and Aboriginals report particularly high levels of religious discrimination. There is strong evidence of the persistence of everyday discrimination in Canada, across multiple social groups, despite legal protections for marginalized groups. Suggestions are made for addressing the roots of discrimination at both the individual and the collective levels.

We examined perceptions of everyday discrimination among immigrants in Canada and in comparison to native-born Canadians using data from the 2013 Canadian Community Health Survey. We find that recent immigrants report less discrimination than native-born Canadians, ceteris paribus. Recent immigrants also report less discrimination than their fellow immigrants who had been residing in Canada for much longer durations. There were trivial differences in perceptions of everyday discrimination between native-born Canadians and midway and established immigrants, all else being equal. Additional analysis suggests that differences in age at arrival and associated early socialization experiences might explain variations in immigrants’ perceived discrimination.

Abstract This fifth volume in the Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law surveys the field of comparative race discrimination law for the purpose of providing an introduction to the nature of comparing systems of discrimination and the transnational search for effective equality laws and policies. This volume includes the perspectives of racialized subjects (subalterns) in the examination of the reach of the laws on the ground. It engages a variety of legal and social science resources in order to compare systems across a number of contexts (such as the United States, Canada, France, South Africa, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Israel, India, and others). The goal is to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of various kinds of anti-discrimination legal devices to aid in the study of law reform efforts across the globe centered on racial equality.

After having examined three theoritical approaches, the author presents public policy relating to race and sex discrimination in employment and analyzes 74 cases decided by the boards of enquiry and courts.

Purpose – Expertise in English language teaching (ELT) is determined by being a white native speaker of English. Therefore, ELT is a type of aesthetic labour because workers are expected to look and sound a particular way. As nonwhite teachers cannot perform this labour, they may experience employment discrimination in the form of racial microaggressions, which are everyday racial slights. The purpose of this paper is to investigate what types of microaggressions inform several nonwhite teachers that they cannot perform aesthetic labour in private language schools in Toronto, Canada. Design/methodology/approach – The paper utilizes a critical race methodology in which several nonwhite teachers told stories of racial microaggressions. Findings – The teachers were told that they lacked the right aesthetic through microaggressions involving employers being confused about their names, questioning their language backgrounds, and citing customer preferences. Research limitations/implications – Future research must find out whether nonwhite teachers experience discrimination throughout Canada. Other studies must investigate how intersecting identity markers affect teachers’ employment prospects. Practical implications – To prevent the discrimination of nonwhite teachers (in Canada), increased regulation is needed. The international ELT industry also needs to fight against the ideology that English is a white language. Originality/value – There is little literature that examines language/racial discrimination in the Canadian ELT industry and how this discrimination is articulated to teachers.

PurposeThis paper aims to investigate the discursive ways in which racialization affects the integration process of immigrants in present-day Canada. By drawing on a historical analysis, this paper shows how race continues to be impacted by colonial principles implemented throughout the colonization process and during the formation stages of Canada as a nation. This paper contributes to management and organizational studies by shedding light on the taken-for-granted nature of discursive practices in organizations through problematizing contemporary societal and political engagements with “race”.Design/methodology/approachThis paper draws on critical diversity studies as theoretical framework to problematize a one-dimensional approach to race and diversity. Further, it applies the Foucauldian historical method (Foucault, 1981) to trace the construction of “race” over time and to show its impact on present-day discursive practices.FindingsThrough a discursive review of Canada’s past, this paper shows how seemingly non-discriminatory race-related concepts and policies such as “visible minority” contribute to the marginalization of non-white individuals, racializing them. Multiculturalism and neoliberal globalization are identified as further mechanisms in such a racialization process.Originality/valueThis paper illustrates the importance of a historical contextualization to shed light on present workplace discrimination and challenges unproblematic approaches to workplace diversity.

This article is divided into four parts: the first is a brief survey of race relations in Canada before the enactment of anti-discrimination legislation; the next two parts are devoted to an outline of the scope of this legislation and of the administration and enforcement of it ; finally, the last part suggests some current and possible future developments to make it more effective. Prior to the nineteenth century both the French and the British settlers in the colonies that have become a part of Canada had slaves. Slavery was not, however, very extensive due to lack of large agricultural holdings. At the end of the eighteenth century the legislature in Upper Canada and some judges in Lower Canada limited its expansion and helped to end its practice. The British Imperial Emancipation Act of 1833 brought it to an end. In the next few decades, up to the American Civil War, some Canadians helped run-away slaves from the slave-holding states in the United States, while others actively discouraged them from coming. By the end of the nineteenth century a new source of racial tension arose on the West Coast between the newer immigrants from Asia and the older immigrants from Europe. The result was the enactment of numerous discriminatory laws by the legislature of British Columbia and subsequently, on a lesser scale, by the other western provinces. Most of these remained on the statute books until after World War II. None of these laws were held invalid by the courts on the basis of their discriminatory nature. In addition, both the common law and the Civil Code were interpreted as not prohibiting private discrimination, except by hotel-keepers and common carriers. The change from this situation started in the I930's with a few specific legislative prohibitions of discrimination in specific instances. In the 1940's Ontario, with respect to signs and advertisements and Saskatchewan, with respect to a whole range of activities, enacted legislation prohibiting discrimination, enforcing their prohibitions with penal sanctions. The 1950's saw the introduction of fair employment and fair accommodation practices acts. By the I960's these were being consolidated into comprehensive human rights codes administered by human rights commissions. This trend has continued up to this year, with the result that all eleven jurisdictions have commissions charged with enforcing antidiscrimination codes or acts. The usual, but not invariable, procedure is the laying of a complaint, the investigation of it by the commission staff, an attempt to bring about a settlement and finally, failing that, a hearing before an adjudicative tribunal to determine whether an act of discrimination did occur and, if so, what redress is appropriate. In concluding, three suggestions are made regarding measures that could be taken to strengthen the effectiveness of anti-discrimination legislation: (I) contract compliance; (2) greater independence for the commissions from the government; and (3) giving the legislation paramountcy over other statutes.

Like any form of discrimination, ageism does not exist in a void; it is expressed through cultural values and social beliefs. Some studies show that ageism intersects with other discriminatory attitudes, including those based on race or culture, leading to negative outcomes. However, the way older individuals, who are members of diverse cultural groups, experience and acknowledge age-based discrimination and react to ageist stereotypes may also be culturally dependent. The purpose of this paper is to further explore perceptions of aging and ageism among cultural groups of older adults in Canada. Findings from group discussions conducted among Chinese, Arab, and South Asian Indian older adults reveal that seniors living in Canada share relatively positive perceptions of aging and maintain their physical and psychological well-being, in part, because of their family and community engagement. Participants highlighted the respect that is offered to older adults in their culture and, in most cases, were grateful for their families and the policies supporting older adults in Canada. While participants were often not familiar with the term “ageism,” they had experienced a few instances of age discrimination, especially in the workplace. Results suggest that participants’ identities as older people may prevail over identities related to culture. As Canada’s society ages and becomes more diverse, these findings shed light on how culture influences the experience of aging and ageism.

Discrimination has long been identified as detrimental to the basic functioning of multicultural countries like Canada. While governments have adopted constitutional law and passed human rights legislation to combat and control discrimination, these laws are inapplicable to a significant portion of Canadian law. Areas of private law, such as wills and trusts are therefore more vulnerable to use by individuals seeking to perpetuate discrimination. The main way that courts in Canada have dealt with this issue is through the use of the doctrine of public policy. As early as the 19th century, private law provisions viewed as restraining another’s freedom of religion or perpetuating discrimination on grounds such as race, ethnicity, or sexual orientation have been found contrary to public policy by Canadian courts and voided accordingly. While the uniquely Canadian jurisprudence in this area continues to evolve, until quite recently, its trajectory appeared to be one of expansion. However, the latest appellate level decision in this area,Spence v. BMO Trust Co., appears to have changed the course of this jurisprudence. In Spence, the Ontario Court of Appeal found that certain testamentary clauses, no matter how discriminatory in nature, can never be subject to a public policy review. This article argues that while the result of Spence was likely correct on its particular facts, the reasoning of that decision goes too far in its attempt to limit the doctrine’s applicability with respect to discrimination in the private law. Parts of the decision in Spence ignore the key message of past decisions in this area concerning the danger of uncensored discrimination in Canadian society. While reasonable people may disagree on the outcome of any given public policy inquiry, a point that should attract consensus is that the private law should never be an unexamined and impenetrable shelter for discrimination. However, Spence effectively creates an area of the private law immune to legal scrutiny by precluding the use of the common law doctrine that has been used to directly confront and censure discrimination in Canadian private law.

