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1
Bhatti, Muhammad Nawaz. "Politics of Water Resource Management in the Indus River Basin: A Study of the Partition of Punjab." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (November 14, 2020): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.6.
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The British Government of India divided the Muslim majority province of Punjab into Eastern and Western Punjab. But the partition line was drawn in a manner that headworks remained in India and irrigated land in Pakistan. The partition of Punjab was not scheduled in the original plan of the division of India. Why was it partitioned? To answer this question, the study in the first instance tries to explore circumstances, reasons, and conspiracies which led to the partition of Punjab which led to the division of the canal irrigation system and secondly, the impact of partition on water resource management in the Indus River Basin. Descriptive, historical, and analytical methods of research have been used to draw a conclusion. The study highlights the mindset of Indian National Congress to cripple down the newly emerging state of Pakistan that became a root cause of the partition of Punjab. The paper also highlights why India stopped water flowing into Pakistan on 1st April 1948 and the analysis also covers details about the agreement of 4th May 1948 and its consequences for Pakistan.
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Tan, Tai Yong. "Assuaging the Sikhs: Government Responses to the Akali Movement, 1920–1925." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 3 (July 1995): 655–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014037.
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In 1920, Sikhs in the Punjab started a campaign aimed at freeing their principal gurdwaras (temples) from the control of their hereditary incumbents. The campaign quickly gathered momentum, and, within a few months, it developed into a non-violent anti-government movement. Unlike the rather shortlived 1919 Disturbances and the Non-Cooperation-Khilafat movement in the Punjab, the Sikh agitation, which came to be known as the Akali movement, did not cease until 1925 and caused considerable concern to the Punjab authorities, as well as the Government of India. The Akali movement was not limited, as in past cases of anti-British agitation involving the Sikhs, to small groups of disaffected Sikhs, returned emigrants, or Congress sympathizers; at its height in 1922, the unrest encompassed the bulk of central Punjab's Jat Sikh peasantry, one of the most militarized sections of Punjabi society. The Sikh community's martial traditions, fostered by their religious doctrines and culture, had been kept alive during British rule by the recruitment policies of the Indian Army, where, in 1920, one in every fourteen adult male Sikhs in the Punjab was in service. This meant that the abiding allegiance of the Sikh community to the Raj was a matter of considerable importance, and their estrangement, especially that of the Jat Sikh peasantry, would adversely affect the Sikh regiments of the Indian Army. It also meant that if the community as a whole was provoked into open rebellion, British hold on the Punjab could well nigh prove untenable.
3
Kumar, Ashutosh. "Electoral Politics in Indian Punjab." South Asia Research 37, no. 1 (January 30, 2017): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728016675528.
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The forthcoming Assembly elections in Punjab in early 2017 indicate signs of a new phase in the electoral history of this state, largely dominated earlier by various political alliances headed by the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) under Jat Sikh leadership. Presented within the wider Indian electoral landscape, this article offers an analytical overview of Punjab’s electoral politics as it has evolved since partition from the vantage point of SAD. It is argued that there are several good reasons why traditional SAD domination and style of leadership are presently being challenged through a combination of new political actors and, significantly, changing awareness among a very diverse electorate about what to expect from any government one elects.
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Singh, Surinder. "Farmers’ Movement in Punjab: Consciousness and Politics." Sikh Research Journal 6, no. 2 (December 18, 2021): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.62307/srj.v6i2.54.
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The paper argues that the leaders in the ongoing farmers’ movement in India are playing a decisive role in raising consciousness among farmers and agricultural labourers, including influencing them to assert their rights in the political scenario at the level of state as well as the centre. The rising consciousness and fear of land1 seizure are prompting the farmers' collective fight against privatization in the agricultural sector and anti-farmers policies of the central government. Although a pre-existing consciousness has played a vital role in initiating the movement, the movement itself has heightened much consciousness among farmers and farm workers. Their raised consciousness and mobilization for the movement has also forced agriculture related issues on the agendas of various political parties at all levels of politics. Thus, the paper discusses the various ways in which the farmers’ organizations have raised farmers and farm labourers’ consciousness that has motivated them to participate in formal politics which has far-reaching consequences for Indian democracy. Because the movement is ongoing, the analysis, thus far, is preliminary and consequently, exploratory in nature.
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Kanval, Mamoona, Dr Ruqia Kulsoom, and Dr. Gull-i-Hina. "WOMEN PARTICIPATION INTO THE AGITATIONAL POLITICS: A CASE STUDY OF LAHORE AND PESHAWAR." Journal of Arts & Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46662/jass.v9i2.286.
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Freedom Movement had been explored by many scholars since independence from multiple dimensions. The role of women into freedom movement remained less explored due to focus on overall all India politics. The purpose of study is to explore detailed role of the Muslim women in civil disobedience movement of 1946 and their contribution in strengthening demand for Pakistan. the study is qualitative which is based on archival sources to get first hand information about the topic. The research reveals active participation of women in civil disobedience in Punjab and NWFP which was far ahead of their time. They came out of seclusion and participated in agitation and even offered arrests. Their participation built and enhanced pressure over the then provincial governments.
Key words:
Civil disobedience, Women politics, Punjab, NWFP
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Tan, Tai Yong. "Maintaining the Military Districts: Civil—Military Integration and District Soldiers' Boards in the Punjab, 1919–1939." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (October 1994): 833–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012555.
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The vital importance of the Indian Army as the guardian of the imperial order in India was never more evident than during the interwar years. The period from 1919 to the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 was a testing time for the Raj; state authority was being challenged by a mounting nationalist movement, and public order was frequently disrupted by civil disobedience campaigns, as well as recurrent outbreaks of communal violence. In maintaining public order the colonial state had always been prepared to rely on that ultimate guarantee of its authority and power–the Indian Army. However, in frequent discussions of the deployment of the military in 'aid of civil power', the continued loyalty of the bulk of the army the Indian soldiers and officers, was never questioned, and seemed to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the Army Headquarters were well awar that the 'loyalty' of the Army could never be guaranteed, and that it was conditional upon a stable and pacified recruiting base; if that base were to be 'subverted', then the Indian Army, or portions of it, would not only cease to be of use as an instrument of state power, but could ultimately pose a threat to the Raj itself
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Rey-Schirr, Catherine. "The ICRC's activities on the Indian subcontinent following partition (1947–1949)." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 323 (June 1998): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400091026.
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In 1945, at the end of the Second World War, the British government clearly stated its intention of granting independence to India.The conflict between the British and the Indian nationalists receded into the background, while the increasing antagonism between Hindus and Muslims came to the fore. The Hindus, centred round the Congress Party led by Jawaharlal Nehru, wanted to maintain the unity of India by establishing a government made up of representatives of the two communities. The Muslims, under the banner of the Muslim League and its President, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, demanded the creation of a separate Muslim State, Pakistan. The problem was further complicated by the fact that the approximately 300 million Hindus, 6 million Sikhs and 100 million Muslims in British India were not living in geographically distinct regions, especially in Punjab and Bengal, where the population was mixed.
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Sahni, Bhishma, and Uma Thukral Kapoor. "Ya llegamos a Amritsar (अमृतसर आ गया है)." Estudios de Asia y África 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 755–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v49i3.2083.
