Journal articles: 'Qing conquest'

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LEE, Hae-im. "The Study on Song Si-yiol’s the Theory of Chunqiu." Tae Dong Institute of classic research 48 (June 30, 2022): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31408/tdicr.2022.48.67.

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The purpose of this paper is to reveal the characteristics of Song Si-yeol's theory of Chunqiu, which inherited the great unity of the 'Gongyangzhuan'. At the time of Song Si-yeol, the Joseon Dynasty was humiliated by the Qing along with the collapse of the Ming Dynasty, and there were a lot of people who protested against the Neo-Confucianism after a war with the Qing. From this, Song Si-yeol declares that Joseon is civilized, that is, a civilized country in terms of region, tribe, and culture through the thought of great unity in 'Gongyangzhuan'. Since Qizi came to the east, Joseon has a close relationship with China in terms of tribe. In addition, Song Si-yeol asserts the great unity of the Confucian succession that leads to Confucius and Zhuzi through Jeong Mong-ju, based on the idea of respecting the Zhou. In terms of culture, this is to realize the great unity that even the Confucian scholars of Ming and Qing could not achieve it. From a regional point, it can be said that the conquest of the Qing Dynasty is an element of the great unity. In particular, Song Si-yeol pursues the conquest of the Qing Dynasty based on the politics of the true king. This is a different point of view from those who claimed the conquest of the Qing Dynasty by considering the logic or situation of the power at the time. And Song Si-yeol's theory of conquest of the Qing dynasty not only considers the lives of the people, but also seeks harmony between the ruler and the servants, and between the servants and the servants. Therefore, it can be said that Song Si-yeol's thought of Chunqiu is the idea of great unity that pursues the reconstruction of Joseon centered on the politics of the true king.

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Kim, Kwangmin. "Profit and Protection: Emin Khwaja and the Qing Conquest of Central Asia, 1759–1777." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 3 (August 2012): 603–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812000654.

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This article provides a Muslim perspective on the eighteenth-century Qing conquest of Xinjiang. It explores the career of Emin Khwaja, a leader of the Muslim community of Turfan and the most prominent Muslim ally in the Qing conquest. I investigate how the notion of “protection” (ḥimāyatin Arabic), a key concept in the Central Asian Muslim understanding of religious and political patronage, informed Emin's decision to ally himself with the Qing. I argue that Emin understood his alliance with the “infidel” Manchu not as a collaboration in betrayal of Islam but as a positive policy to achieve security and prosperity of the Muslim community in the changing political and commercial environment of eighteenth-century Eurasia. Emin was able to build a local coalition of Muslim commercial interests for the support of the Qing, while promoting his standing within the regional political hierarchy of Muslim Central Asia.

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Chung, Yan Hon Michael. "The Introduction of European-Style Artillery and the Reform of Siege Tactics in 17th Century China—a Case Study of the Tragedy of Jiangyin (1645)." Journal of Chinese Military History 9, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10001.

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Abstract While the importance of European-style artillery, also called “red-barbarian cannon” by the people of the time, to the Ming-Qing transition (1618-1683) is generally recognized, much less is known about the actual performance of the weapon on the battlefield. Such a dearth of knowledge hinders historians from evaluating the extent of its impact on the Manchu conquest of China. Hoping to fill this gap, this article examines the actual performance of red-barbarian cannon through reconstructing the siege of Jiangyin (1645). Close examination of this episode reveals that, although the Qing army possessed abundant European-style artillery, the absence of appropriate and effective artillery siege tactics greatly constrained the effectiveness of these weapons in siege warfare. Hence, the importance of artillery in the early stage of the Ming-Qing transition (1618-1645) is likely to have been minimal. However, the siege of Jiangyin witnessed a reform of siege tactics in the Qing artillery corps. These newly devised siege tactics enabled the Qing army to capture the city with efficiency by fully utilizing the red-barbarian cannon. The reform greatly enhanced the siege ability of the Qing forces and paved the way for the Qing conquest of China.

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Struve, Lynn A. "Early Qing Officials as Chroniclers of the Conquest." Late Imperial China 10, no. 1 (1989): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/late.1989.0000.

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Atwood, Christopher P. "Peter C. Perdue.China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia.:China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia." American Historical Review 111, no. 2 (April 2006): 445–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.2.445a.

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Pye, Lucian W., and Peter C. Perdue. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 3 (2005): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034399.

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Taylor, Romeyn. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia." History: Reviews of New Books 33, no. 4 (January 2005): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526687.

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Sepe, Agostino. "Back to the Roots: The Imperial City of Shenyang as a Symbol of the Manchu Ethnic Identity of the Qing Dynasty." MING QING YANJIU 16, no. 01 (February 14, 2011): 129–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01601006.