This article shows that differences in the economic incorporation of Muslims and other immigrant minorities in France and in Canada are mainly related to immigrant selectivity, labor market structures, and welfare transfers. Differences in ethno-specific penalties due to national cultural frames — related to multiculturalism in Canada and secular republicanism in France — are small, affect only the second generation, and are related both to minority household patterns and to treatment in mainstream institutions. Using data on household incomes from two large-scale surveys (Trajectories and Origins in France 2008–2009 and the Canadian National Household Survey 2011) and taking account of cross-setting differences in Muslim and other minority origins, we model cross-generational economic trajectories reflecting the impact of immigrant selectivity, labor market structures, and welfare transfers. Within this framework, we examine four ways that cultural frames may affect minority economic disadvantage: the significance of religion relative to race, citizenship access, labor market discrimination, and minority household patterns, including employment of women in couples and intergenerational cohabitation. Across all minorities, we find a striking cross-national difference in intergenerational economic trajectories: flat in France and upward in Canada, plausibly reflecting institutional differences. Net of sociodemographic controls, both religion and race matter in each setting, and net Muslim disadvantage is similar in each. Citizenship differences have little impact. Labor market earnings discrimination appears similar. A small potential effect of cultural frames appears in second-generation Muslim households: in France, lower female employment rates reduce household incomes, while in English-speaking Canada, more frequent cohabitation with more affluent parents increases household incomes. Yet even these findings do not necessarily diminish the overriding significance of immigrant selectivity, labor market structure, and welfare transfers.

The debate over the collection of justice statistics by race continues to hinge on the same key issues that were central to the debate when it arose in the early 1990s. There has been one major change, however: whereas racial minority groups were once vehemently opposed to the collection of justice statistics by race, for fear that such statistics would be used to justify discriminatory policies, many minority groups are now advocating for the collection and publication of this data as a means to redress racial discrimination in the administration of justice. Having discussed the lack of available data on racial and ethnic statistics in the Canadian justice system, the authors sought support from the Canadian Law and Society Association (CLSA). At the 2009 annual general meeting of the CLSA, a motion for the association to take an official position in support of the collection of justice statistics by race was put forth by the authors and accepted by the association. At this time it was also decided that a committee would be established to conduct relevant research and to lobby for the collection of pertinent data. At present we are asking interested individuals or organizations who fall into one or more of the following categories to contact the first author:(1) Those with arguments relating to the collection of justice statistics by race that have not been articulated in the debate that has taken place over the past two decades.(2) Those with information pertaining to the collection of justice statistics by race that is not readily available or that has not been documented in the academic work referenced herein.(3) Those who are interested in participating in the work of the committee outlined at the end of this paper.

Abstract Introduction: Discrimination based on age is pervasive across Canada. Little is known about the experiences of ageism among diverse cultural groups. The purpose of this pilot study was to explore the perceptions of ageism among culturally diverse older adults in Ottawa, Canada. Methods: Three focus groups were conducted with Chinese, Arab, and Indian older adults in Ottawa in June 2016. An 8-item protocol was developed to guide the discussions. Qualitative data were analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding. Results: Twenty-five culturally diverse older adults (9 Chinese, 6 Arab, and 10 Indian) participated in the focus groups. All described personal positive and negative examples of discrimination based on their age without being familiar with the term “ageism”. Several described their experiences with the intersection of age, race, and gender, although these interpretations varied by cultural group. Ageism in the media was also easily recognized. Participants recommended using specific content, communication channels, and organizations to counteract ageism. Discussion: This pilot study helped to illustrate that ageism is a societal problem that requires a societal solution. As Canada’s population becomes older and more diverse, important efforts are needed to raise awareness of ageism.

Executive summary of a Canadian qualitative study conducted by John Samuel and Nand Tandon, John Samuel and Associates, Ottawa (2015). Despite being conducted several years ago, the study has remained unpublished until its inclusion in this CPI issue. The research examines systemic issues and barriers encountered by members of the First Nations and visible minorities in the high education segment of the Canadian workplace, barriers that remain in Canada today. The Engagement Plan for a Racism-Free Workplace forms part of the Labour Program of [the federal government’s] HRSDC’s drive to end race-based discrimination in the workplace faced by Aboriginal peoples and members of visible minority groups. As well, the federal government has made a commitment to removing race-related barriers in the workplace and to consulting racial and ethnic groups in developing public policy to achieve this objective.

In this article, I shall examine sexual orientation as a human rights issue. The reasons why discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation should be considered an issue of human rights have been articulated by others, and I do not propose to repeat their arguments here. Rather, I seek to examine in a more critical way some of the analytical problems that may arise in fashioning human rights protection. While the substantive goals of human rights struggles are surely commendable—freedom from persecution and from invidious discrimination, or more positively framed claims to the means necessary to live a decent life—the discourse of rights has been the subject of critique, for example, by the Critical Legal Studies movement in the United States. Rights claims, it has been argued, reinforce the separation of the individual from community. The focus on abstract rights undermines the substantive claims of groups and individuals within society by reifying formal (but ultimately alienating) individual rights. Of course, the CLS critique itself has been subjected to sustained criticism, particularly from the schools of Feminist Legal Theory and Critical Race Theory (and the intersection of the two). The CLS attack on rights is criticized for its failure to recognize both the substantive and the symbolic impact of concrete rights victories. Furthermore, it has been argued that rights struggles can be contradictory and complex.

Despite more than a century of discrimination and obstacles, the Chinese in Canada persevered and continued to engage in various kinds of cultural activities. They never gave up reaching out from the confined space of Chinatown. Taking a practical rather than theoretical approach, this essay draws on newspapers and other records to reconstruct the cultural life of Chinese in Canada and to present a different picture of the once misunderstood, if not marginalized community. The juxtaposition of cultural-interaction in general and literary-interaction in particular progressed in two periods: from the gold rush of the 1850s to 1967 (the year Canada implemented the new immigration policy based on points not on race) and the period since 1968. The early period witnessed an intensive involvement of cultural activities—such as newspaper reading, book clubs, regular poetry contests, Cantonese opera, and modern plays; the later period, a more open and diversified type of interaction that went beyond and across the boundaries of the Chinese communities—such as the Chinese Canadian Writers’ Association, founded in 1987.

Abstract During the COVID-19 pandemic, ageist attitudes have been pervasive in public discourse, interpersonal relationships, and medical decision-making. For example, older adults have been portrayed as vulnerable while younger adults have been portrayed as reckless. The current study examined age discrimination during COVID-19 and associations with daily affect and physical symptoms. Positive events and age were examined as moderators. From March to August 2020, 1493 participants aged 18-91 (mean=40) in the U.S. and Canada completed surveys for seven consecutive evenings about discrimination, positive events, affect, and physical symptoms. Multilevel models controlled for age, race, income, education, sample (university students vs. community), and country of residence. Results indicated that individuals who reported more age discrimination had higher negative affect (b=36.44, SE=3.97), lower positive affect (b=-19.07, SE=4.10), and increased physical symptoms (b=3.85, SE=0.49; p<0.001 for all), compared to those with fewer reports of age discrimination. Within-persons, days with age discrimination were associated with higher negative affect (b=3.66, SE=1.36, p=0.008), lower positive affect (b=-2.60, SE=1.23, p=0.037), and increased physical symptoms (b=0.26, SE=0.11, p=0.02), compared to days on which age discrimination was not reported. Positive events moderated the between-person association of age discrimination with physical symptoms such that individuals with more age discrimination and more frequent positive events reported fewer daily physical symptoms than those with more age discrimination and less frequent positive events. Age did not moderate the associations. Age discrimination was associated with poorer daily well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic and may have long-term impacts on intergenerational solidarity and attitudes toward aging.

Most scholars argue that the global triumph of liberal norms within the last 150 years ended discriminatory immigration policy. Yet, the United States was a leader in the spread of policy restrictions aimed at Asian migrants during the early twentieth century, and authoritarian Latin American regimes removed racial discrimination from their immigration laws a generation before the United States and Canada did. By the same token, critical theorists claim that racism has not diminished, but most states have removed their discriminatory laws, thus allowing significant ethnic transformation within their borders. An analysis of the immigration policies of the twenty-two major countries of the Americas since 1850 reveals that liberal states have been discriminatory precisely because of their liberalism and elucidates the diffusion of international legal norms of racial exclusion and inclusion.