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Bhishma Sahni भीष्मसाहनी (8 de agosto de 1915-11 de julio de 2003) fue un escritor en hindi, políglota, dramaturgo y actor, famoso por su novela Tamas (oscuridad), que le mereció, en 1975, el Premio Sahitya Akademi de literatura y que, en 1987, fue llevada a la pantalla grande por Govind Nihalani.¹ Fue galardonado con el Padma Bhushan² en 1998 y el Sahitya Akademi Fellowship en 2002, por su larga y destacada trayectoria en literatura. Era hermano del notable actor de teatro y cine hindi Balraj Sahni. Nació en Rawalpindi (ahora en Pakistán). Obtuvo una maestría en inglés en el Government College, Lahore (Pakistán) y también asistió al Khalsa College, en Amritsar (india). Se unió a la lucha por la independencia y fue encarcelado por su participación en el movimiento de Gandhi “Quit India” (¡Ingleses, váyanse de India!) en 1942. A causa de la partición de india, en 1947, él y su familia punjabi hindú fueron obligados a mudarse a Amritsar, estado de Punjab. En 1950, comenzó a trabajar como profesor de inglés en Delhi College de la Universidad de Delhi (India).
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Malik, Iftikhar H. "Identity Formation and Muslim Party Politics in the Punjab, 1897-1936:." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1995): 293–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012749.
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Ongoing volatile political activism in the Indian Punjab, embodying an armed guerrilla warfare, inter-religious dissensions and severe official retaliatory policies, is a microcosm of a pervasive governability crisis in entire South Asia. The dilemma, with all its intensity, is the culmination of various parallel political processes in currency for almost one century. While the state, both colonial and post-colonial, may conveniently and simplistically perceive it as a mere administrative prblem or, at the most, an enduring communal disharmony fostered by hazy ideas,1 its very endurance warrants a serious review of numerous crucial denominators. Politicized ethnicity, largely banking on religious and similar other primordial factors, has received added momentum from interaction with a sterilized and elitist state structure in the wake of vital demographic changes and diasporic quest for identity. Neighbouring Pakistani Punjab exhibited a profile in political defiance for the entire period of Benazir Bhutto's premiership when her Pakistan People's Party (PPP) confronted a formidable opposition from the provincial government of the Islamic Democratic Alliance (IDA/IJI). It eventually catapulted Mian Nawaz Sharif into premiership.2 Such an increased political activism in the grain basket of the sub-continent may pose a perplexing issue for those to whom the province since early times has been a conformist, centrist and pro-establishment area when it came to its relationship with Indiawide movements all the way from the stormy events of 1857 to the 1980s Quest
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FULLER, C. J. "Anthropologists and Viceroys: Colonial knowledge and policy making in India, 1871–1911." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (October 13, 2015): 217–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000037.
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AbstractThe anthropology of caste was a pivotal part of colonial knowledge in British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Denzil Ibbetson and Herbert Risley, then the two leading official anthropologists, both made major contributions to the study of caste, which this article discusses. Ibbetson and Risley assumed high office in the imperial government in 1902 and played important roles in policy making during the partition of Bengal (1903–5) and the Morley-Minto legislative councils reforms (1906–9); Ibbetson was also influential in deciding Punjab land policy in the 1890s. Contemporary policy documents, which this article examines, show that the two men's anthropological knowledge had limited influence on their deliberations. Moreover, caste was irrelevant to their thinking about agrarian policy, the promotion of Muslim interests, and the urban, educated middle class, whose growing nationalism was challenging British rule. No ethnographic information was collected about this class, because the scope of anthropology was restricted to ‘traditional’ rural society. At the turn of the twentieth century, colonial anthropological knowledge, especially about caste, had little value for the imperial government confronting Indian nationalism, and was less critical in constituting the Indian colonial state than it previously had been.
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Vohra, Jyoti, and Pavleen Soni. "How do Indian mothers use feeding practices with children?" Journal of Children's Services 11, no. 4 (December 19, 2016): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcs-02-2016-0004.
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Purpose The undesirable effects of TV advertisements and general parenting responsibility propel mothers to monitor and control the eating habits of children through meal time actions and feeding practices. The purpose of this paper is to identify feeding practices used by Indian mothers through the Comprehensive Feeding Practices Questionnaire (CFPQ) developed by Musher-Eizenman and Holub (2007) and to investigate differences in the use of feeding practices across demographic variables. Design/methodology/approach Using a cross-sectional design, a structured and pre-tested questionnaire was used to collect data from 473 mothers of children aged four to 11 years from Punjab (India). Data were analysed using exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and ANOVA. Findings The present study confirms the validity and reliability of the nine-factor model through CFA with 28 items in the Indian context than original CFPQ. Further, significant differences exist in the responses of mothers for feeding practices followed with children across age and gender of child, mother’s education status and monthly family income. Practical implications Parents may understand the nature of feeding practices to mediate unhealthy food consumption habits of children. The government should formulate codes or regulations to sufficiently monitor food marketing activities directed at children. The food marketing companies should also act responsibly to protect well-being of children. Originality/value This piece of research is important as no such study (to the best of researchers’ knowledge) has already been conducted in India even though dietary patterns of children are transforming tremendously.
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Rahmawati, Rahmawati, Nor Huda, and Otoman Otoman. "PERAN MAHMUD GHAZNI TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN PERADABAN ISLAM, 388-421 H/ 998-1030 M." Tanjak: Sejarah dan Peradaban Islam 1, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/tanjak.v1i2.9373.
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The topic of this research needs to be investigated because at that time there were many events related to the description of the struggle of many Islamic figures in advancing Islam, especially Mahmud Ghazni. During the reign of Mahmud Ghazni Islamic civilization experienced rapid progress and during the reign of Mahmud Ghazni much progress in the fields of education and the economy. Mahmud Ghazni was a man who controlled Islam and had a lot of influence and power during wars and often won over his enemies until the caliph Al-Qadir Billah gave him the title Yamin addaulah which means people who are trusted by the government and Amin Addaulah which means trusted by the government. Mahmud Ghazni is known as a pious person and has a strong promise in the field of science and development. The problems discussed in this study are as follows. First, what is the general picture of the Ghaznavid dynasty in Islamic history? Second, how was the development of the Ghaznawiyah dynasty during the reign of Mahmud Ghazni? Third, what is the strategy used by Mahmud Ghazni in advancing Islamic civilization? In this study, the type of research used is qualitative research that relies on library materials that are relevant to the research theme, while the method used is historical research, which seeks to find out and make a systematic and objective reconstruction of past history related to the role of Mahmud Ghazni on the development of Islamic civilization (388-421 H / 998-1030 AD), by collecting, evaluating strong evidence to establish facts and get strong conclusions. The results of the research in this study are first, Alpataqin was the pioneer of the founding of the Ghaznawiyah Dynasty, while Sabuktaqin was able to form an established dynasty power and a wide area so that it was later recognized by Baghdad. Second, the government of the Ghaznawiyah dynasty experienced glory during the reign of Mahmud Ghazni who ruled for approximately 34 years. Its power can be used to expand its territory to reach the territory of India, to successfully conquer Peshawar, Kashmir, and Bathinda in 391-394 H/1001-1004 AD. Punjab was controlled in 1006 AD, Kangra in 1009, Baluchistan in 402-403 H. /1011-1012 AD, then Delhi in 405-406 H/1014-1015 AD. The vast territory and abundant sources of wealth make this country's economy very strong, so that it can be used for the prosperity of the country. First, Alpataqin was the pioneer of the founding of the Ghaznawiyah dynasty, while Sabuktaqin was able to form an established dynasty and a large area that was later recognized by Baghdad. Third, Mahmud Ghazni in advancing Islamic civilization in India, carried out several strategies to be able to achieve the heyday and progress of Islam. Mahmud Ghazni's strategy is to advance Islamic civilization in India by carrying out policies in the fields of politics and government, in the military field, carrying out several policies in the economic field as well as policies in the socio-cultural and religious fields.
