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Journal articles on the topic 'Qaeda'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 28 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Hove, Søren. "Krigens skriftende karakter - al-Qaidas strategier for krig gennem 20 år." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 63 (March 9, 2018): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i63.104086.

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The article shows how Al-Qaeda has continuously transformed its visions and strategies toward war throughout the organization’s history. By reading al-Qaeda’s own ideological texts the author argues that al-Qaeda has several times adapted its strategies to the course of the events by changing who al-Qaida was fighting, where the fighting could take place and especially what audiences the organization was addressing. The article furthermore argues – with reference to Michel Wieviorkas inversion theory – that al-Qaida’s war today is so far away from fighting the “near enemy” in the Middle East, that the organization has inverted and marginalized itself away from the original audiences in the Middle East and that al-Qaeda will therefore find it difficult to mobilize in the aftermath of The Arab Spring.

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Krech, Hans. "The Growing Influence of Al-Qaeda on the African Continent." Africa Spectrum 46, no. 2 (August 2011): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971104600205.

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Al-Qaeda's influence in Africa is growing. From 2009 to 2011, activity by Al-Qaeda was noted in 19 African nations and regions. Four regional Al-Qaeda organizations operate on the continent, which in turn often have several sub-organizations: the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (with its sub-organizations Al-Qaeda in Mali, Al-Qaeda in Mauritania, Al-Qaeda in Morocco and Al-Qaeda in Sudan) and Al-Shabab in Somalia. Since Osama bin Laden's death on 2 May 2011, the influence of African leaders within Al-Qaeda has increased significantly. All three presumed members of the strategic command level originate from Africa. The revolutions of the Arab Spring have not harmed Al-Qaeda. This contribution highlights the potential for further expansion by Al-Qaeda on the African continent, and how this needs to be responded to.

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3

Burke, Jason. "Al Qaeda." Foreign Policy, no. 142 (May 2004): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4147572.

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4

Brieger, Pedro. "Al-Qaeda." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i2.1720.

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The outrages carried out in recent years in diverse places of the world bearsomething that can only be called the “mark of al-Qaeda.” The planes thatcrashed into the Twin Towers, the bombs that exploded in Madrid, or theattack against American naval ships in Yemen were attributed to an internationalnetwork led by Osama bin Laden, located somewhere inAfghanistan. Although the existence of this “network” is not clear and itsstructure remains part of the unknown, it differs from the political partiesand movements known until now in two particular ways: It has demonstratedits willingness to attack anywhere in the world, and there do notseem to be too many requirements for joining it.In order to determine if this “network of networks” called al-Qaedaexists, we must first understand the rise and subsequent fall of the earlierIslamic movements that evolved out of the fervor of Iran’s Islamic revolutionof 1979. Second, we must realize the significance of adhering to amovement that has no partisan structure or links based on a strict ideologicalaffinity, given that many political parties exclude all who do not agreewith their own definite ideological set of rules.1The Radicalization of IslamFor the first time in the twentieth century, the revolution led by ImamKhomeini enabled a mass political movement rising aloft the political bannerof Islam to assume political and state power by means of revolution. In ...

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5

-, Omar, Sivamurugan -, and Nur Hafeeza. "Socialization in Extremist Movements: A Case Study of Al-Qaeda." Al-Basirah Journal 11, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/basirah.vol11no1.5.

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Again, it's still unclear for sociological scholars, how Al-Qaeda socializes its cohorts based on abomination towards the West and the Arab regimes. This research paper focuses on the socialization process within Al-Qaeda through (Family, School, Peers and Media). Also, it argues that not all of those who join Al-Qaeda ostracized by their perspective community, but most of who join Al-Qaeda are well educated and came from a well-to-do family. However, from face to face socialization to hosted sites and social media, Al-Qaeda influenced thousands of its target audience to join the organization in its battle against Western interests. Additionally, Al-Qaeda came up by a new technique of socialization through an online magazine that teaches those who cannot join Al-Qaeda to manufacture bombs at their homes to attack the infidels as Osama Bin Laden says “Al-Qaeda desires death more than your desires live”.

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6

Byman, Daniel. "Measuring the War on Terrorism: A First Appraisal." Current History 102, no. 668 (December 1, 2003): 411–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.668.411.

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How goes this war? Both Al Qaeda and the United States can claim some degree of success. In general, Al Qaeda has suffered operationally, but its broader support remains strong. The United States has greatly improved its ability to target Al Qaeda, but gaps remain.