This exploratory autoethnographic study, undertaken by a White straight cisgender child and youth care practitioner, seeks to understand the experiences of LGBTQI+ newcomer, refugee, and immigrant students in Canada. It highlights the nuances of creating safe spaces for young people who experience harm due to the intersections of systemic racism, xenophobia, transphobia, and homophobia. The overarching finding of this study reveals a culture of silence. Queer newcomer, refugee, and immigrant youth in Canada are often reluctant to disclose or explore their queerness due to their fears of discrimination and violence. This fear exists notwithstanding the pride Canada takes in its efforts to protect LGBTQI+ rights. Inspired by findings from interviews with two women, one who supports LGBTQI+ newcomers, refugees, and immigrants to Canada, and one who researches policy affecting all Canadian refugee experiences, I utilized a self-reflexive deep-dive approach to learn about the events and policies that have shaped LGBTQI+ newcomer, refugee, and immigrant students’ access to postsecondary education in Canada. Central findings in this study point to barriers emerging from homonationalism, colonization, religion, culture, race, White-centred gay–straight alliances in schools, and immigration policies pertaining to sexual orientation and gender identity expression (SOGIE). These findings problematize the White, Westernized, liberal, out-and-proud policies that child and youth care practitioners are accustomed to.

Abstract Canada is often held up internationally as a successful model of immigration. Yet, Canada’s history, since its birth as a nation one hundred and fifty-four years ago, is one of contested racial and ethnic relations. Its racial and ethnic conflict and division resurfaces during covid-19 when there has been a surge in racism and xenophobia across the country towards Asian Canadians, particularly those of Chinese descent. Drawing on critical race theory and critical discourse analysis, this article critically analyzes incidents that were reported in popular press during the pandemic pertaining to this topic. The analysis shows how deeply rooted racial discrimination is in Canada. It also reveals that the anti-Asian and anti-Chinese racism and xenophobia reflects and retains the historical process of discursive racialization by which Asian Canadians have been socially constructed as biologically inferior, culturally backward, and racially undesirable. To combat and eliminate racism, we propose a framework of pandemic anti-racism education for the purpose of achieving educational improvement in post-covid-19.

This research aims to track the record of the “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)” since its entry into force in 1981, to review its texts and the cases brought to it, to know how it considered and dealt with intersectional discrimination against women. This paper evaluates if CEDAW has succeeded or failed to protect women from ‘intersectionality’. However, this discrimination describes compound discrimination against women based on sex, gender, identity, religion, belief, race, ethnicity, color, culture, socioeconomic status, age, class, and/ or origin... etc. The importance of this research is since despite a lot of cases of compound discrimination practiced against women around the world, the text of the Convention has not changed, and its committee, which is composed of experts in this field, did not adopt any ideas about the nature of discrimination. To determine the role of intersectionality, the research first focused on the theory of intersectionality in terms of concept and practice. Secondly, it showed how it affects women’s lives with examples from India, Brazil, Canada, Hungary, and others. Finally, it traced the concept of intersectionality, and how the Convention or its committee dealt with it through its general recommendations. The research found that CEDAW has overlooked the concept of intersectionality in its texts, while its committee addressed it in one of its recommendations in 2010 – noting that such recommendations are limited in scope and efficacy – which adversely impacted women’s rights globally. Therefore, the research recommends that the concept of intersectionality should be fully integrated into the text of the Convention, which will be reflected on the state parties by taking special measures that concretely give advantage to women who have been subjected to a history of discrimination.

AbstractChinese international students are vital to internationalization development in Canadian higher education, providing immediate and significant social and economic benefits to Canadian society. The existing scholarly studies have primarily adopted a cultural approach, with a focus on intercultural adaptation or related cross-cultural perspectives. This study goes beyond the cultural approach and examines how race, gender, and class intersect in producing social inequality among Chinese international students in Canada. Through the narratives of five students attending higher education institutions in British Columbia, the study reveals that Chinese international students have experienced discrimination in relation to developing friendship, integrating to the learning environment, and accessing supports and resources on campus based on the color of skin, their gender, and misperception of their class. The color line divides them into the “dominant white” and “people of color.” Color blindness negates their racial identities and ignores the ways in which these affect their learning experiences. The findings of this research call for an intersectional approach to examine international students and their lived experiences by addressing students’ multiple identities and differences to enrich their lived experience in Canada.

This exploratory comparative study examines the meaning-making experiences of six sexual minority males attending college or university in Canada or the United States. All of the participants identified as sexual minority males who were cisgender, out to family and/or friends, and between 20 and 24 years of age. In particular, the participants spoke about the intersections between their race, gender, and sexual orientation as salient aspects of their multiple identities. Using a blend of qualitative methods, including case study, phenomenology, and grounded theory, I identified four themes that emerged from the data: (1) engagement in a social justice curriculum; (2) involvement in LGBT student organizations or resource centres; (3) experiences of discrimination and dissonance; and (4) engagement in reflective dialogue. I discuss the implications of these themes for professional practice and future research.

In Toronto, Canada, 51.5 % of the population are members of racialized groups. Systemic labor market racism has resulted in an overrepresentation of racialized groups in low-income and precarious jobs, a racialization of poverty, and poor health. Yet, the health care system is structured around a model of service delivery and policies that fail to consider unequal power social relations or racism. This study examines how racialized health care users experience classism and everyday racism in the health care setting and whether these experiences differ within stratifications such as social class, gender, and immigration status. A concept mapping design was used to identify mechanisms of classism and everyday racism. For the rating activity, 41 participants identified as racialized health care users. The data analysis was completed using concept systems software. Racialized health care users reported “race”/ethnic-based discrimination as moderate to high and socioeconomic position-/social class-based discrimination as moderate in importance for the challenges experienced when receiving health care; differences within stratifications were also identified. To improve access to services and quality of care, antiracist policies that focus on unequal power social relations and a broader systems thinking are needed to address institutional racism within the health care system.

AbstractFrom 1896 to 1942, a Japanese hospital operated in the village of Steveston, British Columbia, Canada. For the first 4 years, Japanese Methodist missionaries utilized a small mission building as a makeshift hospital, until a larger institution was constructed by the local Japanese Fishermen’s Association in 1900. The hospital operated until the Japanese internment, after the attack on Pearl Harbor during World War II. This study offers important commentary about the relationships between health, hospitals, and race in British Columbia during a period of increased immigration and economic upheaval. From the unique perspective of Japanese leaders, this study provides new insight about how Japanese populations negotiated hospital care, despite a context of severe racial discrimination. Japanese populations utilized Christianization, fishing expertise, and hospital work to garner more equitable access to opportunities and resources. This study demonstrates that in addition to providing medical treatment, training grounds for health-care workers, and safe refuge for the sick, hospitals played a significant role in confronting broader racialized inequities in Canada’s past.

Abstract Primary Subject area Global Child and Youth Health Background Children immigrating to Canada may face racism and xenophobia depending on their ethno-racial background and immigration status. In Canada, immigration statuses include economic or family immigrants, resettled government or privately sponsored refugees, or asylum seekers, while some have no formal immigration status, otherwise considered undocumented. Research supporting newcomer child health should account for their immigration status and ethno-racial identity to capture the impact of discrimination. Objectives To critically examine the reporting of ethno-racial data and immigration status in published literature on the health needs of newcomer children to Canada. Design/Methods An integrative scoping review was performed, using the methodological framework outlined by Arksey & O’Malley. A literature search in Medline, PsycINFO, Scopus, Embase and Cochrane Central for articles published until July 2019 was conducted. Inclusion criteria were original research studies on newcomer children (0-18 years) in Canada in English or French from 2009 onwards. After undergoing title and abstract review, we extracted descriptions of participant immigration status and ethno-racial identity. Results 4147 articles were identified. After removal of duplicates, 2632 articles underwent title and abstract review, with a kappa-statistic of 0.93, suggesting high inter-rater agreement. Seventy-five studies were included in the final analysis. Overall, there were no consistent descriptions of immigration status or ethno-racial identity. Of the 75 articles included for final analysis, only 27% (20/75) described their participants’ immigration status in some capacity; the majority (75%) of these did not separate out participants by their immigration status (15/20) and of these, 67% combined all types of refugee and economic immigrant statuses together (10/15). With respect to ethno-racial data, the majority of studies (65%, 49/75) did not report on their participants’ ethno-racial identities. Of those that did, 65% (17/26) reported their participants’ ethnicity alone, while only 15% (4/26) reported their race alone and 19% (5/26) reported both race and ethnicity. Conclusion Our scoping review demonstrates that many studies focusing on newcomer children to Canada do not consistently collect and analyze their participants’ immigration status or ethno-racial identity. In doing so, studies may falsely conflate the experiences of newcomer children and ignore the impact of racism and xenophobia on their access to care, leading to worsening stigma and access to care. We suggest that research that often informs evidence-based guidelines for newcomer children should consider immigration status and ethno-racial identity to consider the impact of xenophobia and racism and improve health outcomes.