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Langohr, Vickie. "Colonial Education Systems and the Spread of Local Religious Movements: The Cases of British Egypt and Punjab." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 1 (January 2005): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000071.
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Most education in the pre-colonial Middle East and South Asia was inextricably permeated by religion, in that it relied heavily on study or memorization of religious scriptures and rituals for the purpose of training believers, or on the use of religious texts or stories to teach ostensibly secular subjects such as geography or history. Colonial penetration of these areas introduced a new model of Western education, in which the curriculum was dominated by material whose truth claims were not based on religious faith, and which were not taught through the medium of religious texts. Religion, if allowed at all, was confined to discrete classes on the topic. This marginalization or exclusion of religious material did not necessarily mean that the resulting education was inexorably secular: Gauri Viswanathan has demonstrated that British educators in India circumvented policies forbidding the teaching of Christianity in government schools by creating English literature courses designed “to convey the message of the Bible.” In contrast to its predecessors, however, Western-style education was based on the conceptualization of religion as a discrete subject separate from and incapable of shedding reliable light upon worldly matters, and on the premise that it was mastery of these worldly matters, rather than knowledge of sacred scriptures and rituals, that would bring students success. In this model, religion would be understood “as a new historical object: anchored in personal experience, expressible as belief-statements, dependent on private institutions and practiced in one's spare time.”
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Willmer, David. "Women as Participants in the Pakistan Movement: Modernization and the Promise of a Moral State." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 3 (July 1996): 573–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016607.
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Photographs taken in Lahore in 1946–47 record the mass participation of women in the pro-Muslim League demonstrations against the Khizar Unionist government. This was the first such mass public mobilization of Muslim women anywhere in pre-independent India. The mobilization of women became a vital element in the League's tactics during the dramatic last months leading up to Independence and Partition. A small group of relatively emancipated female Muslim Leaguers from the Punjab who had been at the vanguard of the anti-Khizar demonstrations were also instrumental in mobilizing the unemancipated women of the North-West Frontier Province to protest against the Khan Sahib Congress ministry. This latter mobilization was evidently so successful that the British governor of the province, on seeing the crowds of burqa-clad women, was reported to have declared that ‘Pakistan is made’. It is perhaps no mere coincidence, then, that Jinnah made his statement about ‘awakening the political consciousness’ of Muslim women at the same session of the AIML at which the demand for Pakistan was made official League policy. The political awakening of Muslim women seemed to be inextricably linked to the struggle for a separate Muslim state in India. The question that this paper deals with, however, is whether in fact the Pakistan movement had a surplus of meaning for women over and above the nationalism of the Muslim League and why it was that many Muslim women were, in Begum Jahan Ara's words, ‘more impatient for Pakistan than men.’
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IVERMEE, ROBERT. "Shari'at and Muslim community in colonial Punjab, 1865–1885." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (April 22, 2013): 1068–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000164.
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AbstractThis paper argues that concerns for the government appointment of qazis, officers for the administration of Muslim law, and the greater application of shari'at critically shaped Muslim community formation in later nineteenth century Punjab. Between 1865 and 1885, Punjabi Muslim elites attested the necessity of qazis being appointed by government and Muslim law being administered in the colonial judicial system. With the support of Gottlieb Leitner, registrar of the Punjab University College, Muslim parties used the emergent associations of Punjab civil society, including the Anjuman-i-Punjab (Lahore) and Anjuman-i-Islam (Lahore), to assert the indispensability of religious law. In doing so, they challenged the Anglo-Indian decision to prioritize customary law in the Punjab and advanced the religious group as the basic social unit of Punjab society. In Punjab public spaces, the relevance of Islam was proclaimed, challenging the professed Anglo-Indian distinction between private and public, religious and secular spheres. However, demands for qazi appointment and the administration of shari'at problematize well-rehearsed arguments about the relationships between family, community, state and religion in colonial Punjab. Only through an enquiry into the two decades after 1865 may later political campaigns for the application of shari'at be understood.
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Ranjan, Amit. "Inter-State River Water Disputes in India: A Study of Water Disputes Between Punjab and Haryana." Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 830–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119873442.
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In its 10 November 2016 advisory opinion, the Supreme Court (SC) of India nullified the Punjab Termination of Agreement Act, 2004. This inter-State water sharing termination act of the Punjab government had challenged the constitutional authority of the Union government over the states. The SC looked at that dimension of the Punjab Termination of Agreement Act, 2004, and maintained the constitutional supremacy of the Union government over the states. This article discusses the federal water relationships in India, and then examines the river water disputes between the Indian states of Punjab and Haryana. The author argues that the growing inter-State water disputes in India have also challenged the federal constitutional arrangement which holds the primacy of the Union government over the State governments in matters relating to regulation and development of inter-State waters and river valleys.
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Kaur, Harpreet, and G. S. Bhalla. "Evaluating the resource use efficiency of government colleges in Punjab (India)." International Journal of Law and Management 60, no. 3 (May 14, 2018): 804–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-03-2017-0074.
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Purpose In the present era, government colleges in Punjab are facing cutthroat competition on three fronts, i.e. financial constraints and insufficiency of government grants, falling number of students and the shortage of teaching staff in the colleges because of stiff competition and other reasons. Thus, the purpose of this study is to evaluate the resource use efficiency of government colleges in Punjab. Design/methodology/approach The study covered 15 general degree government colleges from various districts of Punjab. Secondary data for the study were collected from financial budgets, income and expenditure statements and self study reports of the colleges. The data envelopment analysis was conducted using the CCR model and BCC model. Findings The technical efficiency results suggest that colleges analyzed in this study are operating at a moderate level of efficiency relative to each other. Most of the colleges were found to be inefficient during the study period. Only one college was found consistently efficient during all the years of the study. Moreover, input and output slacks exist in many of the colleges. Research limitations/implications To achieve the efficiency level, the colleges need to improve their utilization of resources and the enrollment rate at a given level of resources. To increase the efficiency of the colleges, the Government of India needs to reform their budgeting system. Originality/value Punjab is a well-known state of India and public higher education sector plays important role in the education system. This research provides a new insight to the efficiency of the government colleges.
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Singh, Jaspinder P., Neha Chaudhary, Kuldip Kumarm, and Ashok Chanana. "Hooch Tragedy in Majha Region of Punjab, India." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ETHICS, TRAUMA & VICTIMOLOGY 7, no. 01 (December 25, 2021): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18099/ijetv.v7i01.9.