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7

Cronau, Peter. "REVIEW: The legitimising of terror fears: Research or Psy Ops?" Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.773.

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Review of Inside Al Qaeda: Global Network of Terror, by Rohan Gunaratna. Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 2002. Gunaratna's book is on the surface a very impressive collection of much of the data about Al Qaeda. It contains a description of the origins and goals of Al Qaeda, a profile of its main members, a country-by-country description of the 'global network' said to have been developed by Al Qaeda, and a review of the prospects of the international responses to it.

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8

Barrett, J. Michael, and Robert L. Hutchings. "Containing Al Qaeda." Foreign Policy, no. 144 (September 2004): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4152963.

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9

Pantucci, Raffaello. "Al-Qaeda 2.0." Survival 50, no. 6 (December 2008): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330802601933.

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10

Machitidze, G. "Al-Qaeda and the Taliban: Ambivalent Partnership." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-44-53.

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The nature of the Taliban–al-Qaeda relationship has long been a major controversy among experts. Some argue that the Taliban and al-Qaeda are synonymous in many respects and that their ideology and objectives are closely intertwined. Some believe that this is a relationship of convenience or necessity for both groups, while others insist on deeper personal and ideological ties. Given this public discourse, the author analyzes the ambivalent relationship between al-Qaeda and the Taliban over the past 25 years, which has always been of business nature (comprehensive assistance in exchange for sanctuary), but never a political alliance. Al-Qaeda’s globalist plans to create a mythical caliphate have always contradicted the Taliban’s modest goals: to restore order in the country by pacifying corrupt warlords, to form an efficient government that enforces Sharia law, and to achieve international recognition. At the initial stage, the al-Qaeda leadership did not comply with the restrictions imposed on them by the Taliban and behaved independently, which resulted in foreign intervention and the loss of power. The author concludes that the strategic goals of al-Qaeda posed a direct threat to the nationally oriented goals of the Taliban. However, in the 2000s, the Taliban’s ties to al-Qaeda were important for spreading the insurgency in Afghanistan, although al-Qaeda’s military contribution on the battlefield was very modest. The author focuses on the weakening of opportunities and the degradation of the influence of al-Qaeda under powerful pressure from the coalition forces, the Afghan and Pakistani governments. In recent years, al-Qaeda, amid the victories of the Taliban, has begun to rebuild its positions in Afghanistan. The article shows the dependence of the al-Qaeda leadership, which has nowhere to hide, on the new regime in Kabul, which allows the Taliban to better control the militants of this terrorist organization.

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11

Vasiliev, Alexey. "The evolution of Al-Qaeda: between regional conflicts and a globalist perspective." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080015708-5.

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The article analyzes the prospects for the evolution of the odious terrorist group of modern times, «al-Qaeda». This topic is relevant, since the ongoing conflicts in the middle East, Africa and Asia continue to serve as an «ideal» environment for the development of radical groups and ideologies. Based on a detailed study of the history of the formation of this organization, its ideology, goals, objectives and strategy, the authors consider the possibility of «al-Qaeda» becoming the dominant force in the global extremist movement in the coming years. The article examines the main stages of activity of this group, presents the results of a comparative analysis of the tactics of «al-Qaeda» and its main competitor «ISIS». It is concluded that the strategic goal of «al-Qaeda» is to strengthen unity among foreign fighters of the global extremist movement. By engaging in some conflicts that are both fundamental and highly symbolic, «al-Qaeda» can further strengthen its image as the «true» vanguard of Islamist insurgents. The article focuses on the relationship between «al-Qaeda» and its affiliates in Iraq, Algeria, Yemen, and South Asia. The authors ' conclusions are based on the analysis of publications and speeches in the media space of the radical leader, A. al-Zawahiri. The authors conclude that modern «al-Qaeda» is a decentralized, networked transnational terrorist organization. The conclusion is made about the possibility of «al-Qaeda» entering a new phase of activity, which will include strengthening territorial control, expanding recruitment and high-profile terrorist attacks around the world.

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12

PANDIAN, SIVAMURUGAN, OMAR GOMAA, and NUR HAFEEZA AHMAD PAZIL. "Socialisation and Recruitment in Islamist Movements: A Comparison between the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Qaeda." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.186.