Critical analyses of literatures of the Indian diaspora discuss the “home” of origin as a subtext and a site to which diasporas aspire to return even though it remains an unachievable ideal that is refracted through nostalgic retellings of a space that remains at best “imaginary” (Mishra 2007). Alternatively, some critics, as Roger Waldinger and David Fitzgerald point out, view diasporas’ relationship with the homeland in terms of “loyalty,” obscuring in the process the antagonisms that may arise depending upon one’s circumstances, antagonisms that produce “interactions” between homes of residence and those of origin (2012). In South Asian drama in Canada, many of the concerns regarding race, multiculturalism, job discrimination and violence against women and other marginalized groups are propelled by their links to the playwrights’ “home” of origin. With attention to selected plays, this paper will analyze how the networks between home and spaces of residence in multicultural Canada come alive on theatre stages through visual motifs, actors, props, and photographic collages, which confront the different trajectories of “home” that resurface in these plays. Through live scenes of imagination that speak to spectators, several plays under discussion in this essay expose how, while providing emotional sustenance for some, the baggage of “home” may also pose challenges in the home of residence. So the questions I raise are: How does home appear? To what end? And what does returning “home” teach us about the inequalities and injustices underlying the current global order?

In the wake of a study released by the Public Health Agency of Canada in 2012 that focused on student belonging, safety, and inclusion in schools, the Ontario government introduced the Accepting Schools Act (Bill 13), which was successively passed into law that year. As an amendment to the longstanding Education Act, Bill 13 was a turning point for discourse surrounding safe and accepting schools, due to a specific focus on bullying, discrimination, and inclusion in fostering positive school climates. Following the recurrent rhetoric of inclusion, however, Bill 13 – as both policy and practice – failed to locate and identify discrimination and exclusion as both systemic and structural problems. In doing so, Bill 13, and similar inclusive policies to follow, merely advocated for the inclusion of marginalized and “at-risk” students, while continuing to cite and valorize heteronormative, ableist, and colonial values as the benchmark of inclusion and belonging. Using the insights of critical pedagogy, queer studies, and critical disability studies, this paper aims to extend the dialogue of inclusion beyond the student “at-risk,” and instead, examine the ways that policy rhetoric upholds hostile and oppressive school climates. Thus, this paper argues for a critical reexamination of the ways in which colonial, ableist, and heterosexist standards of normality manifest in inclusive discourse and practice. In doing so, schools, policy-makers, students, and staff can move beyond damaging discourses that hinder the positive development of queer, two-spirit, trans, and questioning students, and in particular, students whose queerness intersects with their race, class, and/or disability.

AbstractMuch has been written about Chinatowns in North America as a self-sustained community with fairly complete social institutions. Chinatowns emerged under an era of racism and discrimination and offered some degrees of protection and opportunity to the Chinese. Historically, Vancouver’s Chinatown suffered from a public image of an unhygienic and immoral neighborhood where Chinese resided and where Chinese shops and businesses congregated. This image began to change in the 1930s as the Chinese reshaped Chinatown to suit the racial ideology of a culturally exotic neighborhood that offered Oriental cuisine and festivities to Canadians. As more Chinese immigrated to Canada after World War II, a new Chinese middle class began to emerge. Although Vancouver Chinatown continued to grow and to retain the image of a tourist attraction, it has ceased to be the choice residential and business location for the Chinese. In contrast, Richmond south of Vancouver has developed into a vibrant and affluent business and residential enclave for middle-class Chinese. This article argues that the emergence and decline of Vancouver’s Chinatown have been shaped by the nature of race formation in society as well as the internal composition and social organization of the Chinese community.

There have been few studies on Islam in Canada. Hence this publication is awelcome addition to the list. Its ten chapters, divided into four sections, examinediverse issues regarding Muslim cultural politics in the Canadian hinterlands.More specifically, it seeks to understand how they have been affectedby the post-9/11 era of wars, domestic security policies, calls for reformation,and media sensationalism, as well as how these, combined with racial and re-ligious profiling, have impacted Muslims in the Canadian diaspora. The booktries to construct multiple readings of Islam and Muslims by examining thiscommunity within its social, cultural, educational, and political settings andthe integration of these diverse factors in the formation of the national Islamicmosaic.The first section covers gender, race, the Shari‘ah debate, and Muslimwomen’s political engagement. Section 2 focusses on media representationand examines the construction of the “Muslim other” post-9/11, the politicsof reform as articulated by two Muslim female journalists, and the representationof Canadian Islam in a popular Muslim sitcom. An important theme insection 3 is the civic engagement of the country’s Islamic schools. The lastsection looks at security issues and the targeting and profiling of Muslims inpost-9/11 Canada.As Jasmine Zine correctly points out in the introduction, Muslims havebeen living peacefully in Canada since the middle of the nineteenth centuryand are proud to be Canadian. However, since 9/11 the debate on their integrationinto the mosaic and their appropriation of Canadian values has intensified,especially in Quebec, where discrimination and prejudice haveincreased due to the issue of veiling. Women who choose to veil are exiledfrom public services and space by means of Bill 94. In essence they are portrayedas victims of patriarchal violence ...

How did marginalized and racialized ethnic immigrants transform themselves into active, armed colonial agents in nineteenth-century Western Canada? Approximately twenty Icelanders enlisted to fight Louis Riel’s forces during the North-West Resistance in 1885, just ten years following the arrival of Icelandic immigrants in present-day Manitoba. Forty more reportedly enlisted in an Icelandic-Canadian battalion to enforce the government’s victory in the fall. This public, armed stance of a group of Icelanders against Indigenous forces in 1885 is somewhat unexpected, since most Icelanders were relatively recent arrivals in the West and, in Winnipeg, members of the largely unskilled urban working class. Moreover, they were widely rumoured among Winnipeggers to be from a “blubber-eating race” and of “Eskimo” extraction; community accounts testify to the discrimination numerous early Icelanders faced in the city. These factors initially make Icelanders unexpected colonialists, particularly since nineteenth-century ethnic immigration and colonial suppression so often appear as separate processes in Canadian historiography. Indeed, this scholarship is characterized by an enduring belief that Western Canadian colonialism was a distinctly Anglo sin. Ethnic immigrants often appear in scholarly and popular histories as sharing a history of marginalization with Indigenous people that prevented migrants from taking part in colonial displacement. Proceeding from the neglected history of Icelandic enlistment in 1885 and new developments in Icelandic historiography, this article argues that rather than negating ethnic participation in Indigenous suppression, ethnic marginality and the class tensions it created could actually fuel participation in colonial campaigns, which promised immigrants upward mobility, access to state support, and land.