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At the UNESCO meeting held in Suzhou on the 2nd of July 2004, the Imperial City of Shenyang was listed as a World Cultural Heritage Site, so that now it is recorded together with the Forbidden City of Beijing as one single item: Imperial Palaces of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Ming Qing gongdian 明清宮殿. Nevertheless, the importance of Shenyang Palace is not at all due to its similarity to the one in Beijing. The part of the Shenyang Imperial City built before the Manchu conquest of Beijing in 1644 mirrors the culture of the Manchu people and the institutions of its rulers in its architectural style. The part built during Qianlong’s reign, on the other hand, is evidence of the devotion of Later Qing emperors (from Kangxi to Daoguang) towards their ancestors and their Manchu origins. At the same time, the palace also reflects the sinicization of the Manchus and the merging of the two different cultures and institutional systems, both in some of its buildings and in its whole. These two aspects clearly distinguish the Palace from the Forbidden City and confer it with immense historical and cultural value. It is, therefore, from these points of view that I will deal with Shenyang Imperial City in this paper, whose purpose is to demonstrate how the palace is a symbol of the origins and the history of China’s last dynasty. The most ancient sources I will base my work on are Qing shilu 清實錄 (I will mainly refer to the sections regarding the Qing emperors from Nurhaci to Qianlong) and Manwen laodang 滿文老檔, which is a source of the utmost importance for the study of Qing history before the conquest of Beijing.

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Chung, Yan Hon Michael. "The Development and Impact of Hong Taiji’s Artillery Corps (1631–1643)." Journal of Chinese Military History 10, no. 1 (May 24, 2021): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10007.

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Abstract This study retraces the development of the Later Jin/Qing artillery corps between 1631 and 1642, examines the factors that led to its success, and evaluates its military and socio-political impact. The newly established artillery corps, under the direction of the talented Hong Taiji, learned effectively from its participation in sieges and developed the relevant military knowledge. By 1642, it had turned from an auxiliary force into a full-fledged unit that played a decisive role in siege warfare. The success of the Qing artillery corps greatly facilitated the Qing conquest of China (1644–1683). Moreover, the military performance of the artillery corps in the time period led to the multiple expansions and the ultimate institutionalization of the Han Eight Banner Army (baqi Hanjun).

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Pattinson, David. "Autobiography and Symbolic Capital in Late Imperial China." Ming Qing Yanjiu 22, no. 1 (November 14, 2018): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340020.

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Abstract This essay explores the use of autobiography to enhance symbolic capital in seventeenth-century China as exemplified by the chronological autobiography of the writer and geomancer Peng Shiwang 彭士望 (1610–1683). Peng was one of the Nine Masters of Changes Hall, a group of Ming loyalist scholars based in Ningdu in south-eastern Jiangxi province who gained a reputation among the cultural elite of the early Qing dynasty. Peng was not a major figure in the Ming–Qing transition period, and his own active participation in the Ming resistance to the Qing conquest was slight. Nevertheless, the economic effects of the Qing conquest, and his decision not to seek employment under the new dynasty, left him and his family in a financially and socially precarious position. When, in 1666, Peng published his collected poetry, he prefaced it with a chronological autobiography remarkable for devoting about half its space to the names of people he met during his peripatetic life. These names include a significant number of loyalists, even though Peng cannot have known some of the more famous ones very well. This essay argues that, through his autobiography, Peng sought to leverage his loyalist connections to create a form of symbolic capital which could be used to shore up his status among the educated elite of his time by increasing sales and circulation of his works and by expanding the social network he could draw upon for work as a geomancer or teacher, or for other support on his travels.

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Christian, David. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia (review)." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 8, no. 1 (2007): 183–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2007.0003.

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Dreyer, Edward L. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia (review)." Journal of Military History 69, no. 4 (2005): 1203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2005.0217.

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Woo, Franklin J. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia (review)." China Review International 12, no. 2 (2005): 538–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2006.0066.

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Liu, Lihong. "Ethnography and Empire through an Envoy’s Eye: The Manchu Official Akedun’s (1685-1756) Diplomatic Journeys to Chosǒn Korea." Journal of Early Modern History 20, no. 1 (January 26, 2016): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342491.

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Akedun’s 1725 album Fengshi tu [Diplomatic Paintings] is an extraordinary example of the diplomatic painting genre popular during the High Qing era (1661-1796) that represents imperial delegations through the commissioners’ eye-witness experiences. Created after his four journeys to Chosǒn Korea, this album constructs a narrative in which Akedun carries out the role of an imperial ambassador while it captures ethnographic details of the lived places, curious customs, and courteous peoples of Korea. By rendering an imperial image of the Manchu Qing court, the album commemorates the amelioration of the Qing-Chosǒn relations after they had fraught confrontations during the Manchu’s post-conquest period. I argue that the Manchu ambassador Akedun keenly established his persona as an orthodox Confucian scholar in order to justify his position as a civil court-official whose missions were to negotiate for a mutual respect between the two regimes in the process of reaffirming an overarching Qing imperial order.

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Setzekorn, Eric. "Chinese Military History and the Qing Dynasty, 1644–1911: New Perspectives on a Dynamic Empire." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 36, no. 1 (June 28, 2016): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03601005.

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Over the past twenty years, historical research has re-evaluated Chinese historical use of military power and political control. From 1644 to 1911, the Qing Empire was unquestionably a successful state, ruling a massive area extending from the Sea of Japan to Central Asia and the borders of India. Recent scholarship has focused on the explicitly “imperial” nature of the Qing Empire and the conflicted territorial and ethnic legacies of this last Chinese dynasty. In addition, historians have reevaluated the role of the Qing ruling military elite, drawn from the Manchu people, with tenuous cultural connections to their ethnically Han subjects, in an attempts to clarify patterns of “Chinese” imperialism and determine if the Manchu goals and practices are part of a broader Chinese military tradition. Despite the challenges of understanding the complex nature of the Qing Empire, the undeniable skill in military conquest redrew territorial boundaries, re-located ethnic groups and developed patterns of military and political power that continue to resonate throughout Asia.