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To date, a little work has been undertaken to compare the socialisation process between the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Qaeda. According to critics, both are considered intermediate and extremist movements. While the Muslim Brotherhood utilises various methods of socialisation, Al-Qaeda utilises internet networks to recruit new members without looking at their prior history, leaving the Al-Qaeda movement extremely vulnerable. This article explores the main differences in the roles and impacts of the political movements the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Qaeda. It focuses on the most significant aspect of the socialisation process on shaping alfard al-muslim the individual Muslim.

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13

Hashemi, Dr Nassif Mohsen Asaessa. "Find "pay damage the suspects and their applications jurisprudential base" title." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 217, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v217i1.553.

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In the name of Allah the Merciful This paper deals with " pay damage the suspects and their applications jurisprudential base" To the effect " is that if the damage endured in the work of the business must pay the accession the believer " . And mind riding the damage to pay the suspects, if it does not transfer and improvement Altaqbih mental clarity confined to his rule by the owners. Advantaged and al-Qaida are suspicions wisdom before the examination should be in charge of the examination even despair, and then end up assets to the operation, according to the rule base is the truth should be the examination.The research methodology is based on dividing the four demands. The first requirement : eating Qaeda on the one hand the definition of language and terminology. The second requirement : aware and evidence-Qaeda. Third requirement : Rod and base Fbh punishment without a statement on the payment of the damage the suspects base. Fourth requirement: doctrinal applications on the base. Find and we ended with a summary of the most important results, in addition to index margins.

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14

Atran, Scott. "A Question of Honour: Why the Taliban Fight and What to Do About It." Asian Journal of Social Science 38, no. 3 (2010): 343–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853110x499918.

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AbstractAfghanistan is not like Iraq. What may work well in Iraq, or elsewhere, may not be a wise policy in Afghanistan. The original alliance between the Taliban and Al-Qaeda was largely one of convenience between a poverty-stricken national movement and a transnational cause that brought material help. Unlike Al-Qaeda, the Taliban are interested in their homeland, not ours. The Taliban know how costly keeping Qaeda can be. Even if the Taliban took control of Afghanistan it is not clear that Al-Qaeda would be welcome again. Afghanistan and the tribal areas of Pakistan must be dealt with on their own terms. There’s a good chance that enough of the factions in the Taliban coalition would decide for themselves to disinvite their troublesome guest if we contained them by maintaining pressure without trying to subdue them or hold their territory, intervening only when we see movement to help Al-Qaeda or act beyond the region. We’re winning against Al-Qaeda and its kin in places where anti-terrorism efforts are local and built on an understanding that the ties binding terrorist networks today are more cultural and familial than political or ideological.

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15

Vincent, Elemanya A. "Terrorism and Global Security: A Comparative Analysis of Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS)." Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 8, no. 10 (November 24, 2023): 318–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sjhss.2023.v08i10.002.

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The transformation of terrorism from Al-Qaeda to the Islamic State (IS) has created new security challenges. This article examines the threats posed by these two groups by discussing their ideologies, structures and capabilities. Unlike local terrorist groups like the Afghan Taliban, the Islamic State and Al-Qaeda pose a global threat. The work looked at the origin of Al- Qaeda which cannot be separated from the soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, and the objective of Al- Qaeda which main purpose is unifying and leading the jihad movement and providing its purpose and direction. The organization of Al- Qaeda was also discuss in this work, which is divided into four levels, which include, core Al- Qaeda, affiliated groups, allied groups and motivated persons and network. This work also assessed the impact of Al- Qaeda in global security, where some scholars argued that the group is not viable enough to pose global threat while others argued against it. On the other hand this work examined the origin of IS which started as a result of U.S military intervention in Iraq in 2003. It also examines resource base of IS and its objectives which is the destruction of the asymmetry status- quo existing for a long between Muslim countries and the Western allies. The impact and threat assessment of Al- Qaeda and IS on global security which we found out is that IS initially was fighting the near enemy in Iraqi and Syrian regimes, but latter changed its strategy by equally focusing on the “far enemy” as well, and manifested in its high profile attacks in Europe and other places beyond the Middle East. Lastly the researcher look at the differences between Al- Qaeda and IS in terms of their structure, brutality, popularity, conceptual difference etc. At the end, this paper recommends that a comprehensive global strategy is required to eradicate this growing menace of organized terrorism.