NOTE: THIS ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED WITH THE INFORMING SCIENCE INSTITUTE. Aim/Purpose................................................................................................................................................................................ The purpose of this paper is to conduct a multi-case/agent analysis using complexity theory to develop propositions that guide and inform our research for solutions to the problems of integration and full participation of the English-speaking Black community in the societies of Montreal and Quebec. Background................................................................................................................................................................................ This study was motivated by our interest in community organizational leader-ship, and concerns expressed by Black social entrepreneurs and organizations in the English-speaking Black communities of Montreal. The results of an unpublished survey conducted by the Institute for Community Entrepreneurship and Development (ICED) revealed a strong perception among Black leaders that in spite of their efforts to advance their communities there was too little progress. They attributed this to systemic exclusion and competitive strategies of mainstream non-Black agencies and leaders. Our further investigation of these claims suggested that beside discrimination based on color and race, factors more complex than skin color, being a person of African descent or White hate, were at work. Preliminary patterns in our observations suggest that the problems of exclusion and discrimination needed to be addressed in a broader psycho-social sense and in the context of Canada as a complex political, economic, and social adaptive system emerging continuously from generation to generation Methodology................................................................................................................................................................................ We used historical analysis and dynamic systems constructs to understand the causality structures of human social systems and to design strategies that have the highest possibilities for improving and optimizing the objective and subjective well-being of members of targeted minority sub-groups in the system. The general research approach is deductive and exploratory. It conforms mostly to critical realist thinking as opposed to traditional scientific methodologies. Contribution................................................................................................................................................................................ It is our opinion that communication network centers can be designed as part of a strategic planning process to increase the capacity of minority communities for creating, in a timely manner, the ingenuity required for solving problems of social, political and economic exclusion; for promoting sustainable development and improving objective and subjective well-being. The use of the MAS (multiple-agents system) analytical framework allows us to address and assess problems of decision making under varying degrees of uncertainty and in the social and historical context of the study. Findings..................................................................................................................................................................................... Our review of the development and progress of the Black community of Montreal shows that “under the radar” community based organizations and Black Social entrepreneurs have developed governance mechanisms and generated strategies and approaches to decision making that are consistent with the optimal patterns observed in simulations of multi-agent systems (MAS) . In particular, social entrepreneurs seem to support the formal creation of community based communication networks and information sharing as essential for community development. Several of these organizations consider these useful tools for facilitating the sharing of innovative ideas and best practices. Recommendations for Practitioners.......................................................................................................................................... The usefulness of the network community systems need to be monitored. Its usefulness will depend on how its outputs are perceived to have contributed to improving the level of fitness (the vitality and well-being/utility) of the community and its members. It will require a holistic approach to community development supported by network centers that provide communication and information services at levels that improve and sustain the capacity of the organizations and the community to adapt and evolve from generation to generation. The mechanisms in place must increase and sustain the capacity of the systems to achieve and maintain the desired level of outcomes consistent with attaining the highest fitness levels for the English speaking Black Communities. This must be tested with the help of information provided by a built in feedback subsystem of the network. Recommendation for Researchers.............................................................................................................................................. A central database has to be built into the system where social and economic data and measures of subsystem specific attributes and characteristics are gathered and stored for use by the network organizations and social entrepreneurs. There is no comprehensive measure of a fitness index for the Black community in Montreal. Theoretically speaking, there are too many possibilities to find a precise solution. However, an approximation of fitness can be obtained by constructing a human development index (HDI) in combination with measures of inequality such as comparative data on income, employment and unemployment, poverty, and etc. Impact on Society......................................................................................................................................................................... The paper raises some questions about the success of the experiment of multiculturalism in terms of greater recognition of the contributions of Canada’s diverse and multiple sub-cultures. It proposes ways to address complaints of failed expectations expressed by Black and immigrant minority groups. The paper offers policy makers and social entrepreneurs a dynamic analytical framework to explore the use of information and communication network theory, and information from simulations of multi-agent adaptive systems theory to develop more informed strategies and actions. Future Research............................................................................................................................................................................ More research needs to be done to improve the quality and expand the demographic and other data relating to the black communities in Montreal and Quebec. In addition, more research needs to be done on the development of an archival documentation system for the management and distribution of information between the different communities that make up the Black cultural community of Quebec and Canada.

Au Canada anglais, la recherche sur l’inégalité et la discrimination ethniques a été très productive. Des comportements racistes, ségrégationnistes et discriminatoires, documentés ou non, affectent encore, à des degrés variables, plusieurs institutions canadiennes. Plusieurs groupes ethniques, les Autochtones en particulier, ont attiré progressivement l’attention sur les diverses inégalités qui continuent de miner les groupes marginaux dans la société canadienne. Le Metropolis Project a non seulement fourni des renseignements à tous les niveaux de gouvernements quant aux contributions apportées par les nouveaux arrivants et les réfugiés, mais il a mis en lumière leurs difficultés. Cet essai analyse six des plus récents courants d’étude sur l’inégalité ethnique, à savoir : le capital social et culturel, la thèse de l’intersectionnalité, le racisme démocratique, le « nouveau » racisme, la théorie critique des races et la législation sur l’égalité. Bien que cette liste soit loin d’être exhaustive, elle souligne les recherches les plus prometteuses.

Talent identification and selection are critical components of competitive sport success. Despite the time, effort, and resources invested, the accuracy of selection decisions remains generally poor. While much of the scholarship in this area has focused on the factors discriminating skilled and less-skilled individuals, limited research exists on what information is used in the decision-making process for athlete selection. The current study seeks to gain a better understanding of the information used by elite distance running coaches when forming judgements for athlete selection. Ten semi-structured interviews with elite distance running coaches from across Canada were transcribed and analyzed using inductive thematic analysis. It was interpreted that coaches mainly gather information using their coach’s eye to determine an athlete’s ‘fit’ to the team. Coaches also use more objective information such as race times and movement analyses to assess performance and judge future ‘potential’. As well, the decisions were believed to be influenced by situational considerations at the time of the selection procedure. Specifically, these considerations affecting a coach’s selection included length of time to make a decision, personal limitations in decision-making abilities, and team circumstances. Interestingly, coaches recognized limitations in their selection practices and procedures and discussed some of their personal and system-level biases, highlighting their awareness of potential selection inefficiencies/inaccuracies. Overall, distance running coaches used a variety of techniques to gather information before a selection was made, relying on both subjective and objective information for crafting judgments. Findings are discussed in relation to implications for coaches, sport organizations, and talent identification and selection programs.

The following posters are a result of research done by the students in Dr. Cynthia Levine-Rasky’s Sociology 233: ‘Race’ and Racialization course. These ten posters were chosen by the entire class to be exhibited at I@Q.

BackgroundUltra-marathon running participation has become increasingly more popular in recent years; however, there is inconclusive evidence concerning the effects of participation on cognition and cardiovascular function. The purpose of this study was to examine alterations in cardiovascular function and cognitive performance and their association in ultra-marathon runners prior to and following an ultra-endurance event.MethodsIn total, 24 runners (19 males and 5 females) participated in an ultra-marathon race (FatDog120) held in British Columbia, Canada. Participants competed in varying races distances [48 km (n = 2), 80 km (n = 7), 113 km (n = 3), and 193 km (n = 12)]. Cognition was assessed prior to and upon race completion using simple reaction time, choice reaction time, discrimination reaction time, and recognition memory (% correct). Cardiovascular function was assessed prior to and upon race completion using radial applanation tonometry for diastolic pulse contour examination.ResultsCognitive performance displayed significantly (p < 0.001) slower reaction times post-race for simple (30.2%), discrimination (22.7%), and choice reaction time (30.5%), as well as a significant (p < 0.05) reduction in memory test performance (−8.2%). A significant association between systemic vascular resistance and choice reaction time was observed post-race (r = 0.41, p < 0.05). Significant changes in post-race cardiovascular function were observed in resting heart rate (31.5%), cardiac output (27.5%), mean arterial blood pressure (−5.6%), total systemic resistance (−17.6%), systolic blood pressure (−7.0%), pulse pressure (−11.2%), and rate pressure product (22.4%). There was evidence of enhanced cardiovascular function being associated with improved cognitive performance before and after the ultra-endurance event.ConclusionUltra endurance running is associated with marked impairments in cognitive performance that are associated (at least in part) with changes in cardiovascular function in healthy adults.

Three very different field sites—First Nations communities in Canada, water charities in the Global South, and the US cities of Flint and Detroit, Michigan—point to the increasing precariousness of water access for historically marginalized groups, including Indigenous peoples, African Americans, and people of color around the globe. This multi-sited ethnography underscores a common theme: power and racism lie deep in the core of today’s global water crisis. These cases reveal the concrete mechanisms, strategies, and interconnections that are galvanized by the economic, political, and racial projects of neoliberalism. In this sense neoliberalism is not only downsizing democracy but also creating both the material and ideological forces for a new form of discrimination in the provision of drinking water around the globe. These cases suggest that contemporary notions of environmental and social justice will largely hinge on how we come to think about water in the twenty-first century.

Race-based discrimination in Canada exists at the institutional and structural level. While acknowledging its existence is a crucial first step in eradicating this particular form of discrimination, an essential second step includes implementing structural changes at the institutional level in Canadian universities. In an effort to disrupt the Eurocentricity of knowledge production this commentary argues that the Canadian government’s official historical narrative that depicts Canada as being born of the pioneering spirit of British and French white settlers fails to capture the actual history of the country. Rather, it fosters the continuation of the supremacy of whiteness thereby causing significant harm through the perpetuation of racial bias. We argue that the history and contributions of Indigenous, Black, and Chinese Canadians, all of whom were in this country prior to confederation, should be told in a mandatory university course. Our findings indicate that while a number of universities have individual courses, usually electives and some graduate degrees on Indigenous, Black, and Chinese history, there is little offered from the Canadian context and certainly nothing that is a mandatory course requirement. In addition, we suggest compulsory university staff-wide anti-racism training; the ongoing hiring of professors and sessional instructors who are racially representative of the population of Canada; and community outreach, mentorship, and counselling programs that are designed to help students who are underrepresented in Canadian universities. In our opinion, we believe that these changes have the potential to provide a lens to disrupt settler colonial spaces, mobilize race in academic curricula, and encourage social justice actions that can offer a more inclusive learning environment.