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Tang, Kwok-leong. "Reporting to the Sage: Military Monuments in the Imperial Academy in Qing China." Journal of Chinese Military History 7, no. 1 (May 4, 2018): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341322.

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AbstractThis article presents a study of a unique kind of commemorative stele erected by Qing emperors in the Imperial Academy—the symbol of Confucian culture and civilian education—and also replicated in schools across China. Before the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), Chinese rulers did not install military monuments at the academy. In this article, I argue that the Qing emperors erected war monuments in the Imperial Academy to justify and commemorate their wars of conquest. As the emperors required the stelae to be replicated at some of the local schools across China, they became widely accessible to the public. However, the Qing emperors, particularly the Qianlong emperor, were concerned that the stelae could become symbols of abusive warfare, thereby undermining their claims to rule in accordance with Confucian ideals. For this reason, they carefully selected the campaigns to commemorate and ensured that inscriptions on the stelae explained that they had no choice but to embark on war in these instances.

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Perdue, Peter C. "Empire and Nation in Comparative Perspective: Frontier Administration in Eighteenth-Century China." Journal of Early Modern History 5, no. 4 (2001): 282–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006501x00122.

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AbstractR. Bin Wong espouses the principle of symmetry in comparative analysis.35 If we are to view China through European eyes, we should equally view Europe through Chinese eyes. This leads him to develop new perspectives on both regions. What is a major focus of attention in one society may only be a minor key in another. Even though the repertory of human perceptions, administrative structures, or economic modes of production is finite, different forms take prominence in different places. What happens if we apply, even crudely, the principle of symmetry to the Qing-Ottoman comparison? An Ottoman administrator looking at the Qing would find much that was strangely familiar. The Mongolian jasak confirmed lands by the Qing look very much like yurts, "summer and winter pasturelands the limits of which were determined and were entered in the imperial registers. "36 The "feudatories" of the early Qing [sanfan] were large-scale timars. Both were grants of large territories to provincial military rulers in return for service to the state. And coerced population movements [sürgün] were prominent features of the Ottoman and Qing states.37 Both of these states, during times of expansion and conquest, chose analogous methods of controlling the newly incorporated populations. For administering conquered nomads, it was convenient to

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Moll-Murata, Christine. "Tributary Labour Relations in China During the Ming-Qing Transition (Seventeenth to Eighteenth Centuries)." International Review of Social History 61, S24 (December 2016): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000432.

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AbstractThis study analyses the shifts in labour relations due to state intervention, first during the conquest of the Ming empire between 1600 and 1644 by its Manchurian contenders, and thereafter until about 1780, as the Manchurian Qing dynasty established itself and drove the Chinese empire to its greatest expansion. The main focus lies on the socio-military formation of the Eight Banners, the institution that, for about 200 years, epitomized the domination of the Chinese empire by a small elite group of about two per cent of the population. These findings will be contextualized in the larger setting of labour relations of the early and mid-Qing, when state intervention occurred in the form of arbitration in labour conflicts, but also, in a much more aggressive manner, in the decimation of the Qing rulers’ Dzungharian rivals. In the framework of Charles Tilly’s paradigm of capital versus coercion, while both are present in the Chinese case, the capital-oriented path seems more distinct.

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Lieberman, Victor. "The Qing Dynasty and Its Neighbors." Social Science History 32, no. 2 (2008): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010786.

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Peter C. Perdue'sChina Marches Westargues that the Qing dynasty's ability to break through historical territorial barriers on China's northwestern frontier reflected greater Manchu familiarity with steppe culture than their Chinese predecessors had exhibited, reinforced by superior commercial, technical, and symbolic resources and the benefits of a Russian alliance. Qing imperial expansion illustrated patterns of territorial consolidation apparent as well in Russia's forward movement in Inner Asia and, ironically, in the heroic, if ultimately futile, projects of the western Mongols who fell victim to the Qing. After summarizing Perdue's thesis, this essay extends his comparisons geographically and chronologically to argue that between 1600 and 1800 states ranging from western Europe through Japan to Southeast Asia exhibited similar patterns of political and cultural integration and that synchronized integrative cycles across Eurasia extended from the ninth to the nineteenth centuries. Yet in its growing vulnerability to Inner Asian domination, China proper—along with other sectors of the “exposed zone” of Eurasia—exemplified a species of state formation that was reasonably distinct from trajectories in sectors of Eurasia that were protected against Inner Asian conquest.

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Giersch, C. Patterson. "The Sipsong Panna Tai and the Limits of Qing Conquest in Yunnan." Chinese Historians 10, no. 1-2 (October 2000): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1043643x.2000.11876929.

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Rossabi, Morris. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasiaby Peter C. Perdue." Political Science Quarterly 120, no. 4 (December 2005): 693–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2005.tb01433.x.

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Zou, Ying. "Talent, Identity, and Sociality in Early Qing Scholar-Beauty Novels." T’oung Pao 102, no. 1-3 (October 3, 2016): 161–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10213p06.

