Journal articles on the topic 'Putino'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Putino.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Putino.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Valiulis, Skirmantas. "V. Mykolaičio-Putino simbolistinio laikotarpio estetiniai principai." Problemos 8 (September 29, 2014): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.1971.8.5839.
Full textAbstract:
Straipsnyje siekiama glaustai aptarti V. Mykolaičio-Putino pirmojo kūrybos etapo (simbolistinio periodo) estetinius principus, jo sukurtą simbolistinio meno koncepciją, meno ir tikrovės santykio supratimą. V. Mykolaitis-Putinas stengėsi suderinti grynąjį simbolizmą su lietuviškojo meno realistinėmis bei romantinėmis tradicijomis. Meno ir tikrovės santykio problemą jis tuo metu sprendė iš subjektyviojo idealizmo pozicijų. Jo teorinių pasaulio suvokimo ištakų reikia ieškoti V. Solovjovo dualizme. Kaip ir V. Solovjovas, V. Mykolaitis-Putinas teigia, kad dvasiškumas ir kūniškumas sudaro du nepriklausomus vienas nuo kito pradus. Simbolio pagrindą sudaro objektyvus empirinis ir dvasinis turinys, kūrėjo asmenybės paimtas iš tikrovės, organizuotas ir atkurtas. Iš kūrėjo reikalaujama tik pakilti virš realybės. V. Mykolaitis-Putinas įveda į savo simbolistinę koncepciją realistinio simbolizmo sąvoką, kurios esmę sudaro noras perteikti išgyvenamąjį sąmonės turinį tikroviškais vaizdais.
2
Bikulčius, Vytautas. "Maurice’as Maeterlinck’as ir Vinco Mykolaičio-Putino drama Žiedas ir moteris." Literatūra 56, no. 4 (May 25, 2015): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2014.4.7689.
Full textAbstract:
Straipsnyje analizuojami bendri bruožai, kurie sieja Maeterlincko kūrybą ir Mykolaičio-Putino dramąŽiedas ir moteris. Pats lietuvių rašytojas pripažino, kad jo drama „yra meterlinkiškojo bei vaildiškojo simbolizmo atgarsis lietuvių literatūroje“.Maeterlincko teatrui būdinga vidinio veiksmo pirmenybė prieš išorinį veiksmą, laukimo ir tylos motyvai, beasmeniai personažai, lemtis, dažniausiai išsiskleidžianti kaip mirtis.Lygindami Maeterlincko kūrybą ir Mykolaičio-Putino dramą, remiamės komparatyvizmo metodu. Į pagalbą pasitelkiame Jakobsono mintį apie dominantę, kuri sutelkia visus kūrinio struktūros elementus.Penki bevardžiai dramos personažai veikia greičiau kaip funkcijos, kurios linksta universalumo link, šitaip irgi atskleisdami šios dramos ir simbolizmo postulatų ryšį.Mykolaičio-Putino dramos dominante galima laikyti Paslaptį, kuri susijusi ir su Dailininko žiedu, ir su jo tapomo portreto moterimi. Paslaptis sieja ir portrete nutapytą moterį su vienuole, kuri apsilanko pas dailininką. Taigi, Paslaptis dramoje atsiskleidžia dviem aspektais: kaip kūrybos ir kaip moters paslaptis.Paslaptį lydi ir laukimo motyvas, kuris taip pat būdingas Maeterlincko kūrybai.Paslaptį papildo ir Lemties motyvas, susijęs su žiedu, kuris įkūnija Dailininko ir Vienuolės santykių istoriją. Nemažas vaidmuo dramoje tenka ir sapnams, kurie supriešinti su tikrove, kuria idealųjį pasąmonės pasaulį. Taigi Mykolaičio-Putino drama Žiedas ir moteris artima Maeterlincko kūrybai savo Paslaptimi, kuri tampa dramos dominante ir ją lydinčiais – laukimo, sapno, lemties – motyvais.
3
Keršanskas, Vytautas. "V. PUTINO VALDŽIOS VEIKIMAS: KELIŲ SLUOKSNIŲ ELITO GRUPIŲ SISTEMA." Politologija 84, no. 4 (January 20, 2017): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2016.4.10361.
Full textAbstract:
Straipsnyje teigiama, kad esminį vaidmenį Rusijos politinėje sistemoje vaidina įvairios galios elito grupės, o jų ir Vladimiro Putino, kaip sistemos arbitro, analizė padeda geriausiai suprasti sistemos veikimo bruožus. Pirmiausia darbe apžvelgtos pokomunistinės Rusijos politinio elito susidarymo aplinkybės, nurodyti pagrindiniai jį lėmę veiksniai ir pateiktos Rusijos galios elito, ypač valdant V. Putinui, veikimo prielaidos. Remiantis pasiūlytu Rusijos politinės sistemos aiškinimu ir elito grupių skirstymo modeliu, bus pateikta pagrindinių veikėjų – sisteminių ir nesisteminių, formalių ir neformalių – apžvalga. Sisteminiai veikėjai apima tiek artimiausią V. Putino aplinką, tiek opoziciją imituojančius veikėjus. Nesisteminių veikėjų analizę papildo ir jų eliminavimo iš sistemos metodų aprašymas. Teigiama, kad, nors Rusijos politinė sistema yra sunkiai atidaroma „juodoji dėžė“, elito grupių sąveika ir konkurencija leidžia daryti išvadas apie pačioje sistemoje vykstančius pokyčius.
4
Kazlauskaitė, Giedrė. "VĖLYVOJI VINCO MYKOLAIČIO-PUTINO LYRIKA KAIP BŪTIES IŠSKAIDRĖJIMAS." Literatūra 57, no. 1 (May 12, 2016): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2015.1.9989.
Full text
5
Bikulčius, Vytautas. "Kunigo drama: tarp pašaukimo ir metafizinio maišto (Vinco Mykolaičio-Putino Altorių šešėly ir Georgesʼo Bernanoso Po šėtono saule)." Literatūra 60, no. 4 (February 6, 2019): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/literatura.2018.7.
Full textAbstract:
[straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba]
Straipsnyje analizuojama prancūzų katalikiškojo atgimimo (le renouveau catholique) įtaka Vinco Mykolaičio-Putino romanui Altorių šešėly. Šis romanas radosi kaip natūrali lietuvių literatūros tąsa. Neatsitiktinai jo autorius visų pirma akcentuoja psichologinę kūrinio protagonisto liniją, kuri sykiu liudija ir apie klasikinio (stendališkojo ar balzakiškojo) romano tradiciją. Liudas Vasaris, pradėjęs mokslus kunigų seminarijoje, pašaukimą įžvelgia kaip pagrindinę savo gyvenimo problemą, nes kunigo kelias jam kertasi su jo kaip poeto siekiais. Vis dėlto jis nejaučia nė mažiausio noro maištauti prieš Dievą, nes nesuvokia kunigo kelio kaip savojo gyvenimo savasties. Kunigystė Vasariui netampa egzistencine patirtimi, todėl apsiribojama žemiškojo gyvenimo akiračiais. Tuo Liudas Vasaris skiriasi nuo Georgeso Bernanoso romano Po Šėtono saule protagonisto – kunigo Donisano, kuris sugeba pakilti virš žemiškojo gyvenimo ir stoti į akistatą su Dievu, savo poziciją suvokdamas kaip metafizinį maištą. Galima manyti, kad Mykolaitis-Putinas, kuriam galėjo būti žinomas minėtas Bernanoso romanas, greičiausiai šį kūrinį vertino kaip savojo Altorių šešėly priedą ar papildymą, liudijantį, koks gali būti kunigo kelias.
6
Ивинская, Алена-София, and Галина Михайлова. "Anos Achmatovos lietuvių poezijos vertimai: kultūrologinis aspektas." Literatūra 58, no. 2 (November 17, 2016): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2016.2.10160.