PurposeBlack Canadians have a historically tenuous relationship with the police. Negative perceptions of the police held by Black people have traditionally resulted from high levels of police contact and perceived negative treatment during these encounters. Well-publicized instances of police violence involving Black civilians have also fostered hostility and mistrust of the police, often resulting in social unrest. Recently, in the wake of George Floyd's death at the hands of American police, people across Canada rallied in support of the Black Lives Matter social movement and calls to defund the police entered mainstream political consciousness. At the same time, police leaders have vehemently argued that racial bias within Canadian policing has been greatly reduced as the result of various reform efforts.Design/methodology/approachThis paper explores the police racism debate in Canada through an analysis of three waves of survey data collected between 1994 and 2019.FindingsDespite well-publicized reform efforts, the authors' findings demonstrate that little has changed over the past 25 years. Black people still report much higher rates of police stop and search activity than people from other racial backgrounds. Furthermore, racial disparities in negative police contact remain strongly significant after controlling for other theoretically relevant factors, including self-reported deviance and community crime levels. Finally, reflecting their negative experiences, most Black people still perceive Canadian law enforcement as racially biased. Nonetheless, the data do reveal one significant change: the proportion of white people who perceive police discrimination against Black people has increased dramatically over this same time period. The paper concludes by discussing the prospects of meaningful reform in light of the current findings.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the literature on race and policing through an examination of 25 years of survey data across three waves of collection.

The absence of Latin American women in positions of authority and power is indicative of the career limitations they face. This paper examines the leadership experiences of Latin American women who are leaders and reside in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). I apply a decolonial feminism approach and the concept of intersectionality to examine the intersection of race, gender, and class. Also, I employ qualitative research using 10 in-depth semi-structured, individual interviews. I find that current Latin American women leaders still face barriers that prevent them from continuing their advancement in leadership positions. These barriers include racial and gender discrimination, negative stereotypes, scarcity of networks and mentors, and the struggle to achieve a work-life balance.

AbstractThe Canadian national identity is often understood as what it is not; American. Inundation with American history, news, and culture around race and racism imbues Canadians with a false impression of egalitarianism, resulting in a lack of critical national reflection. While this is true in instances, the cruel reality of inequity, injustice and racism is rampant within the Canadian sexual and reproductive health and rights realm. Indeed, the inequitable health outcomes for Black, Indigenous and people of color (BIPOC) are rooted in policy, research, health promotion and patient care. Built by colonial settlers, many of the systems currently in place have yet to embark on the necessary process of addressing the colonial, racist, and ableist structures perpetuating inequities in health outcomes. The mere fact that Canada sees itself as better than America in terms of race relations is an excuse to overlook its decades of racial and cultural discrimination against Indigenous and Black people. While this commentary may not be ground-breaking for BIPOC communities who have remained vocal about these issues at a grassroots level for decades, there exists a gap in the Canadian literature in exploring these difficult and often underlying dynamics of racism. In this commentary series, the authors aim to promote strategies addressing systemic racism and incorporating a reproductive justice framework in an attempt to reduce health inequities among Indigenous, Black and racialized communities in Canada.

Abstract Introduction Pre-pandemic health behavior has been put forward as a reason for excess COVID-19 infection and death in some racialized groups. At the same time, scholars have labeled racism the other pandemic and argued for its role in the adverse COVID-19 outcomes observed. The purpose of this study was to examine the impact of discrimination on health behavior change among racialized adults in the early stages of the pandemic. Methods Data were collected from 210 adults who identified as a visible minority in Alberta, Canada, in June 2020. The Everyday Discrimination Scale (Short Version) was adapted to examine past-month experiences. Four questions asked if alcohol/cannabis use and stress eating had significantly increased, and if sleep and exercise had significantly decreased in the past month. Logistic regression models examined associations between discrimination attributed to racial and non-racial causes and health behavior change adjusted for covariates. Results The majority of adults (56.2%) reported past-month discrimination including 26.7% who attributed it to their race. Asian adults reported more racial discrimination and discrimination due to people believing they had COVID-19 than other visible minorities. Racial discrimination during the pandemic was strongly associated with increased substance use (OR: 4.0, 95% CI 1.2, 13.4) and decreased sleep (OR: 7.0, 95% CI 2.7, 18.4), and weakly associated with decreased exercise (OR: 2.2, 95% CI 1.1, 4.5). Non-racial discrimination was strongly associated with decreased sleep (OR: 4.8, 95% CI 1.8, 12.5). Conclusion Racial discrimination may have a particularly important effect on intensifying adverse health behavior changes among racialized adults during a time of global crisis.

The story of School SecBon #11 (S.S. #11) stood as a sharp reminder of racial injustice and the black experience in Canada. Located in Essex County, Ontario, the separate school maintained a predominately black student attendance until 1965, when parents and school board members negotiated its eventual closure. As the location of the last racially segregated school in Ontario, Canada, S.S. #11 remained one of the many institutional forms of racial segregation in Canada. This paper endeavors to prove that national policies surrounding multiculturalism and human rights did not eradicate local practices of racial prejudice and discrimination. More importantly, I will argue two main points, first, that African Canadian action in Colchester stood as a microcosm of black activism throughout Canada. The second part of this paper will focus on S.S. #11's black teachers who advocated equal education while holding paradoxical positions of compliance and resistance within the Colchester community. In advancing a case study on Colchester Township, this paper proposes to examine fragmented province-wide educational standards and problematic race relations in Colchester as indicative of lived experiences in various Canadian communities. Ultimately, this research will speak about subtle nuances in the Canadian educational system that tended to remove blacks as Canadian citizens and active historical agents.

This survey study investigated the lives and practices of those in North America who self-identify as feminist music therapists. Earlier reports from this survey studied: 1) the experiences of music therapists, with a comparison of men, women, and their 1990 counterparts (Curtis, 2013d); 2) the experiences of music therapists who self-identify as community music therapists (Curtis, 2015); and 3) the experiences of music therapists in Canada as they compare with their U.S. counterparts (Curtis, in press, a). This current and final report explored the experiences of those in Canada and the United States who self-identify as feminist music therapists (50 from the 682 respondents). Areas of similarities and differences were noted between feminist music therapy respondents, Community Music Therapy respondents, and survey respondents as a whole. Similarities existed in terms of: age; gender (predominantly female) and ethnicity makeup (predominantly Caucasian); career satisfaction; and degree and nature of concerns in their lives. Differences existed in that: 1) greater numbers of feminist music therapy respondents worked in academic settings and had higher levels of education; 2) more feminist music therapists felt there was an impact of sex discrimination in peoples’ lives than did the community music therapists, or survey respondents as a whole (98%, 68.5%, and 67% respectively); 3) more feminist music therapy respondents held concerns about discrimination across many other intersections such as race/ethnicity and sexual orientation (98%, 74%, and 76% respectively); and 4) significantly more in Canada self-identified as feminist music therapists than did their U.S. counterparts. Qualitative analysis of respondents’ thoughts on feminist music therapy identified the following themes: being a feminist, belief and orientation, and working for empowerment and equality. The potential contribution that feminist music therapy offers the music therapy profession as a whole was highlighted in terms of its understanding of the impact of multiple sources of marginalization and privilege. This potential contribution could be enhanced through future research into the profiles of feminist music therapists living in other parts of the world.

Mabel Carney (1886-1969), was a well-known innovator in Rural, African- American, and Colonial Education at Teachers College, Columbia University (1919-42). Little attention has been given to her work at the Kennedy School of Missions, Hartford Theological Seminary (1928-42). This paper details Carney’s interests and accomplishments in missionary training as well as the conceptual difficulties she experienced in integrating her professional ideas with her African-American and African experiences regarding race, culture, and discrimination. Her friendship with Charles T. Loram, Franz Boas, and W.E.B. Dubois, and with the Editorial Board of the Journal of Negro Education, broadened her exposure to racial and cultural issues. Her travels in Africa and Canada also exposed her to new ideas and modes of living. She steadily expanded and vitalized Missionary Education at Hartford while also secularizing the curriculum. The paper concludes by contextualizing her accomplishments in the religious and social conflicts of her active career and retirement.