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This article rereads early Qing scholar-beauty novels from the perspective of a new interest in self-fashioning and resocialization right after the dynastic transition. It analyzes the particular ways in which these works reflected on the late Ming notion of qing (feelings) and moved to a new sense of self through an emphasis on innate cai (talent), and suggests that they employed romance to express a sense of community and male sociality based on talent, thereby striking a complex balance between the autonomy of elite communities and their accommodation with the new regime. The talented woman figure is both agent and product of the early Qing Han elite’s self-fashioning project in reaction to the Manchu conquest. Sexual relations are channelled into newly responsible ends. Historically, scholar-beauty novels developed a romantic discourse that helped construct personal identities, promote cultural autonomy, and eventually reintegrate literature into the new political order of the Qing dynasty. Cet article propose une relecture des romans du début des Qing associant un lettré talentueux et une jeune beauté (caizi jiaren) à la lumière de l’intérêt nouveau pour la construction du soi et la resocialisation apparu immédiatement après la transition entre les Ming et les Qing. Est analysée la façon particulière dont ces ouvrages s’interrogent sur la notion de qing (sentiment) caractéristique de la fin des Ming et élaborent un nouveau sentiment du soi en mettant l’accent sur le talent inné (cai). Le recours à l’idylle, est-il suggéré, aide à faire passer la notion d’une communauté et d’une sociabilité masculine basées sur le talent, créant du même coup un équilibre complexe entre l’autonomie des communautés de l’élite et les compromis qui les lient au nouveau régime. Le personnage de la femme de talent est à la fois l’agent et le produit du projet de construction du soi des élites chinoises réagissant à la conquête mandchoue. Les relations amoureuses sont canalisées au service de buts nouveaux et responsables. Historiquement, le roman caizi jiaren a développé un discours sentimental facilitant la construction d’identités individuelles, la promotion de l’autonomie culturelle, et en fin de compte la réintégration de la littérature dans l’ordre politique nouveau de la dynastie des Qing.

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Setzekorn, Eric. "Chinese Imperialism, Ethnic Cleansing, and Military History, 1850-1877." Journal of Chinese Military History 4, no. 1 (June 15, 2015): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341278.

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In the past two decades historical research and theoretical refinements have provided military historians with new insights into “Chinese imperialism,” late Qing warfare, and ethnic cleansing during the 1850-1877 campaigns in Northwest China, Central Asia, Yunnan, and Guizhou. In particular, Robert Jenks’Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou: The Miao Rebellion, 1854-1873, David Atwill’sThe Chinese Sultanate: Islam, Ethnicity and the Panthay Rebellion in Southwest China, 1856-1873, and Hodong Kim’sHoly War in China: The Muslim Rebellion and State in Chinese Central Asia, 1864-1877have stressed the commonality of Chinese practices with other colonial and imperial states. These authors share a common conclusion that the Qing re-conquest resulted in widespread massacres, ethnic relocations, and subsequent immigration of Han settlers into each region. This historiography examines recent works on the military aspects of the 1850-1877 conflicts in these ethnic and territorial “frontiers” and highlights opportunities for historians to take advantage of new theoretical and archival resources.

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Songjie, Gu. "An Analysis of Manhan huangyu shanhe diming kao 滿漢皇輿山河地名考 — A Bilingual Manchu and Chinese Study of Mountain and River Toponyms of the Imperial Territories." Written Monuments of the Orient 6, no. 1 (August 25, 2020): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo35206.

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Manhan huangyu shanhe diming kao 滿漢皇輿⼭山河地名考 A Study of Mountain and River Toponyms of the Imperial Territories is a Manchu and Chinese bilingual manuscript on geography in the collection of the National Library of China. It is a collection of toponyms covering the northeastern territory of the Qing and includes a brief description of the military achievements before the Manchu conquest of the central plains. In this paper I argue that this text is closely related to the Shengjing Jilin Heilongjiang deng chu biaozhu zhanji yutu 盛京吉林黑龍江等處標注戰跡輿圖 Map of Military Deeds in Shengjing, Jilin, Heilongjiang, and that its dating on the title page to the Qianlong gengchen nian 乾隆庚辰年 white dragon year of Qianlong (1760) is not actually the date of this manuscripts composition. The phrase of huangyu (the imperial territories) refers in the context of this work to the territory of the Qing before 1644.

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Sneath, David. "Editorial Introduction." Inner Asia 8, no. 1 (2006): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481706793646774.

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AbstractThe contributions to this issue of Inner Asia are all concerned, in one way or another, with historical narratives and representations of the past. The first section includes two papers that deal in very different ways with the portrayal of Sufi Islam and its relationship with China. Edmund Waite explores the way in which the seventeenth century Sufi religious leader Apaq Khoja is represented very differently by various sections of the Uyghur public in Xinjiang today. The miracle-working Apaq Khoja was the most famous of a line of Naqshbandi Sufi ‘masters’ (khojas) who gained widespread religious devotion and, with the military support of the Zhungar Mongols, who came to control the entire Tarim region. After the Manchu conquest of the region Apaq Khoja’s descendants remained a focus for resistance to the Qing until the annexation of Xinjiang as a province of China in 1884.

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Jay, Jennifer W. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia, by Peter C. PerdueChina Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia, by Peter C. Perdue. Cambridge, Massachusetts, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005. xi, 725 pp. $ 35.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 41, no. 1 (April 2006): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.41.1.183.

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Huang, Chenxi, and Siyu Chen. "The Northern Stronghold Sacrifice and the Political Legitimacy of Ethnic Minority Regimes in the Late Imperial China." Religions 13, no. 4 (April 15, 2022): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040368.