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16

Makoni, Sinfree. "Discourses of terror: The U.S. from the viewpoint of the ‘Other’." Applied Linguistics Review 4, no. 1 (March 29, 2013): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/applirev-2013-0002.

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AbstractDiscourses on terror have been encrypted in the events of 9/11 in 2001 perhaps more than any single event since the end of the Cold War. Even though these discourses are projected as a global phenomenon, very few studies have analysed how they are framed by non-U.S. actors, especially by al-Qaeda and to some extent al-Shabaab. An analysis of discourses of terror by al-Qaeda is invaluable in determining how the U.S. is represented from the perspectives of the “other.” Using Critical Discourse Analysis as an analytic and interpretive framework, this article analyses al-Qaeda declassified intelligence reports captured by the U.S. in order to establish a view of “terror” from an al-Qaeda insider perspective. The article argues that there is a convergence of ideas and overlap in terms of the discourses of terror between the U.S. and al-Qaeda, which is ironic because of the firm distinction made by the U.S. government between “us” – the civilized nations – and “them” – the barbarian, evil murderers of innocent civilians.

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17

Silm, Bouchaib. "Notes on Al Qaeda in Saudi Arabia." Asian Journal of Social Science 35, no. 4-5 (2007): 528–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853107x240332.

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For a long time, the Saudi regime had ignored the existence of any Al Qaeda branch on Saudi soil and therefore; any potential attacks by such groups in the kingdom were unthinkable. However, the Riyadh attacks were a turning point for Saudi authorities. This paper seeks to understand why Al Qaeda is attacking the Saudi government and secondly, how the Saudi government has countered both the violence and the ideology of Al Qaeda in the Kingdom.

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18

de la Corte Ibáñez, Luis, and Daniel Sansó-Rubert Pascual. "La polémica Al Qaeda." Inteligencia y Seguridad 2009, no. 7 (January 1, 2009): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5211/iys.7.article3.

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19

Burgat, François. "La génération Al-Qaeda." Mouvements 36, no. 6 (2004): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mouv.036.0077.

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20

LISIECKI, Leszek, and Kamil KUCHARSKI. "FINANCING SOURCES AL-QAEDA." National Security Studies 4, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/129808.

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W artykule przedstawiono cele, przesłanki powstania oraz działalność Al-Kaidy. Dokonano również analizy zdywersyfikowanych źródeł finansowania tej najbardziej znanej na świecie organizacji terrorystycznej. Zaprezentowała ona nowy wymiar terroryzmu, dotyczący zakresu i sposobu działalności, liczby wtajemniczonych oraz spektakularności prowadzonych akcji. Do tej pory żadna organizacja terrorystyczna na świecie nie zastraszyła jednocześnie tak dużej grupy ludzi. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie źródeł finansowania Al-Kaidy.

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21

Mokhtari, Fariborz. "Dealing with Al Qaeda." American Foreign Policy Interests 32, no. 2 (March 31, 2010): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803921003697567.

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22

Renner, Judith, and Alexander Spencer. "Reconciliation With Al Qaeda?" Peace Review 24, no. 2 (April 2012): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2012.677339.

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23

Pillar, Paul R. "Counterterrorism after Al Qaeda." Washington Quarterly 27, no. 3 (June 2004): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016366004323090287.

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24

Devji, Faisal. "Politics after Al-Qaeda." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (March 3, 2014): 431–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714525391.

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One of the consequences of Al-Qaeda’s terrorism has been its blurring of the distinction between national and international politics, both of which have lost a great deal of their former autonomy by serving as hosts for a set of new global concerns and practices. The Global War on Terror can be seen as an effort to externalize Al-Qaeda’s global threat by internationalizing it in a conventional war, and thus reinforcing both the autonomy of international politics and its separation from that of a national variety. More than a conservative move to protect the international order, however, the War on Terror was also an ambitious attempt to remake global politics in the wake of the Cold War. But despite the transformations it has wrought, the War on Terror failed to create either a new global order or even a new global politics.

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25

Cohen, Richard A. "IS AL QAEDA POSTMODERN?" Review of Faith & International Affairs 5, no. 1 (March 2007): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2007.9523280.

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26

Serra, Jordi. "Batman versus Al-Qaeda." Futures 39, no. 6 (August 2007): 768–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2006.11.010.

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27

Moghadam, Assaf. "How Al Qaeda Innovates." Security Studies 22, no. 3 (July 2013): 466–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2013.816123.