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Due to rampant unemployment, the youth does not hesitate in engaging themselves in any work/job from where they can earn their livelihood. The underground trade of drug trafficking, drug peddling, and drug abuse is prevalent in this part of India for decades. This illicit trade affects the economy of the State and causes the physical, social, and mental degeneration of the persons consuming it. Recently about 150 people were affected after consuming illicit distilled spurious liquor in the Majha region of Punjab, and more than 100 people died due to it. Some of the cases were admitted to the hospital attached to Government Medical College, Amritsar. Out of these admitted cases, few of them succumbed to poisoning whose Forensic autopsies were conducted by the Department of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology, GMC, Amritsar. The meticulous autopsy findings and the scientific interpretation of the analysis of the detected methanol alone or along with ethyl alcohol reported by the chemical examiner to Punjab government led to the establishment of a definite cause of death which helped the investigating agencies in apprehending the people involved in these criminal activities.
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Dev, Kamal. "Institutional Arrangements to Enforce the Minimum Support Price (MSP) Policy Effectively in India: A Case Study of Wheat and Paddy Production in Punjab." Advances in Research 24, no. 5 (June 2, 2023): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/air/2023/v24i5959.
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The paper tries to examine the institutional arrangements to enforce the minimum support price (MSP) in India with a special reference to a highly agricultural-producing state, which is also known as the food bowl of India. The current study is based on the Punjab state which is an agriculturally rich state, here, paddy and wheat farmers suffered low losses as compared to other crop cultivators, but they are not separate from losses. These institutional arrangements to enforce the MSP policy examined by studying cost of Production, FHP, MSP, and crop procurement by the government agencies and their benefited farmers of wheat and paddy. The study calculated the percent change in over the period of 2012-13 to 2020-21 of costs data from the Directorate of Economics & Statistics (DES), and this study analysed the procurement data published by the Food Corporation of India (FCI) and the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare, Government of India. The percentage analysis is used as a statistical tool for this research, to access the effectiveness of MSP by its institutional arrangements that enforce the MSP effectively. The institutional arrangements to enforcement the MSP of wheat and paddy is found to be effective in Punjab. The MSP seeks to guarantee fair prices for the growers that promote greater investment and output of the produce. The result of the paper revealed that within the time being the cost of production, cost of cultivation, FHP, MSP, and government procurement of wheat and paddy is increasing, whereas the number of benefited farmers has not significantly increased. The findings of this research unravel that wheat and paddy growers of Punjab are getting supported largely due to effective procurement by the government at the MSP. Overall, at the state of Punjab the procurement of wheat and paddy by the government agencies such as FCI and state agencies is satisfactory, and conclude that the institutional arrangements for wheat and paddy procurement at MSP in Punjab is effective in nature.
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Asif, Nusrat. "Electoral Politics during 1951 Provincial Elections in the Punjab: A Progression of Authoritarian Legacy." Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, no. 3 (January 10, 2024): 692–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00098.
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This research paper explored electoral patterns in the Punjab after independence focusing on the first provincial elections of Punjab. Did the voters have any real choice? How was the religion card employed in the absence of non-Muslims? And how important were ethnic and geographical affiliations in a newly independent, conventional Punjab. How fluidity of displaced people affected the electoral behaviour and results. These important inquiries have important implications for the present scenario. Muslim League became a major political party and incumbent government during the early years of independence. The provincial election helped its splinter groups into new political parties. Victimhood, blaming, national unity, and the Kashmir issue were top trends in campaign rhetoric. Rural election campaigns focused on biradri, clan or village heads. Both male and female voter registration and vote casting still needed to improve. Muslim League was accused of using officials and rigging. Research noticed that the electoral reforms improved the election process while acceptance of election results could not make its place. Press lacked objectivity and the government imposed censorship on its critics. The Punjabi electors voted Muslim League as well as opposition with conventional thinking rejecting radical call against Muslim League, popular at that time in East Bengal. This article contributes to understanding early electoral behaviour of Punjab, particularly and the present scenario of elections in both Punjab and Pakistan in general.
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Singh, Lovepreet, and Mini Goyal. "Status of national agriculture market (eNAM) in Punjab." INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS AND STATISTICS 11, no. 2 (September 15, 2020): 118–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15740/has/irjaes/11.2/118-126.
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National Agriculture Market (eNAM) is a pan-India electronic trading portal which was introduced by the government of India in 585 Agriculture Produce Marketing Committees (APMCs) in 16 states and two Union Territories (UTs) till 31st March 2018. The mission of eNAM is to integrate all the APMCs across the country through common online platform to facilitate farmers so that they can earn high income by selling their produce anywhere in the country. There was slow but definite increase in the adoption of eNAM by the stakeholders in India as well as in Punjab. Still about 12 per cent of total APMCs of Punjab has been integrated with eNAM. Since the implementation of eNAM in Punjab total seven commodities viz., potato, Basmati, maize, kinnow, Moong dal, cotton and green peas are traded through it. So far more than two lakh farmers, nearly 1400 traders and 5000 plus commission agents registered with portal have traded commodities worth Rs. 3686 crore involving 12.61 lakh tone of agriculture produce. The government of Punjab is on the right direction by implementing the policy of “One Nation One Market” for agricultural produce because both the quantity and value of trade is increased during the year 2019-20 as compared to 2018-19. It certainly helps in strengthens the existing system of agriculture marketing.
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Sinha, Shreya. "The politics of markets: Farmer–trader relations under neoliberalism in Punjab, India." Journal of Agrarian Change 20, no. 2 (October 22, 2019): 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joac.12346.
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Sharma, Payal, and Jagwinder Singh Pandher. "Quality of teachers in technical higher education institutions in India." Higher Education, Skills and Work-Based Learning 8, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 511–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/heswbl-10-2017-0080.
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Purpose The quality of education depends upon the quality of teachers, i.e. professional competence. The purpose of this paper is to empirically identify the state of faculty’s quality in technical higher education institutions of Punjab (India) in terms of their competences. Later, differences in the quality of the faculty of both public (government funded) and private (partially or not funded by government) technical institutions were examined. Design/methodology/approach In total, 35 technical institutes were selected to conduct a field survey and total 594 respondents including teachers, students and administrators had responded to the present study from different departments of engineering and management. The state of faculty’s quality in terms of their competences has been examined through confirmatory factor analysis in AMOS 20.0. Discriminant analysis in SPSS 20.0 has been performed to find the differences in faculty of both the public and private sectors. Findings This paper provides a broader picture of the poor quality of teachers in technical institutions of Punjab (India) in terms of lacking most of the competencies. The study also reveals significant differences in the faculty of both public and private sector institutes in terms of select competences. Originality/value This paper demonstrates an alarming stage of poor-quality state of teachers. Therefore, educational administrators and policy makers need to show their concern for the improvement of teachers’ quality in technical higher education institutions of Punjab (India).
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Banerji, Debabar. "Politics of Rural Health in India." International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 4 (October 2005): 783–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1g7y-kve3-b6yv-ane9.
