Journal articles on the topic 'Quechua people'

Salasaca Quichua (ISO 639-3=qxl) is a Quechuan language, specifically of the branch referred to as Quechua A (Parker 1963), as Quechua IIB (Torero 1974), or the northern group (Landerman 1991); but see Landerman (1991) and Adelaar (2004) regarding doubts with respect to the classification of the different varieties. The variety described in this paper is spoken by approximately 12,000 people in Ecuador. The Salasaca ‘parroquia’ (Spanish usage in Ecuador of this word is for a non-religious administrative district), in Pelileo canton, in Tungurahua province, is divided into eighteen communities and Quichua is spoken in all of them. This variety is similar to that of others of the region and is included in the Stark & Muysken (1977) dictionary. Varieties of Quechua in this area do not have the more open allophones attested farther south (such as in Peru), and for that reason the Ecuadorian varieties are traditionally called ‘Quichua’ rather than ‘Quechua’.

Spanish is one of the most widely spoken languages in the world. Quechua is the largest indigenous language family to constitute the first language (L1) of second language (L2) Spanish speakers. Despite sheer number of speakers and typologically interesting contrasts, Quechua–Spanish second language acquisition is a nearly untapped research area, due to the marginalization of Quechua-speaking people. This review considers contributions to the field of second language acquisition gleaned from studying the grammars of Quechua speakers who learn Spanish as well as monolingual Quechua and Spanish speakers in the contact area. Contribution to the documentation and revitalization of the Quechua languages is discussed as an ethical and scientific imperative.

Abstract In this article, I argue that Intercultural Bilingual Education (IBE) in Peru has turned into a depoliticized endeavor, fed by a modernist national frame and a positivist/ modernist linguistics (García et al., 2017). Situating my discussion amid the context of discourses of IBE, I will focus on Quechua-speaking urban youth activists and the way they challenge three key issues that have been historically entrenched in the discourse of IBE and language diversity in general: the restriction of Quechua speakers to “mother tongue” speakers, the dichotomy between local and global identities, and the defensive stance towards neoliberalism and the market economy. In a context of tensions and challenges for multilingualism and of new circumstances for minoritized languages and their speakers (Pietikainen et al., 2016), these young people are questioning the depoliticized, limiting, and fictitious views of Quechua and Quechuaness from the IBE discourse. Put it differently: they are disinventing Quechua as IBE conceives it and reinventing it within a much more inclusive and politicized project, in a way that should interest educators.

Abstract The case of Peru evinces quite specific aspects missing in other states with numerous indigenous minorities. During the second half of the 20th century, indigenous communities in local sierra were officially renamed as agrarian communities (comunidades campesinas), which resulted in wiping their identity away in exchange for land reform and incorporation to state structures. The status of native people has slightly improved since the introduction of a new constitution in 1993 and the implementation of responsive laws later. However, up to the present the self-identification with the terms Quechua, Aymara, indigenous, native, mestizo or campesino often results in extensive consequences stemming from the persisting racism and hierarchic society. This article deals with the impacts related to ethnicity and auto-identification in contemporary Peru, focusing on variables determining the status of indigenous people within the 25 Peruvian regions. The national census held in autumn 2017 incorporated for the first time in history the possibility of ethnic auto-identification. The anticipated results might outline a new direction in terms of social status and identification within the native communities.

Kawsay in Colonial and Postcolonial BorderlandsThe personage of Huatya Curi, the “Baked Potato Gleaner,” figured prominently in an early colonial account of the landscape and religious mythology of the Andean people of Huarochirí, a province in the mountainous interior of Lima in the Viceroyalty of Peru. The Huarochirí manuscript, a sixteenth-century Quechua document, introduces Huatya Curi with these words: “Chay pacha cay huatya curi ñisca huacchalla micuspapas huatya cuspalla causaptinsi sutiachircan huatya curim ñispa …” ‘At that time Huatya Curi, a poor potato eater, was accustomed to living from gleaning baked potatoes, and for that reason people named him Huatya Curi …‘ (Salomon and Urioste 163; my trans.; see also Taylor 32–33). While poor, Huatya Curi was powerful; in the same passage he goes on to vanquish a mighty Andean lord, Tamta Ñamca. The demise of Tamta Ñamca sets the stage for the ascendance of Paria Caca, Huatya Curi's father, who emerges as the chief Andean deity. Huatya Curi's existence is earthly yet linked to his supernatural lineage.

AbstractThis article examines revolutionary discourses of national historical transformation in Bolivia and tracks the ways those discourses are appropriated, contested, and recast by farmers in the rural agricultural province of Ayopaya. During fieldwork carried out with Quechua-speaking farmers in Ayopaya between 2011 and 2012, I learned about people's enduring concerns with a recent hacienda past. Against governmental declarations that Bolivia's colonial past was dead or had passed, farmers meditated on the duration of earlier histories of colonial land dispossession and violations of indigenous sovereignty. Talk about the region's oppressive history here allowed people to assess deficient state aid and resources but also to oppose unwelcome state interventions pushing a legal model of bounded collectivity. I trace the ways that farmers and villagers mobilized the hacienda past to address inequitable land tenure, violated sovereignty, and women's marginalization from political life, and thereby raise new questions about the critical possibilities opened up by the re-politicization of this colonial history. Rural support for Bolivia's Movement Toward Socialism party government eroded nearly a decade ago, and this complicates both triumphalist and defeatist accounts of President Evo Morales’ 2019 resignation, which tend to paint Morales’ rural indigenous supporters as innocent and naïve.