Full textAbstract:
Straipsnyje aptariami Anos Achmatovos vertimų kultūriniai, istoriniai bei sociologiniai aspektai. Atskleidžiamas Achmatovos vertimų iš lietuvių poezijos (Liudmilos Malinauskaitės-Eglės, Salomėjos Nėries ir Vinco Mykolaičio-Putino kūryba) profesionalumas, jos ypatingas dėmesys S. Nėries kūrybai. Parodoma, kad Achmatovos trumpalaikis apsilankymas Vilniuje 1914 m. gruodyje buvo ganėtinai svarbus įvykis, įsirašęs į jos asmeninę patirtį ir poetinę biografiją. Atskirai aptariamas galimas poetų ir vertėjų Marijos Petrovych ir Levo Ozerovo vaidmuo Achmatovos vertimų iš lietuvių poezijos istorijoje. Nagrinėjami tekstų vertimui atrankos principai, pažodinių bei autorizuotų spausdintų vertimų klausimai, bendraautorystės problema. Taip pat tikslinamas bendras verstų iš lietuvių kalbos tekstų skaičius, nurodomi netikslumai archyvinių dokumentų aprašuose.
7
Tūtlytė, Rita. "Dialogas su tradicija Janinos Degutytės poezijoje: vaizdo aspektas." Literatūra 60, no. 1 (December 28, 2018): 8–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2018.1.1.
Full textAbstract:
[straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba]
Janina Degutytė (1928–1990) kūrybinį kelią pradėjo ir baigė sovietinės okupacijos metais. Poetės karta, šeštojo dešimtmečio pabaigoje išleidusi pirmuosius rinkinius, jautė stiprų ideologinį spaudimą, bet ieškojo individualaus balso, anot Vytauto Kavolio1, siekė užpildyti ištuštėjusią sąmonę, atgauti tradiciją. Pirmųjų rinkinių ideologinių reikalavimų tankis kreipia Degutytę ieškoti literatūrinės „genties“. Šioje poetinio kelio atkarpoje labiausiai atpažįstame Salomėjos Nėries ir Eduardo Mieželaičio eilėraščio poetiką. Ryškėja poetės kūrybai svarbi Mikalojaus Konstantino Čiurlionio paveikslų vaizduotė, Vinco Mykolaičio-Putino pasaulėvaizdžio kontūras, romantizmo epochos muzikos, Friedricho Hölderlino ir Rainerio Marios Rilkės poezijos įspūdžiai, kurie yra receptyvios sąmonės kūrybiniai įvykiai. Dėmesys sutelkiamas į šių skirtingų šaltinių meninio vaizdo persiklojimus, į daugiasluoksnę poetės meninio vaizdo prigimtį. Meninio pasaulėvaizdžio šaltinių įtėkmė stebima estetiniu ir vertybiniu požiūriu, laikomasi atidaus tekstų skaitymo ir hermeneutinių pozicijų.
8
Šidlauskas, Marijus. "Absurdo idėjos transformacijos mirusio Dievo pasaulyje." Literatūra 59, no. 1 (October 26, 2018): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.0.0.11878.
Full textAbstract:
[straipsnis lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba]
Straipsnyje aptariamos absurdo idėjos ištakos ir jos transformacijos moderniame sekuliarizuotame pasaulyje. Įvertinamos Tertulianui priskiriamo posakio credo quia absurdum implikacijos absurdo idėjos plėtrai, šios idėjos poveikis literatūrai ir menui. Apžvelgiamos egzistencinės ir socialinės aplinkos pokyčių lemiamos modifikacijos, pastebima objektyvių ir subjektyvių veiksnių sąveika. Pasitelkiant socioistorinius argumentus polemizuojama su absurdo jausenos sugestijuojama išvada, jog egzistencinis ištuštėjimas ir Dievo nesatis esą absoliutus faktas.Absurdo refleksijai lietuvių kultūroje buvo svarbus religinio egzistencializmo kontekstas, tokie filosofiniai veikalai kaip A. Maceinos Jobo drama ir J. Girniaus Žmogus be Dievo, įgalinę gilesnį, autentiškesnį santykį ir meninėje kūryboje. XX a. lietuvių literatūroje nemaža absurdo ženklų tiek klasikų (V. Mykolaičio-Putino, B. Sruogos, H. Radausko, M. Martinaičio), tiek avangardistų (P. Morkūno, S. Šemerio), tiek postmoderno autorių (M. Ivaškevičiaus, S. Parulskio, G. Grajausko) tekstuose. Septintojo dešimtmečio pabaigoje kaip sąmoningas absurdo teatro reiškinys išsiskyrė A. Ambraso pastatymai Dailės institute.
9
Hill, Fiona. "The Next Mr. Putin? The Question of Succession." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00433.
Full textAbstract:
Vladimir Putin, the person and the president, is the wild card in Russian politics. After what could be a quarter of a century in power by 2024 (either as president or prime minister), Putin's departure could prove utterly destabilizing. Russia's principal political problem is determining who or what replaces Putin as the fulcrum of the state system in the decade ahead. This essay considers the question of whether “Putin's Russia” – a hyperpersonalized presidency supported by informal elite networks – can transform into a depersonalized system that is rooted in formal institutions with clear, predictable mechanisms to mitigate the risks of a wrenching presidential succession.
10
Gierasińska, Dagmara. "Wiarygodność wypowiedzi Władimira Putina na temat relacji rosyjsko-ukraińskich: studium corocznych konferencji prasowych." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 21 (June 15, 2020): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2020.1.5.
Full textAbstract:
Głównym celem badawczym niniejszego artykułu było określenie poziomu wiarygodności wypowiedzi Władimira Putina dotyczących relacji rosyjsko- -ukraińskich. Cele szczegółowe to: wyodrębnienie typów relacji Rosji z Ukrainą oraz sposobu przedstawiania Ukrainy w wypowiedziach rosyjskiego prezydenta. Dogłębne studium zawartości stenogramów wystąpień prezydenta Rosji podczas corocznych konferencji prasowych na przełomie lat 2014–2016 oraz artykułów na ten temat, pozwoliło zrealizować postawione cele i zweryfikować hipotezy badawcze. Uzyskano odpowiedź na następujące problemy badawcze: Jaki był poziom wiarygodności wypowiedzi Władimira Putina na temat relacji rosyjsko-ukraińskich podczas corocznych konferencji prasowych? Z czego wynikał określony poziom wiarygodności? Jakie typy relacji Rosji z Ukrainą występują w wypowiedziach Władimira Putina? W jaki sposób Putin mówi o państwie ukraińskim podczas swoich publicznych wystąpień? Powyższe problemy badawcze są istotne pod względem poznawczym, ponieważ ich rozstrzygnięcie nakreśliło stopień wiarygodności wypowiedzi prezydenta, ich dynamikę i zmienność w zależności od sytuacji i typu rozmówcy oraz pozwoliło na ukazanie różnic pomiędzy rzeczywistością a słowami wygłaszanymi przez Władimira Putina. W artykule wybrane postulaty zostały porównane z rzeczywistymi wydarzeniami przy wykorzystaniu metody desk research. Techniką, która umożliwiła wdrożenie się w istotę treści istniejących jest jakościowa analiza zawartości stenogramów wystąpień Putina.
11
Shlapentokh, Vladimir. "Putin as a flexible politician. Does he imitate Stalin?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 2 (April 24, 2008): 205–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.03.003.
Full textAbstract:
The article is about Putin's ‘Jewish anomaly’. Against all expectations, Putin during his tenure as president of the Russian Federation showed in various ways his concern about the life of Jews in his country.
12
Nadskakuła-Kaczmarczyk, Olga. "Podstawy społecznej akceptacji polityki Władimira Putina." Cywilizacja i Polityka 15, no. 15 (October 26, 2017): 249–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5470.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to present relations between the authorities and society as well as the perception of domestic and foreign policy of Vladimir Putin by residents of the Russian Federation. The author aims to characterize and describe various factors that affect the legitimacy of Vladimir Putin's power. A special emphasis is put on Russian political system and its influence on social support for the ruling elite, particularly on semantic content behind the high approval ratings of Vladimir Putin.