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The setting up of the National Rural Health Mission is yet another political move by the present government of India to make yet another promise to the long-suffering rural populations to improve their health status. As has happened so often in the past, it is based on questionable premises. It adopts a simplistic approach to a highly complex problem. The Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and its advisors, because of ignorance or otherwise, have doggedly refused to learn from the many experiences of the past, either the earlier, somewhat sincere efforts to develop endogenous mechanisms to offer access to health services or the devastating impact on the painstakingly built rural health services of the imposition of prefabricated, ill-conceived, ill-formulated, technocentric vertical programs on the people of India. They also ignore some of the basic postulates of public health practice in a country such as India. That they did not substantiate the bases of some of their contentions with scientific data from health systems research reveals that they are not serious about their promise to rural populations. This is yet another instance of what Romesh Thaper called “Baba Log playing government government.”
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Grewal, J. S., and Karamjit K. Malhotra. "Syed Ahmad Khan in the Punjab." Studies in People's History 9, no. 2 (October 13, 2022): 191–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23484489221120094.
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As a Muslim majority province in British India (the other being Bengal), the Punjab was crucial to Syed Ahmad Khan’s programme of education and progress of Muslims as a qaum (community) under the patronage of the British government. The article analyses Syed Ahmad Khan’s speeches during his visits to the Punjab in 1873 and 1883–84 and discusses his response to the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885. The last section deals with the bearing of Syed Ahmad Khan’s activity on communalisation of popular consciousness, especially in the Punjab. Evidently, his ideas and strategies evolved with changing political contexts.
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Kaur, Satvinder, and Shakuntla Gupta. "Economics of Pulse Cultivation in Punjab." World Journal of Social Science Research 5, no. 4 (November 21, 2018): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v5n4p320.
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<em>This study is an empirical analysis of economics of pulse cultivation in Bathinda and Fazilka districts of Punjab state situated in North West part of India. On the basis of gross return which is the best indicator of profitability, the results of the study shows that although pulse cultivation has been observed to be somewhat profitable in both Bathinda and Fazilka district but it lacks assured returns due to lack of government procurement as well as low and unstable productivity unlike cereal crops which are enjoying assured returns. Thus, in order to make pulse cultivation remunerative in sampled districts, it is recommended that the government should provide high yielding varieties of seeds at the subsidized rates to increase the level of productivity. Our research study also brings out the need for assured procurement of pulse crops like wheat and paddy in the state which is lacking presently.</em>
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RAM, RONKI. "Beyond Conversion and Sanskritisation: Articulating an Alternative Dalit Agenda in East Punjab." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (May 12, 2011): 639–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000254.
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AbstractGiven different socio-economic structures, and acute landlessness among the Dalits of East Punjab, the agendas of conversion to neo-Buddhism and sanskritisation, the two most popular Dalit social mobility models in India, have failed to strike a cord among the Dalits in this border state of northwest India. But that does not imply that Dalits of Punjab have failed in improving their social status. On the contrary, they have been very vocal in their assertions for social justice and dignity, and pressing for a due share in the local structures of power; a clear indication of a significant surge of Dalit social mobility in Punjab. The question that still remains largely unexplored, however, relates to the patterns of Dalit social mobility in Punjab that have emerged independently of the agendas of conversion to neo-Buddhism and sanskritisation. The study aims to map out the contours of an emerging alternative Dalit agenda in Punjab, which is conspicuous by its absence in existing Dalit studies, and examines its catalytic role in enhancing the legitimacy and effectiveness of increasingly visible Dalit social mobility in the state. The paper concludes by visualising the possibility of an articulation and assertion of a similar alternative Dalit agenda through highly contentious democratic politics in other parts of India, where the archetypical agendas of conversion and sanskritisation have either failed to deliver social justice and dignity or could not simply appeal to the local Dalit population.
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Kaur, Lakhwinder, and Jyoti Arora. "Women Entrepreneurs and Stand-up India Scheme in Punjab: A critical review." Gyan Management Journal 16, no. 1 (August 16, 2022): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.48165/gmj.2022.16.1.8.
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The study of financial inclusion has always been important for our country’s government and central bank, and it has now become even more important in light of the impact of a recession-like situation prevailing in the country. The need of the hour is to have a deeply embedded financial system that not only aids in the fight against recession but also ensures the successful operation of the nation’s financial system which is heavily reliant on the active participation of every sector of the economy. To achieve the aim of financial inclusion, the Stand-up India scheme for both women and ST/ SC entrepreneurs was launched by the government of India. The issue of the government’s responsibility for ensuring that women entrepreneurs have access to an entrepreneurial environment is of great importance. To make this scheme truly beneficial for women entrepreneurs, it should be the primary focus area for the government. This paper aims to analyze the Stand-Up India scheme from a gender perspective. The study aims to assess the Stand-Up India scheme in detail with reference to the benefits that the women entrepreneurs will get from it and to study the impact of the stand up scheme on the upliftment of women beneficiaries in Punjab. For this study, both primary and secondary sources of information have been used.
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Singh, Pritam. "Class, nation and religion: changing nature of Akali Dal politics in Punjab, India." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.867689.
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Kapoor, Punita. "The Punjab Exhibition of 1881 and Politics of the British Raj." Past and Present: Representation, Heritage and Spirituality in Modern India 4, Special Issue (December 25, 2021): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.4.special-issue.05.
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In 1849, Punjab was annexed by the English East India Company. This paper deals with the Punjab Exhibition of 1881, where along with textiles, arts and other local handicrafts of India were put on display. Claiming to revive the indigenous Indian arts, crafts and textiles, the exhibition represents the politics of selected exhibits that catered to the taste1 and choice of the British. The exhibition helps in understanding the objective and importance of conducting imperial exhibitions, as exhibitions were also redefining the European homes. A detailed analysis of the exhibition foregrounds how colonial rule redefined the idea and representation of indigenous handicrafts and art. The indigenous handicraft was also immensely being guided by the European market. Thus, the paper focuses on the aspects and strategy adopted by the British at promoting and preserving Indian art and textile. Moreover, efforts at preservation of the arts got institutionalised in the form of art schools. These were set up for the purpose of promoting and building taste for Indian traditional art in the British markets. The paper attempts to understand how the British shaped the notion of heritage and cultural difference between the coloniser and colonised and the ‘self’ and the ‘other’ through the exhibition. By analyzing the Punjab Exhibition 1881, the paper aims to deal with some pertinent issues such as strategic organisation and representation of the exhibits, as well as the legacy of the exhibition during colonial rule. The paper argues that though the British took to organising exhibitions to promote and preserve Indian art and textile, but in reality, it was a disguise aimed at establishing imperial supremacy over the colonised and maintain a hierarchical relationship of aesthetic and traditional culture between the ruler and the ruled.
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Van Dyke, Virginia. "The Khalistan Movement in Punjab, India, and the Post-Militancy Era: Structural Change and New Political Compulsions." Asian Survey 49, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 975–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.6.975.
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A Sikh militant movement in Punjab is unlikely to reemerge in the near future because of exhaustion from the militant era, the shift toward federalism in the Indian political system, the increased importance of state level parties, the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party, and the emergence of coalition politics.
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Akhter, Sajjad, and Basit Nadeem. "The Dynamics of Canal Colonies; Agricultural Development and Socio-Political Change in British Multan." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 2, no. 2 (December 10, 2021): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v2i2.63.