AbstractThe influence of social knowledge on speech perception is a question of interest to a range of disciplines of language research. This study combines experimental and qualitative approaches to investigate whether the various methodological and disciplinary threads of research on this topic are truly investigating the same phenomenon to provide converging evidence in our understanding of social listening. This study investigates listeners’ perceptions of Spanish and Quechua speakers speaking Spanish in the context of a contact zone between these two languages and their speakers in central Bolivia. The results of a pair of matched-guise vowel discrimination tasks and subsequent interviews demonstrate that what people perceive, as measured by experimental tasks, is not necessarily what they believe they hear, as reported in narrative responses to interview prompts. Multiple methodological approaches must be employed in order to fully understand the way that we perceive language at diverging levels of sociolinguistic awareness. (Perception, sociophonetics, sociolinguistics, awareness, Andean Spanish)

Objective.To determine the presence of psoriasis and psoriatic arthritis (PsA) in aboriginal people living in the Andean Mountains of Peru.Methods.Consecutive patients with psoriasis and PsA attending an arthritis clinic in Juliaca, Puno, Peru, located 3824 m above sea level were examined. The CASPAR (ClASsification of Psoriatic ARthritis) criteria were used for classification of PsA. Diagnosis of psoriasis was confirmed by a dermatologist.Results.Seventeen patients [11 (65%) men and 6 (35%) women] fulfilled classification criteria for PsA; one patient was of European ancestry and is not included in this report. Of the 16 aboriginal patients in this report, 5 were natives of Quechua ancestry and one was native Aymara. At the time of their first clinic visit, no native patient with PsA had a family history of psoriasis or PsA, and all patients exhibited an established disease of long duration and severity. Methotrexate was the drug of choice for all patients; 2 patients are currently receiving biological therapy.Conclusion.Contrary to what has been reported in the literature, both psoriasis and PsA are present in aboriginal people from the Andean Mountains of Peru. More studies are needed to further define the phenotype of these disorders, as well as the pathogenetic role of genetic and environmental factors.

In the Late Intermediate Period (ca. A.D. 1000-1450), people in many parts of the Andean highlands moved away from rich agricultural lands to settle in defensive sites high on hills and ridges, frequently building hilltop forts known as pukaras in Quechua and Aymara. This settlement shift indicates a concern with warfare not equaled at any other time in the archaeological sequence. While the traditional assumption is that warfare in the Late Intermediate Period resulted directly from the collapse of the Middle Horizon polities of Wari and Tiwanaku around A.D. 1000, radiocarbon dates presented here from occupation and wall-building events at pukaras in the northern Titicaca Basin indicate these hillforts did not become common until late in the Late Intermediate Period, after approximately A.D. 1300. Alternative explanations for this late escalation of warfare are evaluated, especially climate change. On a local scale, the shifting nature of pukara occupation indicates cycles of defense, abandonment, reoccupation, and wall building within a broader context of elevated hostilities that lasted for the rest of the Late Intermediate Period and beyond.

SUMMARYDespite the initial discomfort often experienced by visitors to high altitude, humans have occupied the Andean altiplano for more than 10000 years, and millions of people, indigenous and otherwise, currently live on these plains, high in the mountains of South America, at altitudes exceeding 3000m. While, to some extent, acclimatisation can accommodate the one-third decrease in oxygen availability, having been born and raised at altitude appears to confer a substantial advantage in high-altitude performance compared with having been born and raised at sea level. A number of characteristics have been postulated to contribute to a high-altitude Andean phenotype; however, the relative contributions of developmental adaptation (within the individual) and genetic adaptation (within the population of which the individual is part) to the acquisition of this phenotype have yet to be resolved.A complex trait is influenced by multiple genetic and environmental factors and, in humans, it is inherently very difficult to determine what proportion of the trait is dictated by an individual’s genetic heritage and what proportion develops in response to the environment in which the person is born and raised. Looking for changes in putative adaptations in vertically migrant populations, determining the heritability of putative adaptive traits and genetic association analyses have all been used to evaluate the relative contributions of nurture and nature to the Andean phenotype. As the evidence for a genetic contribution to high-altitude adaptation in humans has been the subject of several recent reviews, this article instead focuses on the methodology that has been employed to isolate the effects of ‘nature’ from those of ‘nurture’ on the acquisition of the high-altitude phenotype in Andean natives (Quechua and Aymara). The principles and assumptions underlying the various approaches, as well as some of the inherent strengths and weaknesses of each, are briefly discussed.

This article explores the Quechua peoples’ food systems as seen through a traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) lens and reflects on the vital role of Indigenous peoples’ knowledge for global food security. Data was collected from two Quechua communities, Choquecancha and Rosaspata, in the highlands of Peru, from March 2016 to August 2018. This data was collected via participatory action research, talking circles with femalefarmers, oral history interviews with elders, and Indigenous gatherings at chacras with community leaders and local agroecologists. Analysis of this data suggests that Quechua people’s in-depth and locally rooted knowledge concerning food security provides an Indigenous-based theoretical model of food sovereignty for the revitalization of Indigenous foodways and collective rights to food rooted in often under-recognisedaspects of their Indigeneity and TEK.

Purpose – This paper aims to focus on the impact of cultural heritage tourism in North Coast Peru on local communities and artists, in particular, on efforts to use the burgeoning interest in pre-Inca cultures to involve local communities in the development of tourism. A number of studies have explored the connection between archaeology, cultural heritage, and tourist development in Peru and Latin America. While North Coast Peru is an area rich in pre-Inca cultural heritage, many residents near the impressive archaeological sites are in need of an improved quality of life and more economic development opportunities. Design/methodology/approach – This paper draws on ethnographic fieldwork, including interviews with site directors, local development personnel, government officials, and artists as well as observations of relevant tourist-related sites and events, conducted by the author during 2011-2012 in the North Coast cities of Trujillo and Chiclayo. Findings – The so-called “new archaeology” plays an important role in the region by using archaeology, in a sense, as a pretext for community development, while exploiting the historical ties between ancient and modern cultures in the area has provided economic development opportunities for local residents. Projects such as those developed in Chotuna, the Pomac Zone, and Túcume provide opportunities for community participation and development at multiple levels. Further, the historical ties posited between ancient and modern local communities in the area have led to successful projects that recuperate artisan techniques and indigenous crops. Originality/value – As the North Coast undergoes a larger process of re-imagining its historical past and cultural heritage, a focus is needed on efforts to involve local communities in the development of tourism in ways that empower local people and have the potential to lift them out of poverty. In part, then, this project is intended to connect the growing concern for a more nuanced understanding of the non-Quechua [Inca] indigenous cultural heritage of Peru with cultural heritage preservation and tourism studies.