13
Saira Nawaz Abbasi and Gul e Hina. "Russian Foreign Policy in Eurasia and Re-Sovietisation of Ukraine under Putin." Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol3.iss1.78.
Full textAbstract:
This research study analyzes Putin's leadership and its efforts for Russianresurgence as a great power. In its desire to achieve its great power statusback; Russia has formed a more assertive foreign policy. Hence, it deemednecessary for Russian policy makers to re-Sovietize its former republics togain its desired objectives. Ukraine appears to be an important state for thecontemporary grand strategy of the Russian Federation. The annexation ofCrimea in 2014, have certain key drivers, such as the large ethnic Russianpopulation with the real grievances that had created instability, which madeRussia step in and intervene. Putin desired to enhance Russia’s internationalstature and deterring Western involvement in its sphere of influence. Russia'sforeign policy goals under Putin have been formulated upon the militaryadventures of the country, especially in its near abroad to engage the postSoviet periphery in geo-economic and geo-political ties with the RussianFederation. Putin seems determined to achieve a central position for Russiaby using his political ideology and leadership as a source of his vertical powerto affluence in the new geostrategic and economic pole of Eurasia. This studyhighlights Putin's keen interest in the former republic of Ukraine that holds avital position that escalated after annexing Crimea while consideringUkraine's importance in the geopolitics of Eurasia simultaneously.
14
Millar, James R. "The Russian Economy: Putin's Pause." Current History 100, no. 648 (October 1, 2001): 336–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.648.336.
Full textAbstract:
Putin appears to have more in common with Brezhnev than with his more decisive predecessors. Khrushchev, Gorbachev, and Yeltsin risked their positions in attempts to de-Stalinize the Soviet Union. … Putin's rule seems to be more pause than reform, which is, incidentally, what the public wants.
15
Buszynski, Leszek. "Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States in 2002: Going Separate Ways." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.15.
Full textAbstract:
Russia's President Putin strengthened the presidency over the legislature, where he undermined the position of the Communists, a move that may facilitate economic reforms. He also moved against the oligarchs who control much of the economy. Putin has made the economy his main priority, but the trends are not optimistic, and a long-term improvement cannot be predicted yet. In terms of foreign policy, Putin's turn to the West in 2001 in response to the threat of international terrorism allowed the U.S. a role in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Russia's influence over these areas is waning, as they go their separate ways.
16
Palanchuk, Nadezhda Valerevna. "Introduction of the concept of “Putin’s Games” in the foreign media discourse: aspect of relevance." Филология: научные исследования, no. 7 (July 2020): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0749.2020.7.33304.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this research is the representation of the linguocultural concept of “Putin’s Games” in the English-language media dedicated to 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi. Within the framework of linguoculturological approach, analysis is conducted on the aspect of relevance of the concept of “Putin’s Games”, reflected in the number of linguistic means of appeal to this concept. Consideration of over 160 English-language articles from the leading British and U.S. publishers allowed determining such peculiarities in representation of the concept of “Putin’s Games” as the diversity of linguistic means appealing to the concept in a relatively low frequency of utilization of individual linguistic units; accentuation of close affinity between the name of the Russian President and the 2014 Winter Olympics. Foreign media discourse verbalizes the concept of "Putin's Games” on different linguistic levels. A wide variety of lexical expressions appealing to the concept, reflect connection between the President and the Olympics not only in an explicit way (through the President's first and last name), but also implicitly (metaphoricity, irony). Neologisms and phraseologisms used by journalists for describing "Putin's Games" bring in additional emotional coloring to the content of this concept. The stylistic techniques applied for verbalization of the concept involve different linguistic levels: the discourse presents phonetic, lexical, and syntactic visual means. Precedent phenomena contribute to enhancement of negative connotation, and also describe the geopolitical interests of Sochi Olympics. The acquired results underline the relevance of the concept of “Putin’s Games” for the English-language media discourse.
17
Wood, Elizabeth A. "Performing Memory: Vladimir Putin and the Celebration of World War II in Russia." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38, no. 2 (2011): 172–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633211x591175.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractBy making World War II a personal event and also a sacred one, Vladimir Putin has created a myth and a ritual that elevates him personally, uniting Russia (at least theoretically) and showing him as the natural hero-leader, the warrior who is personally associated with defending the Motherland. Several settings illustrate this personal performance of memory: Putin's meetings with veterans, his narration of his own family's sufferings in the Leningrad blockade, his visits to churches associated with the war, his participation in parades and the creation of new uniforms, and his creation of a girls' school that continues the military tradition. In each of these settings Putin demonstrates a connection to the war and to Russia's greatness as dutiful son meeting with his elders, as legitimate son of Leningrad, and as father to a new generation of girls associated with the military. Each setting helps to reinforce a masculine image of Putin as a ruler who is both autocrat and a man of the people.
18
Schuler, Catherine A. "Priamaia liniia s Vladimirom Putinym: Performing Democracy Putin-Style." TDR/The Drama Review 59, no. 1 (March 2015): 136–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00433.
Full textAbstract:
The Kremlin’s assertion of Russia’s identity as a representative democracy relies for its effect on the skillful manipulation of the media by Vladimir Putin, Russia’s actor-in-chief. It seems clear from reviewing Putin’s annual, televised town hall meetings that it’s the Russian President’s enigmatic charisma that keeps his poll numbers high even as he curtails citizens’ rights.
19
Person, Robert. "Balance of threat: The domestic insecurity of Vladimir Putin." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2017): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2016.11.001.
Full textAbstract:
During the 17 years that Vladimir Putin has ruled Russia, the country has become increasingly authoritarian. However, I argue that this rollback of democracy has not been motivated by Putin's blind desire to maximize his political power, as many have assumed. Rather, his anti-democratic policies have responded to perceived specific threats to his control. In applying theories originally developed in the field of international relations to individual leaders, we can understand Putin as a “defensive realist” who balances against threats in order to maintain security rather than maximize power. This is an essential distinction that produces important conclusions about what motives lie behind the increasingly authoritarian character of the Russian state and gives insights into the possible future trajectory of the regime.
20
Kimura, Hiroshi. "Russia and the CIS in 2004: Putin's Offensive and Defensive Actions." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.59.
Full textAbstract:
President Putin started his second term in Russia with overwhelming popularity and power. Ironically, however, since that time he has been confronted with mounting domestic and international problems. The most serious issue is how to deal with increasing terrorist attacks. Putin's political initiatives of centralizing state power in the Kremlin has been criticized domestically and in the West as an attempt to strengthen his grip on power, thereby endangering democracy in Russia.
21
Syrovátka, Jonáš. "Mark Galeotti: We Need to Talk about Putin: How the West Gets Him Wrong." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1756.
Full textAbstract:
Meet the world's most dangerous man. Or is he? Who is the real Vladimir Putin? What does he want? And what will he do next? Despite the millions of words written on Putin's Russia, the West still fails to truly understand one of the world's most powerful politicians, whose influence spans the globe and whose networks of power reach into the very heart of our daily lives. In this essential primer, Professor Mark Galeotti uncovers the man behind the myth, addressing the key misperceptions of Putin and explaining how we can decipher his motivations and next moves. From Putin’s early life in the KGB and his real relationship with the USA to his vision for the future of Russia – and the world – Galeotti draws on new Russian sources and explosive unpublished accounts to give unparalleled insight into the man at the heart of global politics.