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Punjab was the last province which annexed with British India in 1949.British implemented many reforms in sub-continent, but Canal Colonies were excellent irrigation system introduced by the British, especially in the south west part of the Punjab province. These canal colonies proved very useful for the agriculture sector which boost up the not only the economic condition of the native people of the colonies areas but also increase revenue collection of the British government in India. Canal Colonies changed the arid/ barren land of the southern district of the province into a fertile land. British government also achieved their objectives through canal colonies. Therefore, government allotted the land of the canal colonies in different categories and rewarded some specific classes in native communities of the canal colonies. In canal colonies government reserved huge piece of land for their military objective because Indian Military was necessary for the strong law and order in British India and their strong influence in Middle East and other parts of the world. These canal colonies bring an agriculture revolution in the province which change the socio-economic condition of the people of the native districts. In Multan three major canal colonies were introduced, Sidhnai, Lower Bari Doab and Nili Bar canal colony. In these canal colonies British government also implemented same polices like the previous canal colonies of the province. Therefore, the in Multan district landed elites were loyal and cooperative with government with their wealth and men. These landed elites played important role at political canvas of the province during British rule in Multan.
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Smith, RFI. "Capability in government in India :." Jindal Journal of Public Policy 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjpp.v6i1.130.
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This paper examines capabilities in government in India. Possibilities for improvement have implications for all levels of government. The intention of many proposals is twofold: to help citizens get what they need from officialdom and to enable different levels of governments to relate more effectively to diverse communities and to each other. The paper explores four topics: ways of thinking about capability in government; how strategies for politics can overshadow directions in government; how improving the management of relations between different levels of government can benefit all; and how opportunities for improving civil service capabilities, at the central, state, and local levels need political as well as internal leadership.
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Qaisar, Shahzad. "Feudalism, Factionalism and the Muslim Politics in Punjab during 1937 Elections." Global Political Review VII, no. I (March 30, 2022): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-i).14.
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Indian Punjab was a Muslim majority province with a feudal dominant political base. The Unionist party was organized by Sir Fazl-i-Husain to incorporate the powerful elite into a single party without communal distinction. The party had the majority of the Muslim landed elite with consistent egoistic rivalries over personal clashes. The other contenders were Indian National Congress, All India Muslim League, Ahrars and Ittehad-i-Millat with communal slogans. The paper aims to analyze the pre-election issue of succession between Fazl and Sikander Hayat Khan, along with the advantages and disadvantages for the Unionists and other stakeholders before elections, with a focus on Muslim politics. Why and how the Unionists were able to retain political dominance and how communal parties failed to form any formidable alliance against them are examined to understand the inherent weaknesses and strengths of all groups.
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Kansra, Pooja, and Harinder Singh Gill. "Role of Perceptions in Health Insurance Buying Behaviour of Workers Employed in Informal Sector of India." Global Business Review 18, no. 1 (February 2017): 250–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972150916666992.
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Health insurance can be an effective tool of personal protection. But India’s health insurance market still lags behind the other countries in terms of penetration. The present article identified the role of perceptions in the enrolment of health insurance among the urban informal sector of Punjab, India. First, data were obtained from the urban informal sector of Punjab. Then factor analysis was applied to identify the perceptions associated with enrolment of health insurance. After this, logistic regression was performed to determine the associations of identified perceptions with enrolment of health insurance. The present study identified 12 perceptions factors associated with health insurance enrolment of the informal sector in India. Out of the 12 factors, the logistic regression results proved that 8 were statistically significant influencers of health insurance enrolment decisions. The significant perceptions factors were lack of awareness about the need to buy health insurance; comprehensive coverage; income constraint; future contingencies and social obligations; lack of information; availability of subsidized government health care; linkage with government hospitals; and preference for government schemes. It was found that perceptions play a vital role in the household decisions to enrol for health insurance. Policy makers or marketers of health insurance policies should recognize the household perceptions as a potential barrier and try to develop a health insurance package as per the actual needs of the informal sector (low income) in India.
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Hume, John Chandler. "Colonialism and Sanitary Medicine: The Development of Preventive Health Policy in the Punjab, 1860 to 1900." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1986): 703–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0001369x.
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The system of medicine known today variously as ‘international,’ ‘scientific,’ or ‘Western’ entered South Asia as early as the seventeenth century. For two centuries this system, known in India as allopathic medicine, coexisted with the medical traditions indigenous to South Asia. In 1835 the period of coexistence ended and the adherents of the allopathic tradition began to press claims that they, and only they, should be allowed to direct and staff the medical and health programs of the East India Company and, after 1858, the various Governments of South Asia. Allopathic medical men wished to decide the goal or goals of governmental medical efforts, who was to be allowed to participate in those efforts, and who was to be served by those programs. In short, allopathic medical men wanted control of the development of all facets of health policy in South Asia.
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Singh, Nirmal. "Dalits and Farmers’ Movement in India." Sikh Research Journal 7, no. 1 (August 15, 2022): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.62307/srj.v7i1.37.
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The farmers and laborers were two primary stakeholders who comprised a majority of protesters at the most recent farmers' movement on the borders of Delhi, the capital of India. While the farmers are mainly the land-owning upper caste communities known as Jats (Sikhs in Punjab and Hindus in other northern states), the laborers belong to generally landless lower castes (referred to as Dalits). The farmers’ movement saw overwhelming use of the slogan Kisan Mazdoor Ekta Zindabad (Long Live the Unity of Farmer and Laborer). Both groups provided strength to the farmers' movement which eventually succeeded in repealing the three farm laws passed by the central government of India. However, the relationship between farmers and laborers has a dark side too. The interests of both groups are opposed to each other’s because Jats want to continue their domination over Dalits, including keeping them underpaid and as bonded laborers. The Dalits are gradually asserting themselves. They hope to become landowners by acquiring villages’ common land that are reserved for Dalit communities. In this essay, I reflect on this point of convergence and divergence in the interests of farmers and laborers and ponder its significance for the organization of agriculture in Punjab.
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Sarmah, Roktim, and Aayushi Singh. "Effectiveness of Social Advertisement Campaigns for Societal Improvement." International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 13, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsesd.287880.
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This paper is an attempt to measure the Effectiveness of Social Advertisement Campaigns for Societal Improvement. The Government of India is currently running number of Social Advertisement Campaign which is a Government initiative for the Societal Improvement. The objective here is to divide the effectiveness into three parts i.e. awareness, perception and attitude. Responses have been filled through the help of questionnaire which has equal questions from each of these three segments. The study is conducted to know the awareness level of youth towards the Social Advertisement Campaigns, perception and attitude of youth towards the social advertisement that are run by the Government of India. Top 10 social advertisements which are mostly viewed by the people has been chosen through the pilot study conducted on 25 social advertisement campaigns running in Punjab by the government of India. The study is grounded on primary and secondary data.
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KUMAR, ASHUTOSH. "Electoral Politics in Punjab: A Study of Shiromani Akali Dal." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (January 17, 2018): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000214.