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28

Smit-Keding, Nicholas. "‘Killing Your Way to Victory’: The Failure of the Kill/Capture Strategy Against al Qaeda." Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, no. 1 (October 15, 2015): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur13.

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The strategy of either killing or capturing al Qaeda cadres today stands as the dominant United States counter-terrorism strategy. This strategy, however, has failed to destroy al Qaeda, and has instead expanded the organization's political ideology into a major force being felt throughout the Middle East. Kill/Capture's appeal stems from assessments of al Qaeda as a vast network, articulated best by scholars such as Peter Bergan and Bruce Hoffman. The strategy also has appeal from several historical examples, and the early cost-effective successes found in Kill/Capture's implementation immediately after the September 11th attacks. Yet these advantages are outweighed by the strategy's strengthening of al Qaeda's brand among other groups, the indiscriminate nature of the strategy, and its inability to offer other political solutions versus al Qaeda's ideology within the context of violence and conflict. As a result, al Qaeda has endured, while expanding its ideology across the Middle East. Militant Takfirism today, is now largely defined by al Qaeda's ideology, and is best seen with the current situation in Iraq and Syria. Hence, while Kill/Capture offers some credible appeal, the strategy has failed overall to rid the world of al Qaeda.

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Fatimah, Siti, and Yanuardi Syukur. "Al-Qaeda’s New Orientation After the Death of Osama bin Laden." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v3i2.4390.

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After the death of Osama Bin Laden and the declaration of the establishment of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the Al-Qaeda movement changed from being aggressive to being passive. The aggressiveness of the Al-Qaeda movement, for instance, was seen during the spectacular terror of 9/11, which was then followed by various actions carried out by followers in various parts of the world. However, Bin Laden's death and the rise of the ISIS group made Al-Qaeda look passive. This paper seeks to see the history of the Al-Qaeda movement to the dynamics that influence the movement’s choices. The author found that changing Al-Qaeda's orientation from aggressive to passive did not deny the existence of a consolidated movement that deliberately distanced itself from the anti-terrorism campaign carried out by the United States.

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30

Santos, Karolina dos. "11 de setembro: das Reformas aos atentados." Reflexão 46 (November 25, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24220/2447-6803v46e2021a5369.

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O presente artigo pretende mostrar as ideias e acontecimentos que serviram de base ao líder da Al-Qaeda Osama bin Laden. Através da Escola Hanbali e das Reformas no mundo islâmico, surgiram teóricos que são peças fundamentais para entender os desdobramentos de grupos como a Al-Qaeda. Dessa forma, o artigo se debruça sobre os aspectos históricos e religiosos que perpassam esse meio. Através das obras do teórico Sayyid Qutb, faz-se uma abordagem a respeito do conceito de jihad, sobre o seu significado e como a questão é abordada pela Al-Qaeda.

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Kostanian, Ararat. "The Heretic Nature of Al-Qaeda’s Ideology." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v5i2.9655.

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The purpose of the article is to illustrate the ideological aspect of Al-Qaeda that constitutes the pillar of the organisation based on distinct interpretation of Quran and biased understanding of the meaning of Jihad. The functional method of Al-Qaeda is not simplistic or unsystematic, aimed at a particular target or focused or specific country or region. In my findings, it is evident that the formation of such transnational organisation couldn’t have been revealed without political Ideology with its manifesto and the mechanism to spread its messages all over the world. As well, the article reveals that it will not be correct to put Al-Qaeda among the category of the classical terror groups as I have shown in the article as a comparison. Moreover, Al-Qaeda is not similar to any categories of political actor; since the distinction between Jihad and waging war has always been differentiated in the context of Political Islam. Furthermore, my finding reveals the heretic ideology of Al-Qaeda which had spread all over the world and has become an enemy to Islam itself. Harmed the reputation of Islam as a religion. Attention on the ideologic context of Al-Qaeda hasn’t been researched well previously, unknown to majority of the experts. Instead, the attention at most has been put on its ground actions, security concerns and counter terrorism. The article reveals Al-Qaeda’s distinct ideology and its dissimilarity with political actors in the Islamic world, as well as with other liberation movements that is helpful to choose correctly on how to fight against terror in smart methods.

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Ciftci, Sabri, Becky J. O’Donnell, and Allison Tanner. "Who Favors al-Qaeda? Anti-Americanism, Religious Outlooks, and Favorable Attitudes toward Terrorist Organizations." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 3 (April 4, 2017): 480–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917702498.