In the essay I propose to give an account of an ancestral corpus, although new in its outline, since it involves the appearance of the indigenous as a subject of enunciation. I will stop at the abduction of writing as a new process and I propose to focus our attention on the word-voice that is not reduced to the wordletter steed. This does not require alphabetic writing, we find it in various forms and it allows us to express what a culture wants to transmit: I think of the kené [1], expressions of the Shipibo-conibo design or the payllay among the Quechua that explains that they want to communicate, amen of the still indecipherable quipus [2] Andean [3]. These same can be found in facial designs, without forgetting that the body itself is a form of language. The lecture that I will do implies the presence of several systems. I suggest that the current corpus of indigenous literatures accounts for an oral poetics that explains them, rooted in the updated memory of the ancestors and expressed in their activities (daily, traditional, rituals, cycles and seasonal periods, etc.). I support it in the people-culture pair that is based on history and accounts for a demonstration, whose historical reference will be the “long duration”. It is not reduced, therefore, to the candid writing/orality opposition, but to a dynamic relationship between word-voice, brand, sign or trace, body designs, etc. These poetics correspond to the domain of the word, so the orality of which we speak involves the continuity of an expression that writing does not always show in its linear capture, with respect to the autonomy and the confluence of the different forms that are produced in the event. True, they are accusing a new scenario that has to do with the modern abduction of writing. In the same sense, I will dwell on the logic of violence that embodied the presence of the old stranger (conqueror, Spanish or Portuguese) who now lives in that colonized mixture of our being. At the same time, it implies a look with respect to the European ego that constitutes the disseminator of modernity. Impossible to explain it, if we do not include in our agenda a reflection on territory and dispossession.

ResumenEl artículo mostrará cómo las distintas denominaciones: indio, pueblo indio o indígena, campesino, comunidad indígena u originaria, etnia, nación y nacionalidad, otorgadas a los aymaras, quechuas (Bolivia) y kichwas (Ecuador) son una deconstrucción histórica social de casi cinco siglos hacia su identidad milenaria e histórica, que causan tres efectos: a) dominación (tutela), b) desestructuración territorial, por ende, desarticulación político-administrativa, económica y social, y c) limitación en su lucha por la emancipación.Así, las distintas denominaciones usadas por los Estados plurinacionales de Bolivia y Ecuador, son un lenguaje hegemónico-histórico deconstructivo por medio de significantes y significaciones que impregnará un “signo” colonial y postcolonial a los jaques, runas, ayllus, markas, suyus, señoríos aymaras, quechuas, y kichwas convirtiéndose a largo plazo en un paradigma de la denominación y dominación.Palabras clave: Aymaras, quechuas, kichwas; paradigma de la denominación y dominación; significante; significación; colonial; postcolonial; deconstrucción; tierra y territorio.Abstract: The article will show how the different denominations: Indian, Indian or indigenous people, peasant, indigenous or native community, ethnicity, nation and nationality, granted to the Aymaras, Quechuas (Bolivia) and Kichwas (Ecuador) are a social historical deconstruction of almost five centuries towards its millenarian and historical identity, which causes three effects: a) domination (guardianship), b) territorial destructuration, therefore, political-administrative, economic and social disarticulation, and c) limitation in its struggle for emancipation.Thus, the different denominations used by the Plurinational States of Bolivia and Ecuador, are a hegemonic-historical deconstructive language by means of signifiers and significations that will impregnate a colonial and postcolonial "sign" to the jaques, runas, ayllus, markas, suyus, señoríos Aymaras, Quechuas, and Kichwas become a paradigm of denomination and domination over the long term.Keywords: Aymaras, Quechuas, Kichwas; paradigm of denomination and domination; significant; significance; colonial; postcolonial; of construction; land and territory.

El presente artículo sobre el buen vivir, que se ha convertido en un paradigma de los pueblos originarios que ofrece una salida al desarrollismo racional, hace un recorrido por la visión general del concepto, se detiene en las concepciones indígenas de Bolivia con énfasis en los aymara y los quechuas, de Ecuador con el pueblo kichwa y los pueblos amazónicos, de Paraguay con el pueblo guaraní y de Colombia con el pueblo nasa. Abstract The present article about Buen vivir (good living), which has become a paradigm of the original people as a way out of rational developmentalism, takes a tour through the general vision of the concept, stopping in the indigenous conceptions of Bolivia with the Aymara and the Quechuas, from Ecuador with the Kichwa and the Amazonian people, from Paraguay with the Guaraní people and from Colombia with the Nasa people. It afterwards extends in postures such as those of the pluriverse and the cosmo-community, and in general of the anti-systemic and ecological social movements, to arrive at an approach from political culture found in Ecuador and Bolivia constitutions to its maximum expression, and in several studies that propose it as the exit to visions of development, progress and the capitalist world system, as well as a different political option to capitalism and socialism.

The articles in this special issue frame the question of anarchism and indigeneity as historiography, but also as a commentary on the ways in which examining Latin American pasts can inform contemporary understandings of social movements in the region and beyond. In particular, our hope is that they will provoke further interest and research into how history reflects on the ongoing efforts by revolutionaries today, and by the diverse communities with which they engage, to imagine a future devoid of authoritarian and instrumentalist discourses and practices that continue to reproduce the inequities of state power, capitalist oppression, and colonial domination. The case can be made that while its historiography is in its early stages, anarchists in Latin America historically engaged the communities in which they immersed, in some localities more successfully than others. This issue of Anarchist Studies will show that Bolivia - largely ignored in the English-language literature on the subject - and Peru demonstrated early and ongoing efforts to approach indigeneity among Aymara and Quechua peoples in urban and rural settings (see de Laforcade and Hirsch). In Guatemala, however, which is at the heart of a vast regional geography of diverse Mayan peoples ranging from Honduras to Mexico, and in which the white and mestizo populations are a distinct minority, no such tradition emerged (see Monteflores). Raymond Craib has noted that in Chile, a country on the southern reaches of the Andes that produced a vibrant anarchist culture in the early 20th century, the anarchist archives show virtually no connection between the labour movement and the southern Mapuche peoples of Araucania. Beyond the simple question of whether anarchists acknowledged and engaged in solidarity with indigenous communities, however, there is the more sensitive question raised by Mexican sociologist Josué Sansón on the 'translatability' of anarchist ideas and practices among Peruvian rural communities, which he studied. Sansón argues that the transmission was not 'unidirectional', but rather a 'space of encounter in which some Aymara and Quechua communities received and appropriated them, reinterpreting and adapting them to them their own idioms of resistance in the creation of their own autonomous movements.'

This work problematizes the relationship between University, Indigenous Peoples and the State based on a community experience aimed at revitalizing four of Chile’s most dynamic indigenous languages (Aymara, Quechua, Rapa Nui and Mapudungun). On this occasion, the voices from indigenous students and teachers, State officials, and academics are brought together and find, from their differences, tensions and approximations in a collaborative project that gathers understanding and lessons learnt from this educational experience. This article’s main objective is to analyze the perceptions of the three actors mentioned in this joint initiative, emphasizing the following scopes: a) purposes and meanings; and b) characteristics of the relationship between actors. The main findings explain problematic junctions and key aspects regarding joint action, particularly, opportunities and challenges for the configuration of new relational spaces.