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AbstractThe article presents an overview of the electoral politics of Punjab as it has evolved since partition from the vantage point of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the oldest surviving state level party in India. It is argued that SAD has been the catalyst behind the major shifts in the politics of the post-partition state. Besides being the most successful party, apart from the Congress, since the state's reorganization in 1966, it has had statewide organizational presence. The Panthic party also receives attention, as it claims to be the legitimate custodian of the Sikh community's religious and cultural interests whenever they are perceived to be under threat, and not just their political interests. Post-militancy, the leadership of Badal has been instrumental in affecting a critical shift in the SAD agenda as it now seeks support based on its record at the front of development and governance rather than by evoking ethnic issues. Significantly, while SAD has retained its core social constituency of the rural Sikhs, it has also succeeded in reaching out to the urban Hindus, including the sizable dalits by following a regionalist populist agenda. Its long-standing alliance with the BJP, an urban Hindutva party, has helped the party broaden its support base. Emergence of AAP as the third credible alternative in what has long been a bipolar polity, with the political power remaining either with the Congress or with the SAD/BJP combine, has posed a fresh challenge to the long entrenched parties, most significantly the SAD which is no longer an ideologically driven cadre based driven movement party.
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Singh, Om, P. C. Gupta, and Ananya Singh. "Spring Sunflower PSFH-118 at Ludhiana (PB) and HSFH-848 Hybrid at Hisar (HR) for Oil Quality and Seed Yield in India." Journal of Agricultural Science 3, no. 2 (June 25, 2011): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jas.v3n2p279.
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The Field trials on sunlower crop were conducted in different in states of India during the year from 2006 to2008. The RSFPD, Government of India, DADF provided all inputs to conduct the tirals in the area under their juridiction to evaluate the suitable varieties vs hybrids of sunflower, their sowing season, irrigations vs rainfed conditions of cultivation including other agronomic package of practices. Government of India has strong feed and fodder development organization. There are several centrally sponsored schems like establishment of fodder banks, development of forage crops through biotechnology research, minikits distribution in the country. Central government distributed latest variety seeds in the country to a tune of cost of Rs 7.00 crores through eight RSFPDs. The sunflower is a multi-purose crop and may be good source of animal feeds as a un-conventional feed resource. Sunflower can be grown with forage crops also. RSFPDs organized sunflower trials in different states to evaluate sunflower production in northern and southern parts of India. The varieties and hybrids released by AICRP (Sunflower) for different regions were selected for field trials. India has tropical and subtropical climate from south to north, respectively. Tamilnadu and Maharastra face the tropical while, Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh experience a sub-tropical type of climate having February and March as spring season in Northen India. All India released hybrid PSFH-118 and HSFH-848 were grown at Ludhiana in Punjab and Hisar in Hariyana. Vaiety HSFH-848 performed better with seed yield (1702.1 and 1734.1 kg/ha) over the seed yield of HSFH-118. Data shows that oil content (37.7, 38.3%) was higher in the seeds of cultivar PSFH-118. Maximum plant height (164.6, 167.9 cm) recorded in HSFH-848 and head diameter (16.2-17.1 cm) was at par in both the varieties of hybrid sunflower.
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Lutz, James M. "Risk Sensitivity and the Sikh Uprising in the Punjab." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 3 (August 10, 2017): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417716213.
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Risk sensitivity combined with prospect theory and framing concepts can be quite useful in explaining which individuals and groups can become radicalised and more likely to resort to terrorism to achieve their political and economic objectives. Such a radicalisation can occur with groups willing to use violence for major gains and for groups seeking to prevent significant losses of status or wealth. The Sikh uprising in the Punjab in the latter part of the twentieth century is an example of terrorism based not on poverty but as part of an effort to preserve or regain a relatively advantageous position. The Sikhs were in a somewhat advantageous situation in India but faced increasing challenges to their economic, political and social position in the Punjab and in India in general. The counterterrorism policies of the government contributed to the perception of threat that further radicalised the Sikh community.
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dhaliwal, Ms Davinder Kaur, and Dr Parampal Kaur cheema. "ASSOCIATION OF LEVELS OF PULMONARY FUNCTION WITH SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES OF WORKERS OF SHIVA SPINNING MILL TAPA, PUNJAB." GENESIS 8, no. 1 (March 10, 2021): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47211/tg.2021.v08i01.013.
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India is now a major power source and is turning into a developed country from a developing country. It is been estimated by the government of India that small-scale industries contribute 40% of the gross industrial value in Indian economy. A diagnosis of obliterative bronchiolitis induced by cotton dust exposure was established on the basis of the occupational history and the characteristic radiological signs. In this study Quantitative, explorative study was used to assess the effect of cotton dust exposure on pulmonary function among workers of cotton industry at selected industries. The main study was conducted in Shiva Spinning mill Tapa, Punjab. It can be concluded from the present study that, the exposure to cotton dust has significant association with the pulmonary function with selected demographic variables of workers of shiva spinning mill tapa, Punjab.
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Mitra, Subrata Kumar. "Desecularising the State: Religion and Politics in India after Independence." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 4 (October 1991): 755–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001731x.
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The relationship of religion and politics is continuously fascinating and elusive, not least because it is rarely posed in a direct way. In stable democracies, incidents which are rather out of the ordinary, such as publishing the Satanic Verses in the United Kingdom or sporting the Islamic headscarf in a French state school, might push the issue temporarily to the centre of the political arena until the categories of normal politics, such as class, region, language or ethnicity, incorporate it or contrive to edge it beyond public visibility. In developing countries, one is accustomed to the more salient presence of religion in the public sphere: for example, the broad sweep of an Islamic revolution in Iran, popular jihad in the Middle East, the militant Sikhs in the Punjab, or the battle for the birthplace of Rama in North India. However, the intelligentsia in these countries who speak with the authority of modern science and the modern state see these events, important as they are, as the expression of primordial sentiments, and indicative of the underdeveloped nature of the people concerned, rather than as the political expression of unresolved issues, ill concealed by the fabric of normal politics and not articulated by political institutions.
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Pradhan, Ritu, and Anupreet Kaur Sobti. "Infant and Young Child Feeding (IYCF) practices amongst mothers in Hospitals of Mohali district (Punjab, India)." World Nutrition 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26596/wn.202314110-15.
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India has achieved significant improvement since 2000, yet there are still areas of alarm, notably with regard to child nutrition. Adequate nutrition during infancy and early childhood is critical to each child’s development of his or her full human potential. The period from birth to two years of age is widely acknowledged as a “critical window” for promoting optimal growth, health, and behavioral development. The present study was conducted on 500 mothers of infant and young children (0-24 months) visiting OPDs of government and private hospitals of district Mohali. The respondents were interviewed using a questionnaire provided by WHO (WHO, 2021). It was found that only a few mothers (n=20) practiced hand expression of breast milk irrespective of the type of hospital visiting. A majority gave pre-lacteal food among those visiting both the private and government hospitals. 89.4 percent (n=447) had ever breastfed their infants while a majority visiting government (52.1%) as well as private (53.3%) hospitals practiced exclusive breastfeeding. Reasons for stopping breastfeeding included medical advice, family advise, perceived decreased milk production or birth of another child. IYCF practices were found to be similar amongst mothers visiting the government and private hospitals. Therefore, breastfeeding counselling at antenatal clinics and peer support for exclusive breast feeding as per WHO recommendations should be included as part of breast-feeding promotional programs both in private as well as government hospitals, dispensaries and clinics.
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Moffat, Chris. "Politics and the Work of the Dead in Modern India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 1 (January 2018): 178–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000457.