22
Oversloot, Hans. "Reordering the State (without Changing the Constitution): Russia under Putin's Rule, 2000-2008." Review of Central and East European Law 32, no. 1 (2007): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598807x165569.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the present article, it is assumed that V.V. Putin will not have the 1993 Constitution of the Russian Federation changed in order to help him arrange for a prolonged stay as President of Russia after his second term expires in 2008. It is also assumed that there will be no constitutional changes as to the power and the position of the prime-minister which would allow for an immediate 'return' of V.V. Putin in another capacity, namely as prime-minister, with much the same powers as he presently holds as President. The author expects that Putin will be true to his word in that he will maintain the 1993 Constitution (with the exception of minor change), that he will show to be—to use the Russian constitutional terminology—the garant of this Constitution.Nevertheless, within the framework of the 1993 Constitution, substantial changes have been made in the ordering of the Russian state, by federal law, by other means. The subordination of the subjects of the Russian Federation to the federal center, the 'emancipation' of state-politics from party politics, the 'emancipation' of democracy itself from party-politics, the penetration of societal organizations by state institutions (upravliaemaia demokratiia or suverennaia demokratiia), and the accompanying (state-) ideological changes, which have come about especially during Putin's second term, all add up to what is expected to be a lasting legacy. Putin has not changed the 1993 Constitution; he has given it its definite reading (interpretation) as it were.
23
Bunce, Valerie. "The Prospects for a Color Revolution in Russia." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00431.
Full textAbstract:
From 1998 to 2005, six elections took place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that led to the defeat of authoritarian incumbents or their anointed successors, the empowerment of opposition forces, and, thereafter, the introduction of democratic reforms. Because Putin's regime closely resembles those regimes that were successfully challenged by these dramatic changes in politics, Russia is a logical candidate for such a “color revolution,” as these electoral turnovers have been termed. Moreover, the color revolutions have demonstrated an ability to spread among countries, including several that border Russia. However, the case for a color revolution in Russia is mixed. On the one hand, the many costs of personalized rule make Putin's Russia vulnerable. On the other hand, Putin has been extraordinarily effective at home and abroad in preempting the possibility of an opposition victory in Russian presidential and parliamentary elections.
24
Крилова-Грек, Юлія. "Психолінгвістичні аспекти маніпулятивного перекладу у медійному просторі." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 4, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 114–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2017.4.1.kry.
Full textAbstract:
У статті розглянуто маніпулятивний переклад як одну з технологій контролю над свідомістю реципієнтів. Ми зазначаємо, що такий переклад є допоміжним засобом впливу на аудиторію, яка є споживачем єдиного інформаційного поля, яке характеризується мовною, національною та територіальною принадлежністю. У праці проаналізовано переклади, що стосуються основних політичних новин у світі та в Україні. Автором було проаналізовано вітчизняні та зарубіжні інформаційні повідомлення. Шляхом наукового аналізу ми зіставили першоджерела та перекладені версії однієї й тієї само новини, що дало змогу зробити висновок, що маніпулятивний переклад здійснюються за допомогою певних прийомів. Автор виокремила п’ять прийомів маніпулятивного перекладу. Наведено приклади їхнього вживання та показано, як маніпулятивний переклад викривляє вихідну інформацію. У статті також окреслено роль семантичних одиниць у перекладі, зокрема як заміна семантичної одиниці на синонімічну, але з відмінним центральним ключовим словом цього семантичного поля, дає змогу «майстерно» маніпулювати вихідною інформацією. У роботі продемонстровано, що прийоми перекладацьких маніпуляції в медіапросторі є потужним інструментом пропаганди.
Література
References
Крилова-Грек Ю. М. Психолінгвістичні особливості перекладу семантичних одиниць:Дис.... канд. психол. наук: 19.00.01. Київ, 2007.Krylova-Grek, Y.M. (2007). Psycholingustychni osoblyvosti pereklady semantychnyh odynyts[The psycholinguistic peculiarities of semantic units]. Ph.D. dissertation. Kyiv.
Кара-Мурза С. Г. (2007), Манипуляции сознанием. М.: Эксмо, 2007.Kara-Murza, S. G. (2007). Manipuliaciya Soznaniem [Consciousness Manipulation]. Moscow:Eksmo.
Шмелев И. В. Историческая ретроспектива договора Вайтанги // Вопросы современнойюриспруденции: Сб. ст. по матер. V междунар. науч.-практ. конф. № 5. Новосибирск:СибАК, 2011. Режим доступа: https://sibac.info/conf/law/v/37958.Shmelov, I.V. (2011). Istoricheskaya retrospectiva dogovora Waitangi [The historicalretrospective of Waitangi treaty]. Voprosy Sovremennoy Yurysprudentsyy. ConferenceProceedings, 5. Retrieved from: https://sibac.info/conf/law/v/37958.
Tremblay, G. (2014). From Marshall McLuhan to Harold Innis, or From the global village tothe world empire. Canadian Journal of Communication, 37(4).
Sources
Вице-президент США назвал Украину самой коррумпированной страной в мире.(2015, Апрель 11). Expert Online Vice-prezident ssha nazval ukrainu samoikorrumpirovannoi stranoi v mire. (2015, April 11). Retrieved from:http://expert.ru/2015/12/8/vitse-prezident-ssha-nazval-ukrainu-samoj-korrumpirovannojstranoj-v-mire/
Forbes: Украине пора перестать строить из себя принцессу, ожидающую рыцаря.(2016, Март 27). Новостное агентство Харьков.
Forbes: Ukraine pora perestat stroit iz sebya princessu, ozhidayushhuyu rycarya. (2016,Mart 27). Novostnoe agentstvo Kharkov. Retrieved from: https://nahnews.org/657737-forbes-ukraine-pora-perestat-stroit-princessu-v-ozhidanii-rycarya-na-belom-kone.
Николай Лазаренко (2015, Червень 2). FT: назначение Саакашвили – начало большихпроблем Порошенко.Nikolai Lazarenko (2015, June 2). FT: naznachenie saakashvili – nachalo bolshix problemporoshenko. Retrieved from: https://ria.ru/world/20150602/1067801366.html
Трамп назвав Путіна “твердим печивом”. (2017, Березень 19). ЦензорНет.Trump nazvav Putina “tverdym pechyvom”. (2017, Berezen’ 19). TsenzorNet Retrievedfrom: http://ua.censor.net.ua/news/43 2556/ tramp_nazvav_putina_tverdym_pechyvom.
Мария Бондаренко (2017, Март 19). Трамп назвал Путина «крепким орешком».Mariya Bondarenko (2017, Mart 19). Trump nazval putina «krepkim oreshkom».Retrieved from: http://www.rbc.ru/society/19/03/2017/58cde8f49a794717c2202ef4
“Уточнение перевода”: Кремль изменил цитату из письма Эрдогана к Путину. (2016,Червень 28). Інформаційна агенція УНІАН.
“Utochnenie perevoda”: Kreml izmenil citatu iz pisma erdogana k putinu. (2016, Cherven’28). Informatsiyna ahentsiya UNIAN. Retrieved from:https://www.unian.net/world/1390007-kreml-izmenil-tsitatu-iz-pisma-erdogana-kputinu.html.
Doug Bandow (2016, March 25) Busted Fantasies In Kiev: America And Europe Won’tSave Ukrainian Maiden In Distress. Forbes. Retrieved from:https://www.forbes.com/sites/dougbandow/2016/03/25/busted-fantasies-in-kiev-americaand-europe-wont-save-the-ukrainian-maiden-in-distress/3/#4243b00e6166
From Berezovsky to Erdogan: who and what were apologizing for Putin. (2017, February7). FreeNews English. Retrieved from: http://freenews-en.tk/2017/02/07/fromberezovsky-to-erdogan-who-and-what-were-apologizing-for-putin/
Jon Snow [The Viral Network]. (2017, March 19). Trump: “Putin Is One Tough Cookie”(19.03.2017). Retrieved from: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=glVY2afl_d4
Paul Meredith, Rawinia Higgins Kāwanatanga. Māori engagement with the state / PaulMeredith, Rawinia Higgins Kāwanatanga. Retrieved from:http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/kawanatanga-maori-engagement-with-the-state/page-1#2
Remarks by Vice President Joe Biden to The Ukrainian Rada. (2015, December 9). TheWhite House, Office of the Vice President. Retrieved from:https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2015/12/09/remarks-vicepresident-joe-biden-ukrainian-rada.