Introduction: Nosocomial pathogens have become a priority issue for public health, since they are responsible for increased morbidity and mortality in hospitalized patients and the development of multi-resistant microorganisms, as well. Recent studies found strong evidence that airborne transmission plays a key role in many nosocomial infections. Thus, we aim to develop a QuEChER methodology for the characterization of airborne microbial levels, analyzing potential variables that modify the air microbiological load. Methodology: Particulate matter levels and suspended and settled bioaerosols were determined simultaneously employing optical sensors, Harvard impactors and settle plates, respectively. Environmental variables were also measured at different sites during different working shifts and seasons. Results: We found a straightforward relationship between airborne particles, air exchange rates, and people influx. Levels of suspended microorganisms were related to fine particulate matter concentration, CO2 and ambient temperature. A positive linear relationship (R2 = 0.9356) was also found between fine particulate matter and CO2 levels and air microbial load. Conclusion: The QuEChER methodology is an effective methodology that could be used to improve the surveillance of nosocomial pathogens in developing countries hospitals where air quality is scarcely controlled.

The brain of hypoxia-tolerant vertebrates is known to survive extreme oxygen limitation at least in part because of very low rats of ATP utilization and ATP production. To asses whether similar adaptations are involved in healthy humans during hypoxia adaptation over generational time, we initially used positron-emission tomography measurements of glucose metabolic rates in the brain of Quechuas, whose ancestors have been indigenous to the Andes at altitudes between approximately 3,300 and 4,500 m for several hundred years. Workers in this field generally believe that the lineage of Sherpas has been indigenous to the Himalayas for even longer and that Sherpas and other peoples indigenous to the Tibetan plateau are perhaps the most exquisitely hypoxia adapted of all humans. For this reason, in this study we extended our database to include Sherpas. With the use of the same protocol as before, two metabolic states were analyzed: 1) the presumed normal (hypoxia-adapted) state, monitored as soon as possible after subjects left the Himalayas and 2) the deacclimated state, monitored after 3 wk at low altitudes. Positron-emission tomography measurements of 2-[18F]deoxy-2-fluoro-D-glucose metabolic rates, quantified in 26 regions of the brain, indicated that the Sherpas' brain metabolism differed significantly from that of Quechuas but was essentially identical to that of lowlanders. Region-by-region patterns were similar in all three groups, indicating that the regional organization of glucose metabolism in the brain is a conservative, relatively constant characteristic.

Pregnancy is a special condition in a women’s life with unique physiological changes. There has been some research on physiological changes in human body in high altitude; however, there are many things still unknown about pregnancy at high altitude. It is an estimation that about 140 million people worldwide live in high altitude of above 2500 m, and it is believed that the hypobaric hypoxia of pregnancy at high altitude is the most common cause for maternofetal hypoxia. It has been seen that the babies born at high altitude are smaller, and the degree of smallness is inversely correlated with the number of generations of ancestors of high-altitude residence. Some studies show that women in populations with high-altitude ancestry, such as the Aymaras or Quechuas in South America and Tibetans in Asia, deliver heavier babies than women from European ancestry in South America or Han women in China living at high altitude. A study by Jensen and Moore shows that in Colorado, altitude acts as an independent factor in determining birth weight, with a reduction in birth weight of 100 g per 1000 m elevation gain. Studies have shown that low birth weight at high altitude has no association with socioeconomic status. Hence, it may reflect either hypoxia-induced intrauterine growth restriction or genetic adaptation. The latter implies a strong fetomaternal interaction involving adaptation to hypoxia on several levels. It also reflects the importance of interaction between the mother and the fetus which is stressed by the fact that better maternal ventilator response to hypoxic stress at high altitude correlates positively with birth weight. Another study shows that people living at altitudes of 4000 m and above have an arterial partial pressure of oxygen of 50 mmHg and an arterial oxygen saturation of just above 80%. There has been many studies on populations living in high-altitude regions for many generations, like Quechuas and Tibetans, which show many functional and structural adaptations in high altitude. This adaptation helps to allow for a way out for the main metabolic problem they face: maintaining an acceptably high scope for sustained aerobic metabolism despite reduced availability of oxygen in the inspired air. The functional adaptation to high altitude is measured indirectly by determining aerobic capacity, which reflects not only the maximum work performance but also the success of the individual’s biological oxygen transport system.

Brother Luis Jerónimo de Oré’s Symbolo Catholico Indiano was the most important and authorized sixteenth century treatise for the evangelization of the native Andean peoples. In its pages we find a vivid image of Andean reality immediately after the Conquest and a fervent exposition of the Catholic faith inspired in the recent Councils of Trent and Lima. The treatise also presents the missioning methods that served the Franciscans and other priests of the Viceroyalty for the evangelization of the indigenous peoples. Above all, in this text we find an admirable exposition of the theological doctrine and catechetical practice in the anthropological perspective that forms its starting point, which is the Andean man or woman who had never heard a message of salvation and dignity for the human person. Brother Luis Jerónimo de Oré Rojas OFM was born in Huamanga in 1554 (now the geographi- cal Department of Ayacucho in Perú). He was a zealous missionary who travelled throughout the colonizers’ territory, from the extreme north of Florida to the extreme south of Chile. As an intelli- gent linguist he was the author of important rituals and catechisms in Quechua and Aymara. He was one of the first bishops born on the American soil, and the first to be incorporated into the Native Indian Council and the Vatican hierarchy; as a bishop he stood out for his protection of aboriginal groups and his energetic defense of the cultural integrity of Native Indian nations.

Abstract Introducing intertwined themes of profit, the hunt for treasure, and the excavation of camelid bodies; and drawing from the analysis of Renaissance medical books, bilingual Aymara–Spanish and Quechua–Spanish dictionaries, inquisition records, and inventories of curiosity cabinets, this essay considers how Peruvian bezoar stones acquired transatlantic importance following their discovery in 1568 by a Spanish soldier. In spite of its less-than-glamorous physiological genesis as a calcinated concretion formed in the digestive tract of ruminants, including the four species of Andean camelids, the bezoar stone played a significant yet academically overlooked role in the social and economic history of modern Europe and Spanish America for its use as an antidote to poisons, and the stones constituted one of the most sought-after objects for the fashionable cabinets of curiosities belonging to Europe’s powerful elites. However, for indigenous pastoral peoples, bezoars were central to the reproduction of native cultural practices and directly linked to the foundational myths of Andean cosmology. The stones were believed to protect the herds and the shepherds, for whom the camelids represented the primary source of wealth. Consequently, the bezoar stone takes on unforeseen significance as a neglected site where the colonial drama of competing epistemologies was enacted.