Abstract Background In Canada, there is longstanding evidence of health inequities for racialized groups. The purpose of this study is to understand the effect of current health care policies and practices on racial/ethnic groups and in particular racialized groups at the level of the individual in Toronto’s health care system. Methods This study used a semi-qualitative study design: concept mapping. A purposive sampling strategy was used to recruit participants. Health care users and health care providers from Toronto and the Greater Toronto Area participated in all four concept mapping activities. The sample sizes varied according to the activity. For the rating activity, 41 racialized health care users, 23 non-racialized health care users and 11 health care providers completed this activity. The data analysis was completed using the concept systems software. Results Participants generated 35 unique statements of ways in which patients feel disrespect or mistreatment when receiving health care. These statements were grouped into five clusters: ‘Racial/ethnic and class discrimination’, ‘Dehumanizing the patient’, ‘Negligent communication’, ‘Professional misconduct’, and ‘Unequal access to health and health services’. Two distinct conceptual regions were identified: ‘Viewed as inferior’ and ‘Unequal medical access’. From the rating activity, racialized health care users reported ‘race’/ethnic based discrimination or everyday racism as largely contributing to the challenges experienced when receiving health care; statements rated high for action/change include ‘when the health care provider does not complete a proper assessment’, ‘when the patient’s symptoms are ignored or not taken seriously’, ‘and ‘when the health care provider belittles or talks down to the patient’. Conclusions Our study identifies how racialized health care users experience everyday racism when receiving health care and this is important to consider in the development of future research and interventions aimed at addressing institutional racism in the health care setting. To support the elimination of institutional racism, anti-racist policies are needed to move beyond cultural competence polices and towards addressing the centrality of unequal power social relations and everyday racism in the health care system.

Abstract Background There is a paucity of research assessing cultural competency among Canadian chiropractors. Therefore, the aims of this study were to (1) measure cultural competency among Canadian chiropractors, (2) understand chiropractors’ perspectives of challenges and attitudes regarding the delivery of chiropractic services to equity-seeking communities, and (3) assess contextual factors associated with cultural competency. Methods We conducted a cross-sectional survey of members of the Canadian Chiropractic Association (CCA) (May–July 2021). The survey instrument consisted of 57 questions related to demographics, cultural competency, perceptions about health disparities, and challenges in delivery of rehabilitation. Cultural competency was measured using the Cultural Awareness and Sensitivity and Cultural Competence Behaviours subscales of the Cultural Competence Assessment Instrument. We conducted a multivariate linear regression to assess factors that may be associated with cultural competency. Results A total of 3143 CCA members responded (response rate of 41%). Mean scores for the Cultural Awareness and Sensitivity subscale were 5.8/7 (95% CI 5.7; 5.8) and 4.2/7 (95% CI 4.1; 4.2) for the Cultural Competence Behaviour subscale. Most chiropractors (72–78%) reported observing important cultural health disparities across various care-related outcomes. Cost of services and language were identified as barriers to providing care to equity-seeking communities. Cultural Awareness and Sensitivity scores were weakly associated with gender (men), years of clinical practice, cultural health disparities, the statement “I think some people have an agenda to look for discrimination even where it does not exist (DEI attitudes),” race (Caucasian), and prior DEI training, (R2 = 0.15, p < 0.0001). Cultural Competence Behaviour scores were weakly associated with race (Caucasian), cultural health disparities, prior DEI training, increased years of clinical experience, and higher Cultural Awareness and Sensitivity scores (R2 = 0.19, p < 0.0001). Conclusion This study provides the first description of cultural competency within the chiropractic profession in Canada. Findings suggest a gap between knowledge and behaviour and uncover several barriers and challenges that may inform the development of profession-specific training in cultural competence.