Tony Barber (2015, June 2). Odessa appointment raises questions over Poroshenko’sjudgement. Financial Times. Retrieved from: https://www.ft.com/content/1751c125-d923-3755-88e7-c5378a952578
25
Adomeit, Hannes. "Russland und der Westen: Von „strategischer Partnerschaft“ zur strategischen Gegnerschaft." SIRIUS – Zeitschrift für Strategische Analysen 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sirius-2021-2002.
Full textAbstract:
Kurzfassung Gegen Ende der Jelzin-Ära erhoben Deutschland und die EU Russland zu ihrem „strategischen Partner“. Diese Charakterisierung der Beziehungen wurde von den beiden Akteuren nicht als Teil einer entfernten Vision, sondern als vollendete Tatsache betrachtet. Entsprechend sollten die mit Putins Russland vereinbarten „Modernisierungspartnerschaften“ lediglich als Ausfüllung der „strategischen“ Partnerschaften dienen. Derartige Vorstellungen waren schon zum Zeitpunkt ihrer Verkündung realitätsfremd. Die Beziehungen zwischen Russland und dem Westen führten von der Illusion einer strategischen Partnerschaft zur Wirklichkeit einer strategischen Gegnerschaft. Diese Entwicklung ist nicht als zusammenhanglose Anhäufung von Konflikten, geschweige denn Missverständnissen und Fehlwahrnehmungen zu verstehen, sondern als eine prinzipielle, nachhaltige und innenpolitisch in der Machtstruktur des Systems Putin verankerte und von der Moskauer Machtelite bewusst herbeigeführte Orientierung. Dies stellt eine strategische Realität dar, die eine entsprechende Antwort der westlichen Staatengemeinschaft verlangt.
26
Hurak, Ihor, and Igor Tsependa. "New Trends in the Domestic and Foreign Policies of Putin’s Russia in Early 21st Century (Part 1)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.64-77.
Full textAbstract:
The accession to power of Vladimir Putin was a turning point in the history of Russia. At the beginning of the twentieth century, instead of Yeltsin's peculiar model of democracy, an authoritarian regime with Praetorian features was gradually established. During Vladimir Putin's first presidential term (2000-2004), his official speeches traditionally included pro-Western messages. However, in practice, the Kremlin leadership initiated processes that testified completely opposite trends in development of the state. At this time, thanks to legislative changes favorable for the ruling elite, a significant blow to political pluralism was dealt, and the importance of central authorities was essentially strengthened. These events in Russian distorted realities allowed Putin's team to have more control over federal units than authorities of the democratic unitary states have over parts of their state formations. At the same time, using law enforcement agencies pressure, the state leadership established control over the media. At the same time, in the economic sphere, contrary to Vladimir Putin's assertion that “Monopolies are dangerous things in general; especially state monopolies” there was a systematic renationalization due to the purposeful efforts of law enforcement, judicial, and fiscal structures. It was the most pronounced in the energy sector, where Kremlin-controlled Gazprom and Rosneft fundamentally strengthened their positions. Similar processes took place in the automotive, aviation, metallurgical and other industries. As part of the redistribution of property, there was also pressure on foreign business represented on the Russian market. Some of the world's leading energy corporations have been forced to sell some of their shares to Kremlin-affiliated entities. In other cases, foreign companies were revoked permits to operate in Russia under contrived pretexts. The second part will outline the activities of Vladimir Putin and his team, which aimed to strengthen the position of the Russian Federation at the global level, and to increase the influence of official Moscow on the countries of the so-called “Near Abroad”. An attempt will also be made to identify the reasons why, during the first few years of Vladimir Putin's presidency, the trends outlined above were accompanied by pro-Western rhetoric.
27
Khan, Surat. "Indo-Russian Strategic Relations under Putin." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).05.
Full textAbstract:
Trust, mutual understanding and compatibility, and common interests in the international system remained the pillars of Indo-Russian relations for seventy years. It brought them closer to each other to cooperate in the areas of defense, trade and technology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both New Delhi and Moscow experienced a low-level relation, but since the coming of Putin, relations between the two have taken a new turn. Besides strategic cooperation, the nations joined hands to make policies for better diplomacy, multipolar world, countering insurgencies, climate change, technology and defense cooperation and terrorism. Besides this strong partnership and common interests, Indo-Russia is facing multiple challenges, particularly in the wake of changing dynamics in Asia politics. This research intends to analyze the history of the indo-Russian strategic partnership with a specific focus on Putins era.
28
Rak, Joanna, and Roman Bäcker. "Theory behind Russian Quest for Totalitarianism. Analysis of Discursive Swing in Putin's Speeches." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.1.13.
Full textAbstract:
Before 2014 Putin used semantic structures characteristic of authoritarianism and façade democracy to shape Russian political discourse. After the annexation of Crimea, we identify the decrease of authoritarian discursive elements, the occurrence of references to democratic values, and the prevalence of totalitarian discursive elements. This quantitative alteration co-occurred with a qualitative change of the intensity of totalitarian gnosis that increased from the low to the moderate extent. This paper aims to examine the extent of the intensity of totalitarian political gnosis in Putin's most influential speeches: the annual Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly, and the president's annual news conference.
29
Simons, Greg. "Stability and Change in Putin's Political Image During the 2000 and 2012 Presidential Elections: Putin 1.0 and Putin 2.0?" Journal of Political Marketing 15, no. 2-3 (February 16, 2016): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1151114.
Full text
30
Vasiutynskyi, V. O. "VALUE CONTEXT OF SEARCH BY UKRAINIANS FOR CULPRITS OF THE ONGOING WAR IN DONBAS." Ukrainian Psychological Journal, no. 1(15) (2021): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/upj.2021.1(15).3.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the results of an all-Ukrainian psycho-semantic survey of 1,199 respondents conducted as a part of the political and semantic monitoring of mass political consciousness in February 2021. The questionnaire, in particular, contained statements of value content and a list of possible culprits of the ongoing war in Donbas. Citizens mostly recognize the Russian government, led by Putin, as the main culprit. Such blaming is psychologically opposed by attributing blame to the Ukrainian authorities. Based on the correlation of assessments of value content statements and the choice of culprits, it is found that pro-Ukrainian respondents are more active in blaming: the Russian government led by Putin compared to the Ukrainian government led by Zelenskyi or Poroshenko; Zelenskyi and the government headed by him in comparison with Poroshenko and his government; Russia and its citizens; residents of Donbas; and citizens of all Ukraine compared to residents of Western Ukraine. The attitude to market economic reforms turned out to be less fundamental, but also significant. Their supporters blame: Putin's power more than Poroshenko's power; Zelenskyi's power more than Putin's one; oligarchs and the mafia; Russia and its citizens; and residents of Donbas. There are two aspects of the assessment of Russian citizens. On the one hand, the respondents blame Russian citizens while identifying them with the Russian authorities and the state, and on the other hand, they unite with them in joint opposition to the oligarchs and the mafia. Pro-Russian attitudes are more likely to be hidden behind the evasive answers about the culprits. There is a low propensity of citizens to political self-blame and attempts to get rid of or not gain guilt. A tendency to unite innocent or less guilty "own", contrasting them with more guilty "strangers" is revealed: Zelenskyi and Poroshenko versus Putin; residents of Donbas versus the United States, Europe and NATO; and citizens of all Ukraine versus residents of Western Ukraine. The presence in the space of accusations not only of a value but also of a purely emotional context lay down the potential opportunities for political-ideological and situational manipulations of the corresponding sentiments.
31
MASTEROVOY, ANTON. "What Was Socialist Food and What Comes Next?" Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (October 3, 2016): 523–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731600045x.