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This study examines why ordinary people sympathize with a terrorist network in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Holding literalist religious outlook resonating with al-Qaeda’s marginal interpretation of Islam constant, it is maintained that anti-Americanism and its varieties matter a great deal in explaining attitudes toward al-Qaeda. Using Pew Global Attitudes Surveys conducted in Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia, the authors run conditional mixed process estimations combining seemingly unrelated regressions with selection models to account for the missing values and endogeneity problems. The analysis reveals significant variation both cross-nationally and in the effects of varieties of anti-Americanism on favorability of al-Qaeda. While the dislike of certain aspects of American culture generates sympathy toward al-Qaeda, anti-Americanism as a general attitude does not. More interestingly, dislike of American democracy, technology, and policy has either negative or no effect on favorable views of al-Qaeda. Literalist religious outlook generates positive views of al-Qaeda, but religiosity has a negative impact. These findings imply that we need to draw careful distinctions between politicized Islamic preferences and personal religiosity as well as the different types of anti-American sentiments in understanding Muslim political attitudes about terrorist groups.

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Zvosdetska, Oksana, Stepan Kuvik, and Oleh Fedorchuk. "Al-Qaeda’s Activities on the Internet: Forms, Types and Tools." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 12 (July 21, 2023): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2023.12.215-229.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the media content of one of the largest international terrorist organizations - Al-Qaeda in the context of the strengthening of media terrorism in the modern globalized world. Researchers state that, like the Islamic State (IS), Al-Qaeda relied on the effective use of social media in its activities: recruitment of terrorist supporters, calls for terrorist attacks, propaganda of brutality and violence. Al-Qaeda has developed a successful media strategy directed against the countries of the Western world, mainly against the United States. At the same time, al-Qaeda’s information operations against the West, organized in the digital space, have not achieved the same resonance as IS. They were mainly aimed at highlighting the weaknesses of the states of the Western world. The main areas of use of social media by Al-Qaeda are: propaganda of terrorism, intimidation, operational planning and coordination of terrorist acts, recruitment and training of supporters, collection of intelligence data and targets, financing of maintenance.

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34

Ivakha, Viktoriia. "Przestępczość zorganizowana jako źródło finansowania terroryzmu na przykładzie Al-Kaidy i Państwa Islamskiego. Analiza porównawcza." Wschodnioznawstwo 17 (December 23, 2023): 147–438. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.23.024.18742.

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Organized crime as a source of terrorism financing on the example of Al‑Qaeda and Islamic State. Comparative analysis Terrorist organizations based on the ideology of Islamic fundamentalism are increasingly involved in various criminal activities in order to generate income for their own functioning and continuation of terrorist activity. These include: money laundering, human trafficking, drug and arms smuggling, cybercrime, illegal tax systems, extortion, robbery, trade in cultural monuments etc. Al‑Qaeda and the Islamic State are the most prominent examples of Islamist terrorist groups with extremely extensive and diverse financial systems. The aim of the article is to analyze the process of financing fundamentalist terrorist organizations of Al‑Qaeda and the Islamic State from the sources coming from organized crime. The study also attempts to describe and analyze financing of terrorist activities, its classification, as well as sources of financing of Al‑Qaeda and ISIS, with particular emphasis on criminal proceeds and their comparison in terms of similarities and differences.

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35

Gause, F. Gregory. "Al-Qaeda, Salafi Jihadism and American Policy in the Greater Middle East." South Central Review 40, no. 2-3 (June 2023): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scr.2023.a915854.

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Abstract: While al-Qaeda is a product of specific circumstances in the Middle East, the bitter irony of its September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States is that American policy in the region before those attacks unwittingly contributed significantly to its birth and development and that American policy subsequent to the attacks created new opportunities for similar organizations to flourish, even as al-Qaeda itself lost ground to those organizations. Organizationally and ideologically, al-Qaeda was the product of the jihad against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and the successful war against Iraq in 1990-91, the two most prominent success stories in the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States. This essay will treat Washington's unintentional participation in the development of al-Qaeda and the group's ideological development in an analytical narrative of the founding, growth, success and eventual decline of what for Americans is the prototypical terrorist organization of the 21st century.

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Kostanian, Ararat. "AL QAEDA’S RADICAL IDEOLOGY." Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) 7, no. 1 (November 3, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/pi.v7i1.30034.