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Traditional Chinese state sacrificial ritual represented a symbolic system of integrating religious belief, divine authority, and political legitimacy. The Northern Stronghold (Beizhen 北鎮, i.e., Mount Yiwulü 醫巫閭山) was equal in status to the other four strongholds, which, moreover, served as a strategic military fortress and represented the earth virtue in the early state sacrifice system. In the late imperial era of China, and during the Yuan (1279–1368) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties in particular, the Northern Stronghold swiftly achieved prominence and eventually became an instrument used by minority ethnic groups, namely the Mongolians and Manchus, when elaborating upon the legitimacy of their political regimes. During the Yuan dynasty, the mountain spirits of the five strongholds (Wuzhen 五鎮) were formally invested as kings and, as a result, were accorded equivalent sacrifices in comparison to those given to the five sacred peaks (Wuyue 五嶽). Given that the Northern Stronghold was located near the northeast of Beijing, the Yuan government considered it the foundation of the state. Thereafter, the Northern Stronghold was regarded as the most important of the five stronghold mountains. In the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), the Northern Stronghold Temple (Beizhenmiao 北鎮廟) was reconstructed as both a military fortress and religious site, while its representation as a significant site for a foreign conquest dynasty diminished and its significance as a bastion of anti-insurgent suppression emerged. By the Qing dynasty, the Northern Stronghold was regarded as an integral component of the geographic origin of the Manchu people and thereby assumed once again a position of substantial political significance. Several Qing emperors visited the Northern Stronghold and left poems and prose written in graceful Chinese to present their high respect and their mastery of Chinese culture. The history of the Northern Stronghold demonstrates how the ethnic minority regimes successfully utilized the traditional Chinese state sacrificial ritual to serve their political purpose.

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Yoo, Jae Bin. "The Tribute Horse Paintings and the Mystification of Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia during Qianlong era(r. 1735-1796)." Journal of Humanities 35 (August 31, 2022): 111–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31658/dshr.35.4.

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Kim, Han Su. "A Head and Neck Surgeon’s Consideration of King Hyojong’s Poisoning: Fatal Facial Abscess." Korean Journal of Otorhinolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery 63, no. 10 (October 21, 2020): 463–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3342/kjorl-hns.2019.00584.

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Background and Objectives The King Hyojong was the 17th King of the Chosun dynasty from 1649 to 1659. He is well known for his plan for northern campaigns against the Manchus (Bukbeol, 북벌), an act of vengeance on the Qing dynasty for the war of 1636. His plan for the northern conquest was never put into action since he suddenly died of small boil on face in 40 years old. After his death, the reason of his sudden death was questioned by the public. Many people suspected him of being killed by poison. We studied and considered the cause of King Hyojong’s death based on two tremendous Chosun dynasty’s official records.Materials and Method We reviewed Joseon Wangjo Sillok (the annals of the Joseon dynasty) and Seungjeongwon Ilgi (the diaries of royal secretariat of the Joeson dynasty).Results King Hyojong had congenital pre-auricular fistula. He also had been suffering from diabetes and its related complications for a long time before his death. His pre-auricular fistula was infected and not managed properly. It could be presumed that King Hyojong’s cause of death was hypovolemic shock from fatal injury of superficial temporal artery caused by inappropriate incision and drainage.Conclusion We assumed a historical person’s cause of death based on Chosun dynasty’s official records.

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Chang, Michael. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. By Peter C. Perdue. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005. Pp. xx, 725. $35.00.)." Historian 68, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 857–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2006.00169_35.x.

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Atwood, C. P. "PETER C. PERDUE. China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. 2005. Pp. xx, 725. $35.00." American Historical Review 111, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 445–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.2.445-a.

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Zatsepine, Victor. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. By Peter C. Perdue. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005. 725 Pp. $35.00 (Cloth)." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008791.

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Rhoads, Edward. "China Marches West: Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. By Peter C. Perdue. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005. xx, 725 pp. $35.00 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 64, no. 4 (November 2005): 1010–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911805002500.

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Crossley, Pamela Kyle. "China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. By PETER C. PERDUE. [Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press. xx+752 pp. £22.95. ISBN 0-674-01684-X.]." China Quarterly 184 (December 2005): 994–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100539059x.

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Tagliacozzo, Eric. "The Indies and the world: State building, promise, and decay at a transnational moment, 1910." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 166, no. 2-3 (2010): 270–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003619.

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Scholars such as Ray Huang in his ground-breaking book 1587, a year of no significance have shown how examining a single year in some detail can often say interesting and unexpected things about longer-term trends of a particular time and place. Huang did this to look at the patterns of China in the late Ming period, and he presaged not only the extraordinary cultural florescence that was beginning at the time, but also the seeds of Ming decay which would give way (very violently, in fact) to the imposition of Qing rule a few decades later. A similar exercise might be profitably attempted for the Dutch East Indies, and to some extent the Malay world surrounding it, in the early part of the twentieth century. Soon after the turn of the century the Indies was a thriving place: the Dutch appeared to be at or near the height of their rule, and serious anti-colonial sentiment in the form of organized actions, movements or parties had yet to appear. Yet even at this apex of colonial power, seeds were being sewn just as in Ming China for cataclysms that were just over the horizon. The Dutch East Indies state in 1910 was indeed flourishing in a number of ways, several of which are examined in this essay. The future looked favourable for continued conquest and control, and in the eyes of the Dutch themselves, this validated their authority and gave them the moral right to rule. Many of these same Dutchmen would have been aghast to see the changes that were to come a mere three decades later, when all that had been built by their forefathers in the preceding three centuries came tumbling down in a matter of months. The present essay tries to freeze-frame this moment around 1910

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Millward, James A. "China Marches West: the Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. By Peter C. Perdue. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005. Pp. 724. ISBN 0-674-01684-X." International Journal of Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (June 29, 2006): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591406230079.