In 1921, when hard-line Liberal regimes ended in Bolivia, Gregorio Titiriku, an Uru-Aymara Indian from the shores of lake Titikaka (La Paz), started 50 years of Indian intellectual activism among the Alcaldes Mayores Particulares (AMP), a 450 cell network of indigenous intellectuals. Titiriku struggled against internal colonialism and was a crucial participant in the making of AMP subaltern nationalism. Titiriku’s ideas became a crucial part of AMP discourse, known during this time as Indian Law. This discourse promoted the worship of Pachamama (mother earth) and Achachillas (the spirit of the grandparents in the high hills of the Andes). AMP discourse sought to rename the nation of Qullas (currently known as Aymara-Quechuas). Titiriku was especially good at creating ideas for mobilization among the AMP, such as qullasuyun wawapa (the children of the Qulla tribes) in order to promote "jaqi" pride (indigenous peoples pride), and bayeta camisas (people who dress in “bayeta” in order to promote an Indian dress-code as part of a politics of identity). These ideas provide us with a privileged field for understanding of the relationship between alternative modernities and public spheres. Titiriku thus used AMP discourse to contest segregation policies and to resist mainstream civilization projects. The particularities of Indian Law and its strategic nationalism reveal the existence of alternative discourses of modernity largely forgotten in Bolivia. The analysis of AMP discourse helps us understand the longstanding presence of struggle for autonomy and hegemonic projects in Bolivia and provides us with a better comprehension of how internal colonialism and public audiences interact historically.En 1921, cuando concluyó el periodo de gobiernos liberales en Bolivia, Gregorio Titiriku, indio uru-aymara originario de las orillas del lago Titikaka (La Paz), inició cincuenta años de activismo intelectual indio entre los Alcaldes Mayores Particulares (AMP), red de intelectuales indígenas que agrupaba alrededor de 450 participantes. Titiriku luchó contra el colonialismo interno y tuvo un rol fundamental en la construcción del nacionalismo subalterno de los AMP. Sus ideas fueron cruciales para la construcción del discurso de los AMP, conocido en ese tiempo como la Ley India. Se trataba de un discurso que promovía el culto a la Pachamama y a los Achachilas y se proponía renombrar la nación de los qullas (conocidos como aymara-quechuas). Titiriku fue particularmente efectivo generando ideas para la movilización de los AMP, por ejemplo la idea de qullasuyun wawapa (los hijos de los pueblos qulla) llamados a promover el orgullo jaqi y las bayeta camisas (a fin de legitimar un código de vestuario indígena como parte de una política de identidad). Este ideario nos proporciona un campo privilegiado para la comprensión de las relaciones entre modernidades alternativas y esferas públicas. Titiriku utilizó el discurso de los AMP para desafiar políticas segregacionistas y ofrecer resistencia a los proyectos de la civilización dominante. Las particularidades de la Ley India y su nacionalismo estratégico revelan la existencia de discursos alternativos de modernidad por mucho tiempo olvidados en Bolivia. El análisis del discurso de los AMP nos ayuda a entender la larga presencia de lucha por proyectos de autonomía y hegemonía en Bolivia y proporciona una mejor comprensión de cómo el colonialismo interno y las audiencias públicas interaccionan históricamente.

Previous studies of brain glucose metabolism in people indigenous to high-altitude environments uncovered two response patterns: Quechuas native to the high Andes of South America sustained modest hypometabolism in most brain regions interrogated, whereas Sherpas, native to the Himalayas and considered by many biologists to be most effectively high-altitude adapted of all humans, showed brain metabolic patterns similar to lowlanders, with no acclimation effects noted. In the present study, the database was expanded to include hypoxia acclimation effects in lowlanders. Positron emission tomography (PET) and [18F]-2-deoxy-2-fluro- D-glucose (FDG) imaging techniques were used to assess regional cerebral glucose metabolic rates (rCMRglc) in six US marines (Caucasian lineage) before and after a 63-day training program for operations at high altitudes ranging from 10,500 to 20,320 ft. Significant changes in rCMRglcwere found for 7 of 25 brain regions examined. Significant decreases in absolute cerebral glucose metabolism after high-altitude exposure were found in five regions: three frontal, the left occipital lobe, and the right thalamus. In contrast, for the right and left cerebellum significant increases in metabolism were found. The magnitudes of these differences, in terms of absolute metabolism, were large, ranging from 10 to 18%. Although the results may not be solely the result of lower oxygen levels at high altitude, these findings suggest that the brain of healthy human lowlanders responds to chronic hypoxia exposure with precise, region-specific fine tuning of rCMRglc. The observed short-term hypoxia acclimation responses in these lowlanders clearly differ from the long-term hypoxia adaptations found in brain metabolism of people indigenous to high-altitude environments.

SUMMARY This review reports on the effects of hypoxia on human skeletal muscle tissue. It was hypothesized in early reports that chronic hypoxia, as the main physiological stress during exposure to altitude, per se might positively affect muscle oxidative capacity and capillarity. However, it is now established that sustained exposure to severe hypoxia has detrimental effects on muscle structure. Short-term effects on skeletal muscle structure can readily be observed after 2 months of acute exposure of lowlanders to severe hypoxia, e.g. during typical mountaineering expeditions to the Himalayas. The full range of phenotypic malleability of muscle tissue is demonstrated in people living permanently at high altitude (e.g. at La Paz, 3600–4000m). In addition, there is some evidence for genetic adaptations to hypoxia in high-altitude populations such as Tibetans and Quechuas, who have been exposed to altitudes in excess of 3500m for thousands of generations. The hallmark of muscle adaptation to hypoxia in all these cases is a decrease in muscle oxidative capacity concomitant with a decrease in aerobic work capacity. It is thought that local tissue hypoxia is an important adaptive stress for muscle tissue in exercise training, so these results seem contra-intuitive. Studies have therefore been conducted in which subjects were exposed to hypoxia only during exercise sessions. In this situation, the potentially negative effects of permanent hypoxic exposure and other confounding variables related to exposure to high altitude could be avoided. Training in hypoxia results, at the molecular level, in an upregulation of the regulatory subunit of hypoxia-inducible factor-1 (HIF-1). Possibly as a consequence of this upregulation of HIF-1, the levels mRNAs for myoglobin, for vascular endothelial growth factor and for glycolytic enzymes, such as phosphofructokinase, together with mitochondrial and capillary densities, increased in a hypoxia-dependent manner. Functional analyses revealed positive effects on V̇O2max (when measured at altitude) on maximal power output and on lean body mass. In addition to the positive effects of hypoxia training on athletic performance, there is some recent indication that hypoxia training has a positive effect on the risk factors for cardiovascular disease.