Full textAbstract:
Food in the former Soviet Union remains serious political business. In the summer of 2014, in retaliation against Western sanctions imposed in response to the annexation of Crimea, Vladimir Putin's government decreed an odd brand of ‘self-sanctions’ by forbidding the importation of many foodstuffs from the United States and the European Union. Conservative supporters of President Putin sprang into action, exhorting Russian consumers to embrace the opportunity to develop Russian agriculture while Putin's opponents raised the spectre of late Soviet food shortages. Though starvation does not seem like a genuine threat to modern Russia, the fact that these questions are raised at all requires scholars of food to pay attention to Russia and scholars of Russia to view food as an important aspect of the country's history. Serious studies of food in the Soviet Union and under other socialist regimes are particularly worthy of attention since these socio-economic systems, paradoxically, were best known both for proclaiming an end to hunger and for presiding over chronic shortages if not outright famines.
32
ABBAS, ALI HAIF. "EVIDENTIALITY IN PUTIN'S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON TERRORISM." Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no. 28 (August 6, 2017): 681–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss28.33.
Full textAbstract:
This research attempts to study evidentiality through analysing some selected quotations of Vladimir Putin's political speeches on terrorism. Violence crisis has been escalated since 2013 and till now in Iraq and Syria due to the emergence of different terrorist organisations. It is extremely important to know the reasons behind the growth and development of terrorism in recent years. If one takes the definitions which dealt with terrorism in the world, he/she can find that there is no fixed definition to terrorism. What is considered a terrorist in some countries is considered a fighter (mujahid) in others. Thus, killing thousands of Iraqis from the point of view of some states is resistance and Jihad, while these same actions are classified as "terrorist acts" when implemented in other countries. The financing of terrorist groups is behind the continuation of the terrorist-brutal operations on innocent civilians. The study aims at understanding the concept of evidentiality and its role in political discourse analysis. The study also aims to make everything clear to the public regarding the reasons which led to the emergence of terrorist organisations and the countries that support them based on the facts which Putin will present through his speeches. In order to achieve the aims, the study offers two hypotheses: Putin is certain from his information sources regarding the countries which finance the terrorists. Putin also uses different evidentials to reinforce the accuracy of his information. The study introduces the concept of evidentiality, its approaches, and significance in detail. In order to solve the problem of the study and achieve its aims, the researcher adopted two models: Chafe (1986) and Mushin (2001). Based on the analysis of data, the study explored that there are countries clearly support and finance terrorists, and Putin uses different evidential markers to reinforce the sources of his information. The study addresses these countries to stop financing terrorists
33
Hong, Sogu. "Ukrainian Cultural Resistance on Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine." East European and Balkan Institute 47, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 39–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.39.
Full textAbstract:
This study explains that the Russia-Ukraine War is a culture war. The essay “On the historical relationship between Russians and Ukrainians” published by Putin on July 12, 2021 reflects Putin’s historical and cultural views, denying Ukraine’s independent historical, national, and cultural identity. Based on Putin's view of history, this study will discuss how the Russian military is carrying out 'erasing Ukrainian culture' and how Ukrainians are preserving their cultural heritage and identity. As a case study, I also introduce how the public and artists in various cultural spheres of Ukraine are culturally resisting the Russian invasion. Analyzing the cases of Ukrainian resistance in folk culture, street art, music and song, this study explains the impact of the Russian invasion on Ukrainian culture.
34
Rukhadze, Vasili, and Glen Duerr. "Sovereignty issues in the Caucasus: contested ethnic and national identities in Chechnya, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 48 (August 2, 2016): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2016.003.
Full textAbstract:
Sovereignty issues in the Caucasus: contested ethnic and national identities in Chechnya, Abkhazia, and South OssetiaThe issue of sovereignty has been at the forefront of regional politics in the Caucasus since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. In particular, the Russian government has approached various—seemingly similar cases—in very different ways. Although each specific region examined—Chechnya, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia—is unique, the nature of ethnic and national identity has been framed differently by the Russian government. In Chechnya, the Putin administration has framed any outstanding separatist claims in conjunction with terrorism and national security issues. In Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the Putin administration has instead noted the need for “liberation.” The outcome has been to stifle secessionist desires in Chechnya, while supporting those same secessionist desires outside of Russia’s borders, in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Kwestia suwerenności na Kaukazie: kontestowane tożsamości etniczne i narodowe w Czeczenii, Abchazji i Osetii PołudniowejKwestia suwerenności wysunęła się na czołowe miejsce w polityce regionalnej na Kaukazie z chwilą rozpadu Związku Sowieckiego w 1991 roku. W istocie rząd rosyjski do poszczególnych, pozornie podobnych, przypadków podszedł w odmienny sposób. Aczkolwiek każdy z interesujących nas tutaj regionów – Czeczenia, Abchazja i Osetia Południowa – jest unikatowy, to charakter tożsamości etnicznej i narodowej został ujęty przez rząd rosyjski w inne ramy. W Czeczenii administracja Putina wiązała wysuwane tam roszczenia separatystyczne z terroryzmem i kwestiami bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Z kolei w Abchazji i Osetii Południowej Rosja dostrzegła potrzebę „wyzwolenia”. W efekcie nastąpiło stłumienie aspiracji do secesji w Czeczenii, podczas gdy poza granicami Rosji, w Abchazji i Osetii Południowej, te same dążenia secesjonistyczne zyskały sobie poparcie.
35
Pisestyani, Herwin, Mirnawati Sudarwanto, Retno Wulansari, and Afton Atabany. "Data Dasar Perancangan Alat Celup Puting sesuai dengan Bentuk Puting Sapi Perah di Jawa Barat." Acta VETERINARIA Indonesiana 5, no. 2 (September 20, 2018): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/avi.5.2.89-97.
Full textAbstract:
Tujuan penelitian ini adalah membuat data dasar mengenai ukuran puting sapi perah peranakan Frisien Holstein di Jawa Barat. Data digunakan sebagai acuan untuk merancang bangun prototipe alat celup puting sesuai dengan bentuk puting dan kondisi peternakan sapi perah di Indonesia. Penelitian dirancang menggunakan kajian lapang lintas seksional. Data diperoleh dengan cara pengukuran bentuk eksterior puting pada 324 ekor sapi perah dalam masa laktasi normal. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa puting bagian depan memiliki rerata lebih panjang dibandingkan dengan puting bagian belakang, berturut turut panjang puting Kanan depan/KaD (6,11 ± 1,42 cm), Kiri depan/KiD (6,11 ± 1,48 cm), Kanan belakang/KaB (4,94 ± 1,37 cm), dan Kiri belakang/KiB (4,88 ± 1,41 cm). Setiap peningkatan umur laktasi menyebabkan panjang puting dari semua kuartir mengalami pertambahan ukuran, dan peningkatan yang signifikan terjadi pada laktasi ke-6 (P<0,05), kecuali pada puting KaB tidak menunjukkan perubahan yang signifikan (P>0,05). Rerata lingkar puting hampir sama pada seluruh kuartir, yaitu 7,66 ± 1,45 cm (KaD), 7,70 ± 1,49 cm (KiD), 7,13 ± 1,38 (KaB), dan 7,07 ± 1,46 (KiB). Rerata lingkar puting juga mengalami pertambahan ukuran seiring dengan bertambahnya umur laktasi. Peningkatan rata-rata lingkar puting secara signifikan terjadi pada umur laktasi ke-5 (P<0,05). Jarak antara puting kanan dan kiri bagian depan lebih lebar (8,08 ± 2,97 cm) dibandingkan dengan jarak antara puting kanan dan kiri bagian belakang (3,02 ± 2,54 cm). Jarak antara puting depan belakang bagian kanan (7,38 ± 2,56 cm) memiliki rerata yang hampir sama dengan jarak antar puting depan belakang bagian kiri (7,27 ± 2,54 cm). Puting depan memiliki jarak yang lebih dekat dengan lantai dibandingkan dengan puting belakang, dengan perbedaan jarak sebesar 0,97 cm.