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Dai, Yingcong. "A Disguised Defeat: The Myanmar Campaign of the Qing Dynasty." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (February 2004): 145–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001040.

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The Qing Myanmar campaign (1765-1770) was the most disastrous frontier war that the Qing dynasty had ever waged. In the beginning, the Qianlong emperor (r. 1735-1795) of the Qing dynasty had envisaged winning this war in one easy stroke, as he deemed Myanmar no more than a remote barbarian tribe without any power. But he was wrong. After the Green Standard troops in Yunnan failed to bring the Myanmar to their knees, Qianlong sent his elite Manchu troops in. A regional conflict was thus escalated into a major frontier war that involved military maneuvers nationwide. At the front, the Manchu Bannermen had to deal with the unfamiliar tropical jungles and swamps, and above all, the lethal endemic diseases. Not only did one after another commander-in-chief of the Qing dynasty fail to conquer Myanmar, but the Qing troops also suffered extremely heavy casualties. After a gruelling four-year campaign, a truce was reached by the field commanders of the two sides at the end of 1769 with the Qing invading expedition failing to conquer Myanmar and withdrawing in disarray. To rehabilitate itself, the Qing dynasty kept a heavy military lineup in the border areas of Yunnan for about one decade in an attempt to wage another war while imposing a ban on inter-border trade for two decades.

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Busquets, Anna. "El obispo Juan de Palafox y China: el cambio dinástico Ming-Qing contado desde México." Huarte de San Juan. Geografía e Historia 29 (June 28, 2022): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.48035/rhsj-gh.29.6.

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La conquista de China por los manchúes fue el primer acontecimiento chino con repercusión mundial, fundamentalmente, por las informaciones que proporcionaron los jesuitas –tanto de aquellos que quedaron atrapados en las luchas civiles del país que acompañaron la caída de los Ming, como de los que dedicaron al tema una narración coherente como es el caso de Martino Martini–. Sin embargo, hay otro texto dedicado a este tema que también es necesario tener en cuenta: la Historia de la conquista de la China por el Tártaro escrita por el obispo de Puebla de los Ángeles, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, y publicada de manera póstuma en 1670. A pesar de no haber estado jamás en China, Palafox tuvo acceso a varias fuentes sobre el tema, tanto manuscritas como impresas. El obispo, avezado en el análisis de múltiples conflictos en México y en la península ibérica, decidió escribir una obra centrada en la conquista manchú de China y dedicar una parte de ella a la sociedad manchú. Este artículo analizará la Historia y los motivos que llevaron al obispo Palafox a interesarse por China desde su obispado en Puebla de los Ángeles, prestando atención tanto a las fuentes de las que se sirvió para el relato como al análisis histórico que hizo de este acontecimiento. Además, este trabajo contribuirá a dibujar la percepción de la sociedad manchú en el siglo XVII, atendiendo a la descripción de los principales aspectos que Palafox recogió en su obra.

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Miyake (宮宅潔), Kiyoshi. "The Withdrawal of the Qin Army from Qianling Prefecture: From the End of Conquest to the Beginning of Occupation." Bamboo and Silk 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 73–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689246-00402016.

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Abstract After having conquered the Liye region and establishing Qianling prefecture, the Qin army departed from this newly occupied territory stepwise. According to the withdrawal, the ruling system was also gradually adjusted. In this article, the author analyzes the Liye Qin strips chronologically, and examines the process through which military victories resulted in rule by the occupying forces.

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Li, Xiuzhen Janice, Andrew Bevan, Marcos Martinón-Torres, Thilo Rehren, Wei Cao, Yin Xia, and Kun Zhao. "Crossbows and imperial craft organisation: the bronze triggers of China's Terracotta Army." Antiquity 88, no. 339 (March 2014): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00050262.

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The Terracotta Army that protected the tomb of the Chinese emperor Qin Shihuang offers an evocative image of the power and organisation of the Qin armies who unified China through conquest in the third century BC. It also provides evidence for the craft production and administrative control that underpinned the Qin state. Bronze trigger mechanisms are all that remain of crossbows that once equipped certain kinds of warrior in the Terracotta Army. A metrical and spatial analysis of these triggers reveals that they were produced in batches and that these separate batches were thereafter possibly stored in an arsenal, but eventually were transported to the mausoleum to equip groups of terracotta crossbowmen in individual sectors of Pit 1. The trigger evidence for large-scale and highly organised production parallels that also documented for the manufacture of the bronze-tipped arrows and proposed for the terracotta figures themselves.

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Yu, Sukyung. "Production and Consumption of Coromandel Lacquer Screens in the 17th and 18th Centuries." Korean Journal of Art History 312 (December 31, 2021): 75–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31065/kjah.312.202112.003.