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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Early scholarship on the colonial arts of the Andes assumed that the Spanish conquest and its accompanying missionary activity resulted in a complete destruction of Inca artistic tradition, and that the indigenous conception of art and representation had little to no effect on works produced during the colonial period. Since then, scholars have recognized a tremendous amount of indigenous influence on the stylistic, iconographic and representational aspects of colonial art forms. My paper examines the influence of two aspects of indigenous culture in particular, identified by the words huaca (sacred thing) and qillca (surface decoration), which were used by the Quechua, an Andean indigenous ethnic group, to describe religious objects in the pre-Hispanic era. They were then in turn appropriated and discouraged by colonial missionaries in an attempt to make their imported Catholicism more understandable to new converts. In examining the multiple, ambiguous meanings of these words in the minds of the Quechua people and colonial missionaries as evidenced in contemporary sermons and miracle tales, I will argue that they influenced the indigenous conception of colonial religious statuary. I will then conduct a visual analysis of ‘The Virgin of Cocharcas’, an 18th century Peruvian ‘statue painting’ (two dimensional depiction of a statue) to demonstrate how concepts of huaca and qillca influenced the aesthetics of colonial statuary.

The Andean region is one of the areas with the earliest signs of food production systems and highest agrobiodiversity of the world, which resulted from millennia of domestication in a context of high ecosystem heterogeneity and human cultures valuing diversity for risk management. FAO has reported nearly 4000 varieties of cultivated potatoes still grown in the Andes, 3000 of them currently occurring in Peru. Such diversity has enormous sources of variation in wild (atoq papa) and weedy (araq papa and k’ipa papa) potatoes that coexist with crops, but their variation, interactions and mechanisms influencing diversification processes still require studies. In order to have a panorama of the variation and mechanisms influencing it in a regional setting, we studied biocultural factors favoring potatoes diversity in communities of Cusco and Apurimac, Peru. Our study documented the regional variation of wild, weedy, and cultivated potatoes recognized by local Quechua people and conducted semi-structured interviews to document their use, cultural value, and strategies of gene flow management implemented. We also studied their phenology, floral biology, flower visitors, and conducted experimental crosses between the wild S. candolleanum and 30 varieties of cultivated potatoes. We identified the wild potatoes S. acaule, S. brevicaule and S. candolleanum and 53 varieties of araq papa used and managed by local people. The latter provide nearly one third of the annual consumption of tubers by people interviewed and are, therefore, highly valued, maintained and managed in crop fields (chacras). People recognized that crosses between wild, weedy, and cultivated potatoes occur, and identified flower visitors and frugivores consuming their berries. Overlap of blooming periods and flower visitors of wild, weedy, and cultivated potatoes was recorded. Almost all flower visitors are shared among the different potato species and varieties, the bumble bees being particularly relevant in pollination of all taxa studied. We recorded seed production in nearly 35% of the experimental crosses. K’ipa papas are sets of mixtures of plants resulting from remaining tubers of cultivated potatoes, but also those from seeds that may result from hybridization of wild, weedy, and cultivated potatoes. Since local people commonly use k’ipa papa varieties and some of them are kept for planting in chacras, sexual reproduction in k’ipa papas is possibly one main mechanism of variation and source of new varieties of crops. Maintaining wild and weedy potatoes, and the natural and cultural mechanisms of gene flow is crucial for in situ conservation and generation of potato variation.

Since 1998, as part of the Village Empowerment Program, a total of 119 students/volunteers from University of Massachusetts Lowell (UML) and several other universities in engineering and other fields have traveled twice a year to the same network of villages in Peru. Students in service-learning projects in more than 25 different courses have designed and helped install over 80 systems, most running on renewable energy, in 44 villages and towns in the Andes Mountains of Peru for medical clinics, schools, and town halls. The villages in general have no grid electricity, one pay telephone (or none) per village, no space heating, houses made of adobe, and elevations up to 3600 m (11,500 ft.). The indigenous Quechua, or Inca, people in the villages survive on subsistence agriculture. The systems power transceiver radios, lights, computers, vaccine refrigerators, and other medical equipment in clinics as well as laptop computers and lights in schools, mostly utilizing solar energy. Water supply and purification systems for whole towns have been added as well as micro hydro and biogas. To help make all these systems sustainable, we return every six months to the same two networks of villages. We are also helping to start microenterprises of aquaculture, of manufacturing and renting solar lanterns and LED headlamps, of biodigesters, and of developing and manufacturing solar water purification bottles coated with a photo catalyst with a dye indicator. The program has transformed the lives not only of many of the villagers but also of the students and volunteers. Some of the students have changed their life-long professional goals as a result. Many medical personnel have told us repeatedly that our radios have saved many lives. The long term vision is to have a whole university partner with networks of villages to address the many community needs and the learning needs of students in many disciplines in a sustainable way. There is a danger in the apparent popularity in students participating in service projects in developing countries involving “one-shot” designs and installations in which there is no sustained involvement for training, maintenance, and replacement. The importance of continual training of local personnel, of periodic maintenance and adjustment, of learning and redesigning from operating experience cannot be overemphasized.