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AbstractThis article provides a framework for understanding the continuing political potential of the anticolonial dead in twenty-first-century India. It demonstrates how scholars might move beyond histories of reception to interrogate the force of inheritance in contemporary political life. Rather than the willful conjuring of the dead by the living, for a politics in the present, it considers the more provocative possibility that the dead might themselves conjure politics—calling the living to account, inciting them to action. To explicate the prospects for such an approach, the article traces the contested afterlives of martyred Indian revolutionary Bhagat Singh (1907–1931), comparing three divergent political projects in which this iconic anticolonial hero is greeted as interlocutor in a struggle caught “halfway.” It is this temporal experience of “unfinished business”—of a revolution left incomplete, a freedom not yet perfected—that conditions Bhagat Singh's appearance as a contemporary in the political disputes of the present, whether they are on the Hindu nationalist right, the Maoist student left, or amidst the smoldering remains of Khalistani separatism in twenty-first-century Punjab. Exploring these three variant instances in which living communities affirm Bhagat Singh's stake in the struggles of the present, the article provides insight into the long-term legacies of revolutionary violence in India and the relationship between politics and the public life of history in the postcolonial world more generally.
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Singh, Harpreet, and Renu Kapila. "Public Attitude Towards e-Governance Practices in Developing Societies: A Case Study of SUWIDHA Project in Punjab." Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no. 3 (September 2020): 356–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120957416.
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E-governance practices are going through a transitional phase in developing societies like India. However, several impediments restrict them from becoming an effective means of interaction between government and citizens. The present study is an attempt to comprehend the citizens’ attitude and their level of readiness to accept the e-governance practices in online service delivery in the state of Punjab in India. It is based on the field survey of various SUWIDHA Kendras (now called Sewa Kendras Type I) in Punjab, where a sample of 240 users was covered with the help of interview schedule and observations. One district from each of the three regions of Punjab was selected randomly: Tarn Taran of Majha, Sangrur of Malwa and Hoshiarpur of Doaba. The results of this study show that the usage of e-governance practices as a popular medium is seriously limited by the public attitude. The main reasons are deficient e-governance infrastructure and apathetic public due to lack of computer literacy/e-readiness. The study establishes that, in order to implement e-governance successfully, not only a developed infrastructure but also behavioural changes in citizenry are required in developing societies.
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Kaur, Baljit. "Panchayati Raj Institutions and Women Empowerment: A Case Study of Gram Panchayats of Malwa Region of Punjab." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 28, 2019): 1600–1610. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8543.
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The women constitute half of the society. The feudal attitudes of looking down upon the abilities of women and not promoting them, is still continuing in different degrees at various levels of our society. While women have made many advances, their inferior status to men continues to be a global phenomenon. At a time of unprecedented economic growth, India is experiencing a dramatic intensification of violence against women and the majority of girls are still not getting equal educational opportunity. In one of the most important steps for the empowerment of women, the Indian government gave constitutional status to village-level councils or Panchayati Raj institutions and reserved 33% of the seats in Panchayats for women. Punjab government, like many other states of India, has given 50% reservations in Panchayati Raj Institutions in 2018. As a result, during the elections held in December 2018, 50% women elected in local bodies in Punjab. The present study addresses the question that weather women are actually empowered through this reservation in Panchayati Raj Institutions? For this purpose Gram Panchayat Women Elected Representatives especially Sarpanchs (Head of Panchayat) of Sangrur district (Malwa region) in Punjab have been chosen. The district Sangrur is chosen because it is one of the largest districts of Punjab. There is total 600 Gram Panchayats in the district, divided into 10 blocks, out of which Sarpanchs of 300 Panchayats are women. For the completion of this study a convenient sample of 100 Women Elected Representatives (Sarpanchs), 10 from each block, have chosen. Data has collected through primary as well as secondary sources. The views of all the Sarpanchs have taken with the help of structured interviewed Schedule. This paper concludes with some suggestions for actual empowerment of women in PRIs.
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Kaur, Rajinder, and Seema Sharma. "Gender Differences in Social Adjustment and Interpersonal Support among Undergraduate Students." International Journal of Bio-resource and Stress Management 13, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.23910/1.2022.2331.
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The present study was conducted during 2019 in Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar (GNDU); Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana (PAU) and Punjabi University, Patiala (PUP), Punjab, India to investigate the gender differences and relationship between social adjustment and interpersonal support among university students of Punjab. The sample consisted of 480 university students randomly selected from three purposively selected government universities of Punjab state i.e. Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar; Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana and Punjabi University, Patiala, India. An equal number of students distributed across both the gender were randomly selected from each university. Social Adjustment and Interpersonal Support Evaluation Scales were used for the study. The social adjustment of the university students was measured by using the Social Adjustment Scale and Interpersonal Support Evaluation scale was used to measure the peer support available to university students. Data was analyzed using t-test and Karl-Pearson’s coefficient of correlation. The results of the study revealed that male students had displayed significantly better social adjustment and interpersonal support than their female counterparts. Furthermore, correlation analysis emphasized that interpersonal support had positive relationship with social adjustment among male students whereas in case of female students, interpersonal support was found to have non-significant positive relationship with social adjustment. Because female students less likely to express their problems or emotions with their age mates as well as less involved in social activities as compared to male students. Therefore, Interpersonal support played a major role in the social adjustment of the students at university level.
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Jain, Anoushka. "Substance Use Disorder in Punjab: Patterns, Challenges, and Implications." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 8, no. 5 (2023): 196–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.85.32.
Full textAbstract:
Various government agencies like the National Drug Dependence Treatment and Rehabilitation Programme (NDDTRO) in India and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) have reported that Punjab has a significant problem with substance abuse. This means that many people in Punjab struggle with addiction to drugs and alcohol. To better understand this issue, the present study aims to find out which substances are most commonly used in Punjab, what physical, social, and psychological effects these substances have on people, and why people in Punjab use these substances in the first place. Total a number of 52 participants who shared their insights on the issues mentioned earlier. The results revealed that substance use has a significant impact on a person’s personal life, career, and financial well-being. Additionally, a majority of participants identified ‘peer pressure’ as one of the primary reasons for initially turning to substance use. The study contributes to the existing knowledge in this direction by shedding light on the specific substances and reasons for their use in a region that is known for its high prevalence.
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Qurban, Zara. "RELIGIOUSLY MOTIVATED POLITICS IN DEMOCRATIC INDIA UNDER THE BJP GOVERNMENT." Margalla Papers 27, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.27.1.161.
Full textAbstract:
The prevalence of democracy is contingent upon sustainable peace and good governance, wherein individuals are granted freedom to practice their cultural and religious beliefs. In South Asia, the politicisation of religion has been a vexing issue, with dominant religious groups, both protected and non-protected, threatening democratic ideals. This paper argues that India, which is among the world's largest secular democratic states, has witnessed the emergence of fascist and authoritarian policies and manifestations under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi, allowing extremist Hindutva groups and BJP to promote Hindu nationalism at the expense of other marginalised groups. The paper also highlights that the BJP government has employed religion to manipulate and mobilise individuals against minorities, jeopardising democratic values and undermining state institutions. It concludes that if the Indian government persists in practising fascistic tenets, it will have grave repercussions for regional stability and the democratic rights of minorities at home. Bibliography Entry Qurban, Zara. 2023. "Religiously Motivated Politics in Democratic India Under the BJP Government." Margalla Papers 27 (1): 176-185.