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The purpose of the essay is to illustrate the Ideological aspect of al Qaeda that constitutes the pillar of the organisation based on distinct interpretation of Quran and biased understanding of the meaning of Jihad. The functional method of al Qaeda is not simplistic or unsystematic, aimed at particular target or focused or specific country or region. The creation of such transnational organisation couldn’t have been revealed without political Ideology with its manifesto and the mechanism to spread its messages all over the world. It will not be correct to put al Qaeda among the category of the classical terror groups as I have shown in the essay as a comparison. Moreover, it is not similar to any categories of political Islam movements; since the distinction between Jihad and waging war has always been differentiated in the context of Political Islam. Whereas al Qaeda declares enemies in the house of Islam as well to countries, people and Institutions differ with their own created ideology. This distorted ideology has spread all over the world and become an enemy to Islam itself, which harmed the reputation of Islam as a religion. Attention on the ideologic context of al Qaeda hasn’t been researched well, unknown to majority of the experts. Instead, the attention at most has been put on its ground actions, security concerns and counter terrorism.

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Kostanian, Ararat. "AL QAEDA’S RADICAL IDEOLOGY." Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) 7, no. 1 (November 3, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jpi.v7i1.30034.

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The purpose of the essay is to illustrate the Ideological aspect of al Qaeda that constitutes the pillar of the organisation based on distinct interpretation of Quran and biased understanding of the meaning of Jihad. The functional method of al Qaeda is not simplistic or unsystematic, aimed at particular target or focused or specific country or region. The creation of such transnational organisation couldn’t have been revealed without political Ideology with its manifesto and the mechanism to spread its messages all over the world. It will not be correct to put al Qaeda among the category of the classical terror groups as I have shown in the essay as a comparison. Moreover, it is not similar to any categories of political Islam movements; since the distinction between Jihad and waging war has always been differentiated in the context of Political Islam. Whereas al Qaeda declares enemies in the house of Islam as well to countries, people and Institutions differ with their own created ideology. This distorted ideology has spread all over the world and become an enemy to Islam itself, which harmed the reputation of Islam as a religion. Attention on the ideologic context of al Qaeda hasn’t been researched well, unknown to majority of the experts. Instead, the attention at most has been put on its ground actions, security concerns and counter terrorism.

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Katz, Mark N. "Breaking the Yemen–Al Qaeda Connection." Current History 102, no. 660 (January 1, 2003): 40–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.660.40.

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It is the tribal view that the ‘enemy of my enemy is my friend’—more so than common religious and ideological affinities or hostility toward the West—that motivates certain Yemeni tribes to cooperate with Al Qaeda. … Al Qaeda is merely the most recent in a string of ‘friends’ who have supported these tribes against the government.

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39

Nasir, Sohail Abdul. "Al Qaeda, two years on." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 59, no. 5 (September 1, 2003): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/059005010.

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40

Shpiro, Shlomo. "Israeli Intelligence and al-Qaeda." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 25, no. 2 (March 2012): 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2012.652527.

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RAUFER, XAVIER. "Al Qaeda: A Different Diagnosis." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 26, no. 6 (November 2003): 391–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100390248266.

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Phillips, Andrew. "How al Qaeda lost Iraq." Australian Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 1 (March 2009): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710802649840.

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Jordan, Javier, and Luisa Boix. "AL-QAEDA AND WESTERN ISLAM1." Terrorism and Political Violence 16, no. 1 (January 2004): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550490445983.

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Nasir, Sohail Abdul. "Al Qaeda, two years on." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 59, no. 5 (September 2003): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.2003.11460711.

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Pena, C. V. "Al Qaeda: The Balkans Connection." Mediterranean Quarterly 16, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-16-4-65.

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Vercueil, B. J., and H. Solomon. "Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb." Insight on Africa 1, no. 1 (January 2009): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087814411103.

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HAYNES, JEFFREY. "Al Qaeda: Ideology and action." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 8, no. 2 (June 2005): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230500108868.

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Sahrasad, Herdi, Yanuardi Syukur, Dedy Tabrani, and Al Chaidar. "Reviewing Al-Qaeda's Infiltration in Indonesia: A Historical Reflection." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 27, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 395–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.27.2.3739.