36
Brunning, Halina, Sheila White, and Claudia Nagel. "Psychoanalytic reflections on the war in Ukraine." Organisational and Social Dynamics 22, no. 2 (December 19, 2022): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33212/osd.v22n2.2022.226.
Full textAbstract:
This article, by three authors, Halina Brunning, Sheila White, and Claudia Nagel, reflects on the war in Ukraine that began on 24 February 2022 with an invasion by Russian troops and the events of the following four months. It attempts to capture this period in time and reflects on it in three different ways. The article begins by describing how this collaborative piece of work emerged from an event run by An Organisation for Promoting Understanding of Society (OPUS) and was followed up by an International Society for the Psychoanalytic Study of Organizations (ISPSO) group, with the aim of discussing the war and sharing thoughts and feelings about it. The body of the article is in three distinct parts. Halina Brunning presents personal reflections to offer a collage of cruelty and heroism, thereby painting a rich picture of the scenes witnessed. Sheila White gives theoretical insights into the war, specifically Putin's actions, based on her research into workplace bullying. Claudia Nagel analyses Putin's behaviour from a psychoanalytic group perspective applying the basic assumption mode victimism/supremacism. The conclusion brings together the three strands of the article to agree that from a psychoanalytic perspective Putin will not stop by himself, yet not losing hope is key to survival and reconnection in a humane way.
37
Abbasov, Namig, and Emil A. Souleimanov. "Putin als Pyrrhos." osteuropa 70, no. 6 (2020): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/oe-2020-0042.
Full text
38
Russell, John. "Ramzan Kadyrov: The Indigenous Key to Success in Putin's Chechenization Strategy?" Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 659–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230605.
Full textAbstract:
On 15 February 2007 Vladimir Putin accepted the resignation of Alu Alkhanov as President of Chechnya and nominated the Chechen prime minister—Ramzan Kadyrov—to act as his successor. This appointment, duly rubber-stamped by Chechnya's parliament, brought to an end to more than four months of speculation since 5 October 2006, when Kadyrov attained the age of 30 and thus became eligible for the post of Chechnya's head of state. Kadyrov's elevation to de jure rather than de facto supremacy in Chechen society not only completed the final stage of the remarkably rapid transformation of this one-time rebel, juvenile thug and political ingénue but also put Putin's policy of Chechenization firmly back on track, which had been effectively derailed since the assassination of Chechnya's first pro-Russian president—Akhmad Kadyrov—Ramzan's father, in May 2004.
39
Beale, Matthew. "Brand Putin: an Analysis of Vladimir Putin’s Projected Images. Primary tabs View(active tab) Edit." Defence Strategic Communications 5, no. 1 (December 2018): 129–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30966/2018.riga.5.4.
Full text
40
Nessya millenia putri and Yulrina Ardhiyanti. "Midwifery Care for Postpartum Mothers with Cracked Nipples Using Olive Oil at PMB Siti Julaeha, S. Tr, Pekanbaru City Keb in 2021." Jurnal Kebidanan Terkini (Current Midwifery Journal) 2, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25311/jkt/vol2.iss1.566.
Full textAbstract:
Puting susu lecet merupakan salah satu masalah dalam menyusui yang disebabkan oleh kesalahan teknik menyusui yang benar. Puting susu lecet dapat dicegah dengan melakukan teknik menyusui yang benar dan perawatan payudara. Dari studi pendahuluan di PMB Siti Julaeha terdapat 6 orang ibu nifas belum mengetahui cara menyusui yang benar dan perawatan payudara ketika mengalami puting susu lecet karena kurangnya informasi mengatasi puting susu lecet. Tujuannya yaitu untuk melakukan asuhan kebidanan pada ibu nifas secara menyeluruh dan berkesinambungan melalui pendekatan manajemen serta mendokumentasikan asuhan yang telah diberikan dengan pendokumentasian SOAP. Metode yang digunakan adalah studi kasus, dilaksanakan di PMB Siti Julaeha pada tanggal 5-12 Juni 2021. Hasilnya yaitu pada kunjungan pertama ibu dalam keadaan puting susu lecet dan kunjungan kedua kedua puting susu sudah mulai mengering. Disimpulkan bahwa perubahan menggunakan minyak zaitun setelah dilakukannya asuhan mengalami penyembuhan pada puting susu lecet. Disarankan perlunya ada konseling cara menyusui yang benar dan perawatan payudara dari kehamilan sampai nifas dengan menggunakan poster atau banner.
41
Hansen, Flemming Splidsboel. "Putin." Nordisk Østforum 35 (2021): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/noros.v35.3226.
Full text
42
Stovickova, Zina. "‘Model Putin Forever’. A Critical Discourse Analysis on Vladimir Putin’s Portrayal in Czech Online News Media." Central European Journal of Communication 14, no. 1(28) (June 21, 2021): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51480/1899-5101.14.1(28).3.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the Czech online news media representation of Vladimir Putin during three presidential elections (American of 2016, Czech and Russian of 2018). The portrayal of the Russian leader is examined using the methods of the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), mainly by the approach formulated by Teun van Dijk. The results showed a negatively biased portrayal of the president, Russian policy and the country itself, which corresponds with the historical-political context of the Czech-Russian relations, and which is in accordance with the Western media discourse. Applying the methods of global coherence revealed that the overarching theme of the coverage is Putin’s efforts to re-establish Russia as the global power and to restore the binary world as it was during the Cold war, while the methods of local coherence disclosed many implications, categorizations and the ubiquitous sarcasm and negativity in most of the texts.
43
Campbell, Adrian, and Elena Denezhkina. "From project Putin to brand Putin." Celebrity Studies 8, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 318–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2017.1311511.
Full text
44
Fitriani, Fenny. "PENGELOMPOKAN DATA ANGIN PUTING BELIUNG DENGAN MENGGUNAKAN LVQ." WAHANA 66, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36456/wahana.v66i1.484.
Full textAbstract:
Pada tahun 2007, Puslitbang - BMKG merintis kegiatan kerja kajian cuaca ekstrim (Puslitbang, 2007). Dalam penelitian tersebut, didapatkan basis data cuaca ekstrim yang berdampak buruk terhadap sektor kehidupan masyarakat. Salah satu dampak tersebut adalah munculnya angin puting beliung yang terjadi di beberapa daerah. Penelitian akan pengelompokan data terjadinya angin puting beliung dapat membantu penelitian selanjutnya untuk digunakan sebagai dasar pembentukan suatu pola perkiraan terjadinya angin puting beliung. Pengelompokan data apda penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan salah satu algoritma yang ada di jaringan syaraf tiruan, yaitu learning vector quantization (LVQ). Data yang diolah dalam penelitian ini merupakan data cuaca yang terjadi pada persekitaran terjadinya puting beliung. Data yang didapatkan dinormalkan dahulu, lalu diolah dengan algoritma. Hasil pengolahan dengan LVQ ini diharapkan dapat membentuk suatu pola yang bisa digunakan untuk dijadikan pedoman dalam pengolahan data angin puting beliung pada penelitian lebih lanjut.
Keywords: LVQ, jaringan syaraf tiruan, puting beliung, data kejadian.
45
Rudnik, Filip. "Współkonstruując Putina." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 4 (August 21, 2020): 283–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.4.13.
Full text
46
Carlbäck, Helene. "Putins Rusland." Nordisk Østforum 36, no. 2022 (2022): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/noros.v36.3513.
Full text
47
Neni Riyanti and Ayu Lindasari. "FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG BERHUBUNGAN DENGAN PENGETAHUAN IBU NIFAS TENTANG PERAWATAN PAYUDARA." Jurnal Kesehatan : Jurnal Ilmiah Multi Sciences 10, no. 01 (June 1, 2020): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52395/jkjims.v10i01.306.