This article is concerned with dance as an embodied form of collective remembering in the Andean department of Ayacucho in Peru. Andean dance and fiesta are inextricably linked with notions of identity, cultural heritage and history. Rather than being simply aesthetic —steps to music or a series of movements — dance is readable as being a deeper embodiment of the broader struggles and concerns of a people. As anthropologist Zoila Mendoza writes, in post-colonial countries such as those in Africa and Latin America, dance is and was a means “through which people contested, domesticated and reworked signs of domination in their society” (39). Andean dance has long been a space of contestation and resistance (Abercrombie; Bigenho; Isbell; Mendoza; Stern). It also functions as a repository, a dynamic archive which holds and tells the collective narrative of a cultural time and space. As Jane Cowan observes “dance is much more than knowing the steps; it involves both social knowledge and social power” (xii). In cultures where the written word has not played a central role in the construction and transmission of knowledge, dance is a particularly rich resource for understanding. “Embodied practice, along with and bound up with other cultural practices, offers a way of knowing” (Taylor 3). This is certainly true in the Andes of Peru where dance, music and fiesta are central to social, cultural, economic and political life. This article combines the areas of cultural memory with aspects of dance anthropology in a bid to reveal what is often unspoken and discover new ways of accessing and understanding non-verbal forms of memory through the embodied medium of dance. In societies where dance is integral to daily life the dance becomes an important resource for a deeper understanding of social and cultural memory. However, this characteristic of the dance has been largely overlooked in the field of memory studies. Paul Connerton writes, “… that there is an aspect of social memory which has been greatly ignored but is absolutely essential: bodily social memory” (382). I am interested in the role of dance as a site memory because as a dancer I am acutely aware of embodied memory and of the importance of dance as a narrative mode, not only for the dancer but also for the spectator. This article explores the case study of rural carnival performed in the city of Huamanga, in the Andean department of Ayacucho and includes interviews I conducted with rural campesinos (this literally translates as people from the country, however, it is a complex term imbedded with notions of class and race) between June 2009 and March 2010. Through examining the transformative effect of what I call the chorography of place, I argue that rural campesinos embody the memory of place, dancing that place into being in the urban setting as a means of remembering and maintaining connection to their homeland and salvaging cultural heritage.The department of Ayacucho is located in the South-Central Andes of Peru. The majority of the population are Quechua-speaking campesinos many of whom live in extreme poverty. Nestled in a cradle of mountains at 2,700 meters above sea level is the capital city of the same name. However, residents prefer the pre-revolutionary name of Huamanga. This is largely due to the fact that the word Ayacucho is a combination of two Quechua words Aya and Kucho which translate as Corner of the Dead. Given the recent history of the department it is not surprising that residents refer to their city as Huamanga instead of Ayacucho. Since 1980 the department of Ayacucho has become known as the birthplace of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the ensuing 20 years of political violence between Sendero and counter insurgency forces. In 2000, the interim government convened the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC – CVR Spanish). In 2003, the TRC released its report which found that over 69,000 people were killed or disappeared during the conflict and hundreds of thousands more were forced to leave their homes (CVR). Those most affected by the violence and human rights abuses were predominantly from the rural population of the central-southern Andes (CVR). Following the release of the TRC Report the department of Ayacucho has become a centre for memory studies investigations and commemorative ceremonies. Whilst there are many traditional arts and creative expressions which commemorate or depict some aspect of the violence, dance is not used it this way. Rather, I contend that the dance is being salvaged as a means of remembering and connecting to place. Migration Brings ChangeAs a direct result of the political violence, the city of Huamanga experienced a large influx of people from the surrounding rural areas, who moved to the city in search of relative safety. Rapid forced migration from the country to the city made integration very difficult due to the sheer volume of displaced populations (Coronel 2). As a result of the internal conflict approximately 450 rural communities in the southern-central Andes were either abandoned or destroyed; 300 of these were in the department of Ayacucho. As a result, Huamanga experienced an enormous influx of rural migrants. In fact, according to the United Nations International Human Rights Instruments, 30 per cent of all people displaced by the violence moved to Ayacucho (par. 39). As campesinos moved to the city in search of safety they formed new neighbourhoods on the outskirts of the city. Although many are now settled in Huamanga, holding professional positions, working in restaurants, running stalls, or owning shops, most maintain strong links to their community of origin. The ways in which individuals sustain connection to their homelands are many and varied. However, dance and fiesta play a central role in maintaining connection.During the years of violence, Sendero Luminoso actively prohibited the celebration of traditional ceremonies and festivals which they considered to be “archaic superstition” (Garcia 40). Reprisals for defying Sendero Luminoso directives were brutal; as a result many rural inhabitants restricted their ritual practices for fear of the tuta puriqkuna or literally, night walkers (Ritter 27). This caused a sharp decline in ritual custom during the conflict (27).As a result, many Ayacuchano campesinos feel they have been robbed of their cultural heritage and identity. There is now a conscious effort to rescatar y recorder or to salvage and remember what was been taken from them, or, in the words of Ruben Romani, a dance teacher from Huanta, “to salvage what was killed during the difficult years.”Los Carnavales Ayacuchanos Whilst carnival is celebrated in many parts of the world, the mention of carnival often evokes images of scantily clad Brazilians dancing to the samba rhythms in the streets of Rio de Janeiro, or visions of elaborate floats and extravagant costumes. None of these are to be found in Huamanga. Rather, the carnival dances celebrated by campesinos in Huamanga are not celebrations of ‘the now’ or for the benefit of tourists, but rather they are embodiments of the memory of a lost place. During carnival, that lost or left homeland is danced into being in the urban setting as a means of maintaining a connection to the homeland and of salvaging cultural heritage.In the Andes, carnival coincides with the first harvest and is associated with fertility and giving thanks. It is considered a time of joy and to be a great leveller. In Huamanga carnival is one of the most anticipated fiestas of the year. As I was told many times “carnival is for everyone” and “we all participate.” From the old to the very young, the rich and poor, men and women all participate in carnival."We all participate." Carnavales Rurales (rural carnival) is celebrated each Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival before Lent. Campesinos from the same rural communities, join together to form comparsas, or groups. Those who participate identify as campesinos; even though many participants have lived in the city for more than 20 years. Some of the younger participants were born in the city. Whilst some campesinos, displaced by the violence, are now returning to their communities, many more have chosen to remain in Huamanga. One such person is Rómulo Canales Bautista. Rómulo dances with the comparsa Claveles de Vinchos.Rómulo Bautista dancing the carnival of VinchosOriginally from Vinchos, Rómulo moved to Huamanga in search of safety when he was a boy after his father was killed. Like many who participate in rural carnival, Rómulo has lived in Huamanga for a many years and for the most part he lives a very urban existence. He completed his studies at the university and works as a professional with no plans to return permanently to Vinchos. However, Rómulo considers himself to be campesino, stating “I am campesino. I identify myself as I am.” Rómulo laughed as he explained “I was not born dancing.” Since moving to