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Al-Qaeda's infiltration into the Southeast Asian region is inseparable from the existence of Jamaah Islamiyah (JI). Some Jamaah Islamiyah cadres are veterans of the Afghanistan War. Historically Al-Qaeda under the leadership of Osama Bin Laden has trained the military skills of Jamaah Islamiyah cadres to help the Afghan jihadists fight Soviet communism until the Soviets defeated and left Afghanistan. Then Al-Qaeda succeeded in entering Indonesia through the Jamaah Islamiyah network and its cells in Southeast Asia by mobilizing key actors and radical actions. In Indonesia, Jamaah Islamiyah with the support of Al-Qaeda succeeded in carrying out a series of bomb attacks including Bali Bomb (2002), Kuningan Bomb (2004), JW Marriot and Ritz-Carlton Bomb Jakarta (2009). The strategy of the Al-Qaeda movement in Indonesia does not appear openly by forming an underground organization (clandestine). Its existence exists but in the form of a Formless Organization (OTB) for the security of its organization. Their infiltration through these networks has succeeded in bringing in their radical ideology and movements in Indonesia in particular and in the Southeast Asian region in general.

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Sahrasad, Herdi, Yanuardi Syukur, Dedy Tabrani, Pipip A. Rifai, Al Chaidar Al Chaidar, and Mohamad Asrori Mulky. "Al Qaeda, Islamists and Terrorism in Southeast Asia: A Lesson from the Past." Jurnal Theologia 35, no. 1 (June 8, 2024): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/teo.2024.35.1.19241.

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This article aims to explore the involvement of the Al-Qaeda network in Southeast Asia at the beginning of the 21st century. As an international terrorist organization with sufficient financial and human resources, Al-Qaeda's arrival in Southeast Asia came as a major shock to the local communities affected by it—an injustice caused by the capitalist regimes in the region. The methods used in writing this article are case studies and historical analysis. This article will provide specific examples of Al-Qaeda involvement in several countries in Southeast Asia, such as the case in Poso, Indonesia, where Al-Qaeda members Omar Bandon and Jusuf Galan from Spain provided military training and funding to militant Islamic groups in Malaysia. This article will also discuss Al-Qaeda's involvement in the Philippines, where they formed cells and networks with the Abu Sayyaf and other extreme Islamic groups. The results of this research show that the entry of the Al-Qaeda network in this area has caused terrorism problems and resulted in quite large losses in the form of property and lives. It is hoped that this article will provide new insights and policy recommendations to strengthen counterterrorism efforts in the future.

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Hazimeh, Wisam Fakhry, and Debbie Abuelghanam. "The Fragmentation of Al Qaeda in the Levant ajis-2024-0136." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13, no. 4 (July 5, 2024): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2024-0136.

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In the Levant, the Islamic jihadist ideology has occupied international attention for decades. During the Syrian crisis, the country became an incubator for radical movements to invest in a power vacuum and flourish under chaotic circumstances. Rapidly, Syria began attracting jihadists from all over the world to join radical organisations while a new kind of jihad - global jihad - indulged in a world-wide ideological firesale. Firstly, between 2011-2013, we saw jihadist armies associated with ISIS and al-Qaeda acting freely without a central authority, but on April 9, 2013, Abu Bakr al Baghdadi shifted from localised jihadism to global jihadism, by declaring an Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, to attack the international coalition as well as the Syrian regime. As a response, six months later in October 2013, Hay’at Tahrir Al Sham was launched in refusal of al-Nusra’s annexation to ISIS, and uniting all anti-ISIS militias on the ground against their common enemy. Since then, jihadism has become conflicted, especially when Hay’at Tahrir Al Sham cut its ties with al-Qaeda, and all three entered into conflict. This paper follows the breakdown of the al-Qaeda project, the setbacks of ISIS, and the crisis between al-Qaeda and its offshoot branch, al-Nusra, culminating in the creation of the “Guardian of Religion” or, Hurras al-Din. The methodology utilises an institutionalisation approach and primary resources of al-Qaeda's leadership and spokespersons in order to closely follow the confrontations it has had with other movements, and the steps it has taken in order to eventually fragment. The study seeks to answer what is happening on the terrorist scene today, and to evaluate the role of al-Qaeda in the Levant. The outcome is that there is a new group that has grabbed the baton from al-Qaeda and is continuing its work in the Levant, named Hurras Ad-Din. Received: 2 May 2024 / Accepted: 30 June 2024 / Published: 5 July 2024

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