Full textAbstract:
Latar belakang:Perawatan payudara yang tidak dilakukan pada masa postpartum dapat mengakibatkan berbagai masalah pada ibu. Beberapa masalah yang terjadi jika tidak melakukan perawatan payudara pada ibu postpartum antara lain pembengkakan payudara, saluran susu tersumbat,infeksi pada payudara, puting tertarik kedalam dan putingh susu lecet .Tujuan: penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor yang berhubungan dengan pengetahuan ibu nifas tentang perawatan payudara. Metode: penelitian pada bulan Agustus sampai Oktober 2019, menggunakan Survey Analitik dengan pendekatan Crosssectional. Sampel dalam penelitian ini adalah ibu nifas yang dirawat yang berjumlah 34 responden. Teknik pengambilan sampel menggunakan Accidental sampling. Analisis data dengan analisis univariat dan analisis bivariat dengan menggunakan uji Chi-Square. Hasil: Hasil analisis bivariat adalah tidak ada hubungan antara pendidikan dengan pengetahuan ibu nifas tentang perawatan payudara dengan nilai (P.value0,707> α = 0,05). ada hubungan antara paritas (P.value0,008 ≤ α = 0,05), pekerjaan (P.value0,002 ≤ α = 0,05) dengan perawatan payudara pada ibu nifas. Saran: Diharapkan pada petugas kesehatan dapat meningkatkan pelayanan dalam memberikan informasi seperti penyuluhan dan konseling mengenai perawatan payudara sehinnga responden dapat memperoleh pengetahuan yang baik tentang perawatan payudara.
48
Willerton, John P. "Russian Public Assessments of the Putin Policy Program: Achievements and Challenges." Russian Politics 1, no. 2 (June 20, 2016): 131–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24518921-00102002.
Full textAbstract:
Attention is given to Russian public assessments of President Vladimir Putin, important political actors of the Putin period, and major policy areas that are at the heart of the governing Putin team’s programmatic agenda (as of the second Putin presidency, 2012–18). The intention is (1) to assess the level of support for President Putin, key political actors comprising the Putin team, other governmental institutions and a leading rival, (2) to determine the level of congruence between the preferences of the Putin team and the Russian public regarding major policies intended to strengthen the Russian state and to modernize the Russian society, and (3) to evaluate Russian public assessments of the work of the Putin team in actually addressing these overriding goals. It is found that Russians’ positive assessment of Vladimir Putin, Russia’s paramount leader, is juxtaposed with more middling assessments of all other actors, excepting opposition figure Aleksei Navalny, who is poorly viewed. A strong congruence is found between the Putin team’s policy priorities and those of the Russian public, but public assessments of the Putin team’s performance across specific policies are mixed and reveal areas where that team has been both successful and come up short. Results of the October 2014 romir public opinion survey indicate that Putin and his team are well-positioned and that their overall policy performance is acceptable, but policy soft spots and points of concern are revealed: this suggests continuing challenges for the Putin team in delivering a program accommodating the preferences of an aware domestic public. It is argued that Putin’s position as a paramount leader redounds to his governing team’s advantage, but this position also represents a profound dilemma for the Russian political system.
49
Rusmala, Iga. "Identification of the Puting Beliung Event by Utilizing the Interpretations of Radar Products and Himawari-8 Weather Satellite (Case Study: Puting Beliung Incident, November 22, 2018 in Jakarta)." Jurnal Meteorologi dan Geofisika 23, no. 3 (June 14, 2022): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31172/jmg.v23i3.799.
Full textAbstract:
<em>Indonesia was shocked again by a Puting beliung or tornado-like incident on November 22, 2018, in the Jakarta area. This incident caused many losses. In this regard, a study was conducted to observe the reflectivity products to identifiy the hook echo or bow echo patterns, and the velocity products for mesocyclone patterns as the characteristic of the Puting Beliung used radar product. The study required the Cengkareng C-Band raw data radar that was processed to produce CMAX, VCUT, and CAPPI (V) at 0.5 km, 1.0 km, and 1.5 km elevations overlay by HWIND. The CMAX and VCUT radar products are used to identify the cloud structure that caused Puting Beliung, by observed the highest reflectivity of the Puting Beliung-producing clouds. Then the CAPPI product overlay by HWIND is used to identify the movement of the wind which is suspected to be the beginning of the formation of a Puting Beliung at that location which is characterized by the presence of a mesocyclone pattern in the form of wind components and radial velocity. It was suspected that there was a wind rotating in the Central Jakarta area which indicated a Puting Beliung in the area. The analysis of this radar interpretation was then validated using satellite imagery to detect the cumulonimbus clouds forming the Puting Beliung. From this research, it is known that the Puting Beliung occurred around 08.12 UTC. The growth of cyclone-producing clouds occurred rapidly with a reflectivity value between 35 - 45 dBZ and wind speed up to 35 knots. Analysis of satellite imagery showed a significant decrease in cloud peak temperature so that the formation of convective clouds in the form of Cumulonimbus clouds indicates the phenomenon of the Puting Beliung. However, in this case study the Puting Beliung phenomenon is indicated as seen from the mesocyclone pattern of the rotating radial velocity component, and not from the hook echo or bow echo pattern.</em>
50
Lestari, Rini Hayu, and Eka Aprilia. "ASUHAN KEBIDANAN PADA IBU BERSALIN DENGAN RANGSANGAN PUTING SUSU DI BPM LILIK KUSTONO DIWEK JOMBANG." STRADA JURNAL ILMIAH KESEHATAN 6, no. 2 (November 29, 2017): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30994/sjik.v6i2.7.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRAK
Pendahuluan: Proses persalinan normal ditentukan oleh tiga faktor utama, yaitu power (his dan tenaga mengejan), passanger (janin, plasenta dan selaput ketuban) dan passage (jalan lahir). Ketiga faktor utama ini sangat menetukan jalannya persalinan. Upaya untuk meningkatkan kontraksi dapat dilakukan secara farmakologis dan non farmakologis. Salah satu upaya untuk menigkatkan kontraksi non farmakologis yaitu dengan stimulasi puting susu. WHO memperkirakan 70% mengalami peningkatan kontraksi uterus setelah dilakukan stimulasi dan 30% tidak mengalami peningkatan karena kurangnya penanganan gerakan putar-putar puting susu. Dinas Kesehatan Jawa Timur melaporkan adanya peningkatan karena rangsangan puting susu sebesar 29 orang atau 380/100.000 kelahiran hidup pada tahun 2010. Laporan studi kasus ini bertujuan untuk melaksanakan asuhan kebidanan pada ibu bersalin dengan rangsangan puting susu di BPM Lilik Kustono, Amd.Keb Desa Ceweng. Metode: Jenis penelitian studi kasus, lokasi studi kasus di BPM Lilik Kustono, Amd.Keb Desa Ceweng Kecamatan Diwek Kabupaten Jombang. Subjek kasus pada ibu bersalin fisiologi multigravida. Hasil: Setelah dilakukan asuhan kebidanan pada ibu inpartu kala I fase aktif yang diberikan rangsangan puting susu selama 2 menit didapat bahwa kedua pasien mengalami penambahan intensitas kontraksi uterus. Dari 2 kali dalam 10 menit 30 detik menjadi 2 kali dalam 10 menit 50 detik. Ibu dapat bersalin dengan normal tanpa ada komplikasi. Keadaan ibu dan bayi baik. Pembahasan: Kesimpulan yang didapat dari kedua pasien bahwa stimulasi puting susu hanya meningkatkan intensitas kontraksi uterus tetapi tidak cukup kuat untuk meningkatkan frekuensi nya. Diharapkan untuk kehamilan selanjutnya pasien dapat menggunakan rangsangan puting susu sebagai salah satu upaya untuk meningkatkan kontraksi.
Kata Kunci: Persalinan, Rangsangan Puting Susu, Kontraksi