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Coromandel lacquer screen is a Chinese folding screen made from the 17th century to 19th century in China. The screen is usually about 250cm high, 600cm width and consisting of twelve panels. Although these screens were made in China during the Qing dynasty, they received their name from India’s Coromandel coast, where they were transshipped to Europe in the late 17th and early 18th centuries by merchants of the English and Dutch East India companies. The Dutch traders carried these screens from Bantam in Java, and in early accounts they were frequently called Bantam screens as well as Coromandel screens. This paper examines Coromandel lacquer screen's art historical significance in the incising global interaction and consumer culture in the 17th and 18th centuries. It first discusses historical and cultural background of production in China which have been little known about. The primary sources focus on the record of <i>Xiu Shi lu</i>, the 16th century book about lacquer, and the inscriptions left on the screens. They will give information about when the screens were produced, what was the purpose of them, and the technique of decoratively incising lacquer and adding polychrome to the voids, called <i>kuan cai</i> in Chinese. The lacquer screen features a continuous scene run through all twelve panels, just like a hand-scroll painting with variety of colours. The prominent subjects for decoration are human figures, landscape and bird-and-flower. The narrative theme with human figures, such as Birthday Reception for General Guo Ziyi and the World of Immortals were shaped by literature or play. Also, the parallels between the lacquer screens and the paintings on the same theme are found. The scenes with Europeans are rare but bring various interpretations within the historical context of the time. The landscape themes, such as the Scenes of Lake Xihu and the Nine Bend in Mountain Wuyi, were depicted famous scenic spots in China. The composition and expression of the screens were probably inspired by landscape woodblock prints, it’s because the technique of lacquer screen and woodblock cutting are similar. Lastly, bird-and-flower theme has a long tradition of wishing longevity, happiness and peace in one’s life and produced in various medium. Thanks to the enormous progress in navigation and discovered sea roots in the 16th century, Dutch and England East India Companies imported quantities of Chinese lacquerworks in the 17th century. As Chinoiserie gain popularity all over Europe, Chinese objects were consumed in various ways. Imported Coromandel lacquer screens were incorporated into European interiors. They were cut into a number of panels, which mounted within wood paneling on walls and inserted into contemporary furniture. The lacquer screen also inspired European’s imitation of Asian lacquer known by a variety of names. This paper surveys Coromandel lacquer screen’s domestic production, exploding consumption and global conquest from the 17th century to 18th centuries, when the screen was explosively made. The lacquer screen is an active participant in cross-cultural interaction, not merely a passive commodity of china. Investigating the material culture of the lacquer screen, it was originally created in chinese domestic background concerned with social prestige, in Europe, consumed to show off exotic luxury and triggered a new stylistic changes in chinoiserie.

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MOODY, PETER R. "HAN FEI IN HIS CONTEXT: LEGALISM ON THE EVE OF THE QIN CONQUEST." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 38, no. 1 (February 24, 2011): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2010.01626.x.

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Carlitz, Katherine. "THE DAUGHTER, THE SINGING-GIRL, AND THE SEDUCTION OF SUICIDE." NAN NÜ 3, no. 1 (2001): 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852601750122982.

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AbstractThis paper examines how the suicides of singing-girls and young gentry women were commemorated by the poets Kang Hai (1475-1541) and Wang Jiusi (1468- 1551) whose devotion to wine, women, and song were, and still are, legendary. Witnessing the suicides of mutually-related female family members as well as a concubine of a mutual friend, these two poets valorized these deaths in terms of qing (passion). The girls of good family defy their elders in order to consummate their suicides, and Wang's songs for the concubine singing-girl are filled with evocations of sensual satisfaction. Thus, in the writings of Kang and Wang we see how the norms of the chastity cult were made not restrictive but alluring; the author suggests that this helped the poets to conquer the imagination of the governing class, with the ultimate results that they were able to diffuse these images throughout the whole of society.

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Harkness. "Good Days and Bad Days: Echoes of the Third-Century BCE Qin Conquest in Early Chinese Hemerology." Journal of the American Oriental Society 139, no. 3 (2019): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.139.3.0545.

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Pulleyblank, Edwin G. "Ji 姬 and Jiang 姜: The Role of Exogamic Clans in the Organization of the Zhou Polity." Early China 25 (2000): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800004259.

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AbstractsThe rule of surname exogamy, which has been an important feature of Chinese social organization down to recent times, seems to have originated with the Zhou dynasty. Its importance is symbolized in the myth of Jiang Yuan姜媚 or 姜原, the mother of Hou Ji后稷, Lord Millet, the ancestor of the Zhou kings, whose surname was Ji姬. Contrary to a view that has become popular, it is argued that Ji and Jiang could not have been the names of two originally separate peoples with different geographical origins that came together and formed an intermarrying alliance but were the names of the two leading, intermarrying, clans of a single people. After the Zhou conquest of Shang, marriage politics, which required the rulers of originally non-Chinese states to have clan names of the same kind, played an important part in gradually incorporating such states into the Zhou, Hua-Xia華夏, polity. The fact that the surnames Ji and Jiang were also found among peoples known as Rong 戎 who were not recognized as Hua-Xia but were probably also Sino-Tibetan in language seems to be consistent with traditional accounts of Zhou's northwestern origins. The words Ji and Jiang are probably etymologically related and although yang羊 “sheep” plays a phonetic role in the graphs of both the surname Jiang and the ethnic name Qiang 羌, Jiang and Qiang are two separate words and need not have anything to do with one another.