Indigenous cross-cultural training has been around since the 1980s. It is often seen as a way to increase the skills and competency of staff engaged in providing service to Indigenous clients and customers, teaching Indigenous students within universities and schools, or working with Indigenous communities (Fredericks and Bargallie, “Indigenous”; “Which Way”). In this article we demonstrate how such training often exposes power, whiteness, and concepts of an Indigenous “other”. We highlight how cross-cultural training programs can potentially provide a setting in which non-Indigenous participants can develop a deeper realisation of how their understandings of the “other” are formed and enacted within a “white” social setting. Revealing whiteness as a racial construct enables people to see race, and “know what racism is, what it is not and what it does” (Bargallie, 262). Training participants can use such revelations to develop their racial literacy and anti-racist praxis (Bargallie), which when implemented have the capacity to transform inequitable power differentials in their work with Indigenous peoples and organisations.What Does the Literature Say about Cross-Cultural Training? An array of names are used for Indigenous cross-cultural training, including cultural awareness, cultural competency, cultural responsiveness, cultural safety, cultural sensitivity, cultural humility, and cultural capability. Each model takes on a different approach and goal depending on the discipline or profession to which the training is applied (Hollinsworth). Throughout this article we refer to Indigenous cross-cultural training as “cultural competence” or “cultural awareness” and discuss these in relation to their application within higher education institutions. While literature on health and human services programs in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and other nation states provide clear definitions of terms such as “cultural safety”, cultural competence or cultural awareness is often lacking a concise and consistent definition.Often delivered as a half day or a one to two-day training course, it is unrealistic to think that Indigenous cultural competence can be achieved through one’s mere attendance and participation. Moreover, when courses centre on “cultural differences” and enable revelations about those differences they are in danger of presenting idealised notions of Indigeneity. Cultural competence becomes a process through which an Indigenous “other” is objectified, while very little is offered by way of translating knowledge and skills into practice when working with Indigenous peoples.What this type of learning has the capacity to do is oversimplify and reinforce racism and racist stereotypes of Indigenous peoples and Indigenous cultures. What is generally believed is that if non-Indigenous peoples know more about Indigenous peoples and cultures, relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples will somehow improve. The work of Goenpul scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson is vital to draw on here, when she asks, has the intellectual investment in defining our cultural differences resulted in the valuing of our knowledges? Has the academy become a more enlightened place in which to work, and, more important, in what ways have our communities benefited? (xvii)What is revealed in a range of studies – whether centring on racism and discrimination or the ongoing disparities across health, education, incarceration, employment, and more – is that despite forty plus years of training focused on understanding cultural differences, very little has changed. Indigenous knowledges continue to be devalued and overlooked. Everyday and structural racisms shape everyday experiences for Indigenous employees in Australian workplaces such as the Australian Public Service (Bargallie) and the Australian higher education sector (Fredericks and White).As the literature demonstrates, the racial division of labour in such institutions often leaves Indigenous employees languishing on the lower rungs of the employment ladder (Bargallie). The findings of an Australian university case study, discussed below, highlights how power, whiteness, and concepts of “otherness” are exposed and play out in cultural competency training. Through their exposure, we argue that better understandings about Indigenous Australians, which are not based on culture difference but personal reflexivity, may be gained. Revealing What Was Needed in the Course’s Foundation and ImplementationThis case study is centred within a regional Australian university across numerous campuses. In 2012, the university council approved an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander strategy, which included a range of initiatives, including the provision of cross-cultural training for staff. In developing the training, a team explored the evidence as it related to university settings (Anning; Asmar; Butler and Young; Fredericks; Fredericks and Thompson; Kinnane, Wilks, Wilson, Hughes and Thomas; McLaughlin and Whatman). This investigation included what had been undertaken in other Australian universities (Anderson; University of Sydney) and drew on the recommendations from earlier research (Behrendt, Larkin, Griew and Kelly; Bradley, Noonan, Nugent and Scales; Universities Australia). Additional consultation took place with a broad range of internal and external stakeholders.While some literature on cross-cultural training centred on the need to understand cultural differences, others exposed the problems of focusing entirely on difference (Brach and Fraser; Campinha-Bacote; Fredericks; Spencer and Archer; Young). The courses that challenged the centrality of cultural difference explained why race needed to be at the core of its training, highlighting its role in enabling discussions of racism, bias, discrimination and how these may be used as means to facilitate potential individual and organisational change. This approach also addressed stereotypes and Eurocentric understandings of what and who is an Indigenous Australian (Carlson; Gorringe, Ross and Forde; Hollinsworth; Moreton-Robinson). It is from this basis that we worked and grew our own training program. Working on this foundational premise, we began to separate content that showcased the fluidity and diversity of Indigenous peoples and refrained from situating us within romantic notions of culture or presenting us as an exotic “other”. In other words, we embraced work that responded to non-Indigenous people’s objectified understandings and expectations of us. For example, the expectation that Indigenous peoples will offer a Welcome to Country, performance, share a story, sing, dance, or disseminate Indigenous knowledges. While we recognise that some of these cultural elements may offer enjoyment and insight to non-Indigenous people, they do not challenge behaviours or the nature of the relationships that non-Indigenous people have with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Bargallie; Fredericks; Hollinsworth; Westwood and Westwood; Young).The other content which needed separating were the methods that enabled participants to understand and own their standpoints. This included the use of critical Indigenous studies as a form of analysis (Moreton-Robinson). Critical race theory (Delgado and Stefancic) was also used as a means for participants to interrogate their own cultural positionings and understand the pervasive nature of race and racism in Australian society and institutions (McLaughlin and Whatman). This offered all participants, both non-Indigenous and Indigenous, the opportunity to learn how institutional racism operates, and maintains discrimination, neglect, abuse, denial, and violence, inclusive of the continued subjugation that exists within higher education settings and broader society.We knew that the course needed to be available online as well as face-to-face. This would increase accessibility to staff across the university community. We sought to embed critical thinking as we began to map out the course, including the theory in the sections that covered colonisation and the history of Indigenous dispossession, trauma and pain, along with the ongoing effects of federal and state policies and legislations that locates racism at the core of Australian politics. In addition to documenting the ongoing effects of racism, we sought to ensure that Indigenous resistance, agency, and activism was highlighted, showing how this continues, thus linking the past to the contemporary experiences of Indigenous peoples.Drawing on the work of Bargallie we wanted to demonstrate how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples experience racism through systems and structures in their everyday work with colleagues in large organisations, such as universities. Participants were asked to self-reflect on how race impacts their day-to-day lives (McIntosh). The final session of the training focused on the university’s commitment to “Closing the Gap” and its Reconciliation Action Plan (RAP). The associated activity involved participants working individually and in small groups to discuss and consider what they could contribute to the RAP activities and enact within their work environments. Throughout the training, participants were asked to reflect on their personal positioning, and in the final session they were asked to draw from these reflections and discuss how they would discuss race, racism and reconciliation activities with the governance of their university (Westwood and Westwood; Young).Revelations in the Facilitators, Observers, and Participants’ Discussions? This section draws on data collected from the first course offered within the university’s pilot program. During the delivery of the in-person training sessions, two observers wrote notes while the facilitators also noted their feelings and thoughts. After the training, the facilitators and observers debriefed and discussed the delivery of the course along with the feedback received during the sessions.What was noticed by the team was the defensive body language of participants and the types of questions they asked. Team members observed how there were clear differences between the interest non-Indigenous participants displayed when talking about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and a clear discomfort when they were asked to reflect on their own position in relation to Indigenous people. We noted that during these occasions some participants crossed their arms, two wrote notes to each other across the table, and many participants showed discomfort. When the lead facilitator raised this to participants during the sessions, some expressed their dislike and discomfort at having to talk about themselves. A couple were clearly unhappy and upset. We found this interesting as we were asking participants to reflect and talk about how they interpret and understand themselves in relation to Indigenous people and race, privilege, and power.This supports the work of DiAngelo who explains that facilitators can spend a lot of time trying to manage the behaviour of participants. Similarly, Castagno identifies that sometimes facilitators of training might overly focus on keeping participants happy, and in doing so, derail the hard conversations needed. We did not do either. Instead, we worked to manage the behaviours expressed and draw out what was happening to break the attempts to silence racial discussions. We reiterated and worked hard to reassure participants that we were in a “safe space” and that while such discussions may be difficult, they were worth working through on an individual and collective level.During the workshop, numerous emotions surfaced, people laughed at Indigenous humour and cried at what they witnessed as losses. They also expressed anger, defensiveness, and denial. Some participants revelled in hearing answers to questions that they had long wondered about; some openly discussed how they thought they had discovered a distant Aboriginal relative. Many questions surfaced, such as why hadn’t they ever been told this version of Australian history? Why were we focusing on them and not Aboriginal people? How could they be racist when they had an Aboriginal friend or an Aboriginal relative?Some said they felt “guilty” about what had happened in the past. Others said they were not personally responsible or responsible for the actions of their ancestors, questioning why they needed to go over such history in the first place? Inter-woven within participants’ revelations were issues of racism, power, whiteness, and white privilege. Many participants took a defensive stance to protect their white privilege (DiAngelo). As we worked through these issues, several participants started to see their own positionality and shared this with the group. Clearly, the revelation of whiteness as a racial construct was a turning point for some. The language in the group also changed for some participants as revelations emerged through the interrogation and unpacking of stories of racism. Bargallie’s work exploring racism in the workplace, explains that “racism”, as both a word and theme, is primarily absent in conversations amongst non-Indigenous colleagues. Despite its entrenchment in the dialogue, it is rarely, if ever addressed. In fact, for many non-Indigenous people, the fear of being accused of racism is worse than the act of racism itself (Ahmed; Bargallie). We have seen this play out within the media, sport, news bulletins, and more. Lentin describes the act of denying racism despite its existence in full sight as “not racism”, arguing that its very denial is “a form of racist violence” (406).Through enhancing racial literacy, Bargallie asserts that people gain a better understanding of “what racism is, what racism is not and how race works” (258). Such revelations can work towards dismantling racism in workplaces. Individual and structural racism go hand-in-glove and must be examined and addressed together. This is what we wanted to work towards within the cultural competency course. Through the use of critical Indigenous studies and critical race theory we situated race, and not cultural difference, as central, providing participants with a racial literacy that could be used as a tool to challenge and dismantle racism in the workplace.Revelations in the Participant Evaluations?The evaluations revealed that our intention to disrupt the status quo in cultural competency training was achieved. Some of the discussions were difficult and this was reflected in the feedback. It was valuable to learn that numerous participants wanted to do more through group work, conversations, and problem resolution, along with having extra reading materials. This prompted our decision to include extra links to resource learning materials through the course’s online site. We also opted to provide all participants with a copy of the book Indigenous Australia for Dummies (Behrendt). The cost of the book was built into the course and future participants were thankful for this combination of resources.One unexpected concern raised by participants was that the course should not be “that hard”, and that we should “dumb down” the course. We were astounded considering that many participants were academics and we were confident that facilitators of other mandatory workplace training, for example, staff Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO), Fire Safety, Risk Management, Occupational Health and Safety, Discrimination and more, weren’t asked to “dumb down” their content. We explained to the participants what content we had been asked to deliver and knew their responses demonstrated white fragility. We were not prepared to adjust the course and dumb it down for white understandings and comfortabilities (Leonardo and Porter).Comments that were expected included that the facilitators were “passionate”, “articulate”, demonstrated “knowledge” and effectively “dealt with issues”. A couple of the participants wrote that the facilitators were “aggressive” or “angry”. This however is not new for us, or new to other Aboriginal women. We know Aboriginal women are often seen as “aggressive” and “angry”, when non-Indigenous women might be described as “passionate” or “assertive” for saying exactly the same thing. The work of Aileen Moreton-Robinson in Australia, and the works of numerous other Aboriginal women provide evidence of this form of racism (Fredericks and White; Bargallie; Bond). Internationally, other Indigenous women and women of colour document the same experiences (Lorde). Participants’ assessment of the facilitators is consistent with the racism expressed through racial microaggression outside of the university, and in other organisations. This is despite working in the higher education sector, which is normally perceived as a more knowledgeable and informed environment. Needless to say, we did not take on these comments.The evaluations did offer us the opportunity to adjust the course and make it stronger before it was offered across the university where we received further evaluation of its success. Despite this, the university decided to withdraw and reallocate the money to the development of a diversity training course that would cover all equity groups. This meant that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples would be covered along with sexual diversity, gender, disability, and people from non-English speaking backgrounds. The content focused on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples was reduced to one hour of the total course. Including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in this way is not based on evidence and works to minimise Indigenous Australians and their inherent rights and sovereignty to just another “equity group”. Conclusion We set out to develop and deliver a cross-cultural course that was based on evidence and a foundation of 40 plus years’ experience in delivering such training. In addition, we sought a program that would align with the university’s Reconciliation Action Plan and the directions being undertaken in the sector and by Universities Australia. Through engaging participants in a process of critical thinking centring on race, we developed a training program that successfully fostered self-reflection and brought about revelations of whiteness.Focusing on cultural differences has proven ineffective to the work needed to improve the lives of Indigenous Australian peoples. Recognising this, our discussions with participants directly challenged racist and negative stereotypes, individual and structural racism, prejudices, and white privilege. By centring race over cultural difference in cultural competency training, we worked to foster self-revelation within participants to transform inequitable power differentials in their work with Indigenous peoples and organisations. The institution’s disbandment and defunding of the program however is a telling revelation in and of itself, highlighting the continuing struggle and importance of placing additional pressure on persons, institutions, and organisations to implement meaningful structural change. ReferencesAhmed, Sara. On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Duke University Press, 2012.Anderson, Ian. “Advancing Indigenous Health through Medical Education”. 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