Huamanga, Rómulo learned the carnival dance of Vinchos as a means of feeling a connection to his place of origin. He now participates in rural carnival each year and is the captain of his comparsa. For Rómulo, carnival is his cultural inheritance and that which connects him to his homeland. Living and working in the urban setting whilst maintaining strong links to their homelands through the embodied expressions of fiesta, migrants like Rómulo negotiate and move between an urbanised mestizo identity and a rural campesino identity. However, for rural migrants living in Huamanga, it is campesino identity which holds greater importance during carnival. This is because carnival allows participants to feel a visceral connection to both land and ancestry. As Gerardo Muñoz, a sixty-seven year old migrant from Chilcas explained “We want to make our culture live again, it is our patrimony, it is what our grandfathers have left us of their wisdom and how it used to be. This is what we cultivate through our carnival.”The Plaza TransformedComparsa from Huanta enter the PlazaEach Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival the central Plaza is transformed by the dance, music and song of up to seventy comparsas participating in Carnavales Rurales. Rural Carnival has a transformative effect not only on participants but also on the wider urban population. At this time campesinos, who are generally marginalised, discounted or actively discriminated against, briefly hold a place of power and respect. For a few hours each Sunday they are treated as masters of an ancient art. It is no easy task to conjure the dynamic sensory world of dance in words. As Deidre Sklar questions, “how is the ineffable to be made available in words? How shall I draw out the effects of dancing? Imperfectly, and slowly, bit by bit, building fragments of sensation and association so that its pieces lock in with your sensory memories like a jigsaw puzzle” (17).Recalling the DanceAs comparsas arrive in the Plaza there is creative chaos and the atmosphere hums with excitement as more and more comparsas gather for the pasecalle or parade. At the corner of the plaza, the deafening crack of fire works, accompanied by the sounds of music and the blasting of whistles announce the impending arrival of another comparsa. They are Los Hijos de Chilcas from Chilcas in La Mar in the north-east of the department. They proudly dance and sing their way into the Plaza – bodies strong, their movements powerful yet fluid. Their heads are lifted to greet the crowd, their chests wide and open, eyes bright with pride. Led by the capitán, the dancers form two long lines in pairs the men at the front, followed by the women. All the men carry warakas, long whips of plaited leather which they crack in the air as they dance. These are ancient weapons which are later used in a ritual battle. They dance in a swinging stepping motion that swerves and snakes, winds and weaves along the road. At various intervals the two lines open out, doubling back on themselves creating two semicircles. The men wear frontales, pieces of material which hang down the front of the legs, attached with long brightly coloured ribbons. The dancers make high stepping motions, kicking the frontales up in the air as they go; as if moving through high grasses. The ribbons swish and fly around the men and they are clouded in a blur of colour and movement. The women follow carrying warakitas, which are shorter and much finer. They hold their whips in two hands, stretched wide in front of their bodies or sweeping from side to side above their heads. They wear large brightly coloured skirts known as polleras made from heavy material which swish and swoosh as they dance from side to side – step, touch together, bounce; step, touch together, bounce. The women follow the serpent pattern of the men. Behind the women are the musicians playing guitars, quenas and tinyas. The musicians are followed by five older men dressed in pants and suit coats carrying ponchos draped over the right shoulder. They represent the traditional community authorities known as Varayuq and karguyuq. The oldest of the men is carrying the symbols of leadership – the staff and the whip.The Choreography of PlaceFor the members of Los Hijos de Chilcas the dance represents the topography of their homeland. The steps and choreography are created and informed by the dancers’ relationship to the land from which they come. La Mar is a very mountainous region where, as one dancer explained, it is impossible to walk a straight line up or down the terrain. One must therefore weave a winding path so as not to slip and fall. As the dancers snake and weave, curl and wind they literally dance their “place” of origin into being. With each swaying movement of their body, with each turn and with every footfall on the earth, dancers lay the mountainous terrain of La Mar along the paved roads of the Plaza. The flying ribbons of the frontales evoke the long grasses of the hillsides. “The steps are danced in the form of a zigzag which represents the changeable and curvilinear paths that join the towns, as well as creating the figure eight which represents the eight anexos of the district” (Carnaval Tradicional). Los Hijos de ChilcasThe weaving patterns and the figure eights of the dance create a choreography of place, which reflects and evoke the land. This choreography of place is built upon with each step of the dance many of which emulate the native fauna. One of the dancers explained whilst demonstrating a hopping step “this is the step of a little bird” common to La Mar. With his body bent forward from the waist, left hand behind his back and elbow out to the side like a wing, stepping forward on the left leg and sweeping the right leg in half circle motion, he indeed resembled a little bird hopping along the ground. Other animals such as the luwichu or deer are also represented through movement and costume.Katrina Teaiwa notes that the peoples of the South Pacific dance to embody “not space but place”. This is true also for campesinos from Chilcas living in the urban setting, who invoke their place of origin and the time of the ancestors as they dance their carnival. The notion of place is not merely terrain. It includes the nature elements, the ancestors and those who also those who have passed away. The province of La Mar was one of the most severely affected areas during the years of internal armed conflict especially during 1983-1984. More than 1,400 deaths and disappearances were reported to the TRC for this period alone (CVR). Hundreds of people were forced to leave their homes and in many communities it became impossible to celebrate fiestas. Through the choreography of place dancers transform the urban streets and dance the very land of their origin into being, claiming the urban streets as their own. The importance of this act can not be overstated for campesinos who have lost family members and were forced to leave their communities during the years of violence. As Deborah Poole has noted dance is “…the active Andean voice …” (99). As comparsa members teach their children the carnival dance of their parents and grandparents they maintain ancestral connections and pass on the stories and embodied memories of their homes. Much of the literature on carnival views it as a release valve which allows a temporary freedom but which ultimately functions to reinforce established structures. This is no longer the case in Huamanga. The transformative effect of rural carnival goes beyond the moment of the dance. Through dancing the choreography of place campesinos salvage and restore that which was taken from them; the effects of which are felt by both the dancer and spectator.ConclusionThe closer examination of dance as embodied memory reveals those memory practices which may not necessarily voice the violence directly, but which are enacted, funded and embodied and thus, important to the people most affected by the years of conflict and violence. In conclusion, the dance of rural carnival functions as embodied memory which is danced into being through collective participation; through many bodies working together. Dancers who participate in rural carnival have absorbed the land sensorially and embodied it. Through dancing the land they give it form and bring embodied memory into being, imbuing the paved roads of the plaza with the mountainous terrain of their home land. For those born in the city, they come to know their ancestral land through the Andean voice of dance. The dance of carnival functions in a unique way making it possible for participants recall their homelands through a physical memory and to dance their place into being wherever they are. This corporeal memory goes beyond the normal understanding of memory as being of the mind for as Connerton notes “images of the past are remembered by way of ritual performances that are ‘stored’ in a bodily memory” (89). 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