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Yongkyoung, Kim. "A Brief Discussion on the News Media of Modern Korea." Asian Social Science 14, no. 7 (June 22, 2018): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n7p53.

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The relationship between the ancient and modern China with the Korean Peninsula can be summed up using the term "fed by the same river", meaning neighbours separated by only a strip of water. Especially with the efforts of both China and Korea, the ancient East Asia region has created a splendid culture and has been the leaders in the world for a long period of time. However, by the end of the 19th century, the Japanese imperialist forces had always tried to 'Conquer the Korean Peninsula,' and, in 1910, the Korean Peninsula finally became a Japanese colony. After entering the modern era, one of the phenomenas manifested in the information flow in East Asia is the rapid development of media in China and Japan due to the increase in newspapers and magazines issued by the West.190 years ago, Chosun Dynasty under the Lee Family had continuously initiated the modernization movement in the Korean Peninsula, through introducing modernization productions from the West, the Qing Dynasty and Japan. In the modernization process, the opposition between "ethnography" and "pro- Japanese Korean" have resulted social conflicts.

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Cho, byoung hak. "Study on Military Discipline of Qing Military Viewed Based on the Military Order During Lead the Army to Conquer Mongol." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 40, no. 5 (September 30, 2018): 577–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2018.09.40.5.577.

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Aubin, Françoise. "La version chinoise de l'islam." European Journal of Sociology 30, no. 2 (November 1989): 192–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600005865.

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Le frisson que, fort de ses traditions chrétiennes et utilitaristes, un Français du xxe siècle ne manque pas d'éprouver devant chaque avatar de l'islam mondial n'est pas son seul fait. Ne voit-on pas déjà, vers 1867, un bouddhologue russe (V. P. Vasil'ev, 1818–1900) tenter d'attirer l'attention du monde chrétien sur le péril d'engloutissement dont il voyait menacé celui-ci par une Chine prête à sombrer, croyait-il, dans l'islamisme ? À l'époque où rien ne semblait arrêter l'expansion triomphante de l'empire russe à travers une Asie centrale endormie (Tashkent est conquis en 1865, Bukhara et Khiva en 1873), les grands soulèvements musulmans de l'Ouest chinois — au Kansu, dans l'actuel Ninghsia, au Yünnan — paraissaient, eux, lancés pour propager leur incendie d'une communauté musulmane à l'autre, jusqu'aux extrémités de l'empire chinois et au-delà. Les prédictions du savant russe se sont finalement avérées, dix ans plus tard, fausses de bout en bout. Noyé dans des flots de sang, l'islam cessait, à partir de 1876, d'être un problème pour le trône des Ch'ing [Qing]; et la Chine impériale, ainsi que la Chine républicaine qui allait suivre, était bien incapable de déferler sur le monde chrétien.

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Liu, Yuqing. "A New Model in the Study of Chinese Mythology." Journal of Chinese Humanities 3, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340040.

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Chinese mythology [shenhua 神話] does not exist independently as a cultural medium like mythology does in the West but, rather, comprises ideological and narrative forms that emerge according to historical and cultural trends. Not only have myths withstood humanity’s conquest of nature, but they have drawn and continue to draw on the mysteries of scientific development for new content. It is possible to identify three highpoints of creativity in the history of Chinese mythology, each corresponding to shifts in the function and nuance of myths. The first highpoint occurred very early on in China’s ancient history, in the period of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors [wudi sanwang 五帝三王], when myths were a way to articulate history—that is, history as myth. The second highpoint occurred in the period from the Qin through Jin dynasties, when mythology mainly expounded on philosophy and theory—that is, philosophy as myth. The third highpoint occurred during the Yuan and Ming dynasties, when the narrative content of mythology turned toward the religious—that is, religion as myth.

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Xueqin, Li. "Basic Considerations on the Commentaries of the Silk Manuscript Book of Changes." Early China 20 (1995): 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800004545.

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The silk manuscript texts of the Yijing and Comtnentatires — “Xici” “Yi-zhiyi,” “Yao,” and “Ersanzi Wen” — though excavated more than twenty years ago were published, albeit incompletely, for the first time in 1993. The physical state and the organization of these versions of the classic and commentaries were described by Edward Shaughnessy in Early China 19 (“A First Reading of the Mawangdui Yijing Manuscript”), and it is my intention in this article to begin to explore in some depth the differences between the silk manuscript Commentaries and the received text of the Xici to determine what they tell us about our understanding of the Zhou yi tradition. Even with our partial scholarly understanding of these texts it is possible to venture some preliminary judgments on the structure of the Commentaries, on the differing content of the silk manuscript version, on the enigma of the recurring phase “Zi yue” and on the date of its composition. Three main differences can be identified: discrepancies in characters, in sentences, and in chapter sequence. Nevertheless, the structure of the silk manuscript Xici and that of the received Commentaries are largely in agreement and what differences are in evidence, such as the scattering of certain parts of the received Xici in the heretofore unknown Yizhi Yi and Yao commentaries, may be explained by Qin discrimination against ru tradition following the conquest of Chu in 278 B.C. One of the principal discoveries resulting from comparison of the excavated and received texts is the presence of numerous loan graphs in the silk manuscript text, and it is through a better understanding of the function of such loans that a satisfactory explanation of the age-old enigma of “Zi yue” that occurs frequently and in the same places in both texts may be obtained.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Qing conquest'

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