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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Punjab (India) – Politics and government

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Academic literature on the topic 'Punjab (India) – Politics and government'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Punjab (India) – Politics and government"

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Bhatti, Muhammad Nawaz. "Politics of Water Resource Management in the Indus River Basin: A Study of the Partition of Punjab." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (November 14, 2020): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.6.

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The British Government of India divided the Muslim majority province of Punjab into Eastern and Western Punjab. But the partition line was drawn in a manner that headworks remained in India and irrigated land in Pakistan. The partition of Punjab was not scheduled in the original plan of the division of India. Why was it partitioned? To answer this question, the study in the first instance tries to explore circumstances, reasons, and conspiracies which led to the partition of Punjab which led to the division of the canal irrigation system and secondly, the impact of partition on water resource management in the Indus River Basin. Descriptive, historical, and analytical methods of research have been used to draw a conclusion. The study highlights the mindset of Indian National Congress to cripple down the newly emerging state of Pakistan that became a root cause of the partition of Punjab. The paper also highlights why India stopped water flowing into Pakistan on 1st April 1948 and the analysis also covers details about the agreement of 4th May 1948 and its consequences for Pakistan.

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Tan, Tai Yong. "Assuaging the Sikhs: Government Responses to the Akali Movement, 1920–1925." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 3 (July 1995): 655–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014037.

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In 1920, Sikhs in the Punjab started a campaign aimed at freeing their principal gurdwaras (temples) from the control of their hereditary incumbents. The campaign quickly gathered momentum, and, within a few months, it developed into a non-violent anti-government movement. Unlike the rather shortlived 1919 Disturbances and the Non-Cooperation-Khilafat movement in the Punjab, the Sikh agitation, which came to be known as the Akali movement, did not cease until 1925 and caused considerable concern to the Punjab authorities, as well as the Government of India. The Akali movement was not limited, as in past cases of anti-British agitation involving the Sikhs, to small groups of disaffected Sikhs, returned emigrants, or Congress sympathizers; at its height in 1922, the unrest encompassed the bulk of central Punjab's Jat Sikh peasantry, one of the most militarized sections of Punjabi society. The Sikh community's martial traditions, fostered by their religious doctrines and culture, had been kept alive during British rule by the recruitment policies of the Indian Army, where, in 1920, one in every fourteen adult male Sikhs in the Punjab was in service. This meant that the abiding allegiance of the Sikh community to the Raj was a matter of considerable importance, and their estrangement, especially that of the Jat Sikh peasantry, would adversely affect the Sikh regiments of the Indian Army. It also meant that if the community as a whole was provoked into open rebellion, British hold on the Punjab could well nigh prove untenable.

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Kumar, Ashutosh. "Electoral Politics in Indian Punjab." South Asia Research 37, no. 1 (January 30, 2017): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728016675528.

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The forthcoming Assembly elections in Punjab in early 2017 indicate signs of a new phase in the electoral history of this state, largely dominated earlier by various political alliances headed by the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) under Jat Sikh leadership. Presented within the wider Indian electoral landscape, this article offers an analytical overview of Punjab’s electoral politics as it has evolved since partition from the vantage point of SAD. It is argued that there are several good reasons why traditional SAD domination and style of leadership are presently being challenged through a combination of new political actors and, significantly, changing awareness among a very diverse electorate about what to expect from any government one elects.

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Singh, Surinder. "Farmers’ Movement in Punjab: Consciousness and Politics." Sikh Research Journal 6, no. 2 (December 18, 2021): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.62307/srj.v6i2.54.

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The paper argues that the leaders in the ongoing farmers’ movement in India are playing a decisive role in raising consciousness among farmers and agricultural labourers, including influencing them to assert their rights in the political scenario at the level of state as well as the centre. The rising consciousness and fear of land1 seizure are prompting the farmers' collective fight against privatization in the agricultural sector and anti-farmers policies of the central government. Although a pre-existing consciousness has played a vital role in initiating the movement, the movement itself has heightened much consciousness among farmers and farm workers. Their raised consciousness and mobilization for the movement has also forced agriculture related issues on the agendas of various political parties at all levels of politics. Thus, the paper discusses the various ways in which the farmers’ organizations have raised farmers and farm labourers’ consciousness that has motivated them to participate in formal politics which has far-reaching consequences for Indian democracy. Because the movement is ongoing, the analysis, thus far, is preliminary and consequently, exploratory in nature.

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Kanval, Mamoona, Dr Ruqia Kulsoom, and Dr. Gull-i-Hina. "WOMEN PARTICIPATION INTO THE AGITATIONAL POLITICS: A CASE STUDY OF LAHORE AND PESHAWAR." Journal of Arts & Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46662/jass.v9i2.286.

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Freedom Movement had been explored by many scholars since independence from multiple dimensions. The role of women into freedom movement remained less explored due to focus on overall all India politics. The purpose of study is to explore detailed role of the Muslim women in civil disobedience movement of 1946 and their contribution in strengthening demand for Pakistan. the study is qualitative which is based on archival sources to get first hand information about the topic. The research reveals active participation of women in civil disobedience in Punjab and NWFP which was far ahead of their time. They came out of seclusion and participated in agitation and even offered arrests. Their participation built and enhanced pressure over the then provincial governments. Key words: Civil disobedience, Women politics, Punjab, NWFP

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Tan, Tai Yong. "Maintaining the Military Districts: Civil—Military Integration and District Soldiers' Boards in the Punjab, 1919–1939." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (October 1994): 833–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012555.

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The vital importance of the Indian Army as the guardian of the imperial order in India was never more evident than during the interwar years. The period from 1919 to the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 was a testing time for the Raj; state authority was being challenged by a mounting nationalist movement, and public order was frequently disrupted by civil disobedience campaigns, as well as recurrent outbreaks of communal violence. In maintaining public order the colonial state had always been prepared to rely on that ultimate guarantee of its authority and power–the Indian Army. However, in frequent discussions of the deployment of the military in 'aid of civil power', the continued loyalty of the bulk of the army the Indian soldiers and officers, was never questioned, and seemed to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the Army Headquarters were well awar that the 'loyalty' of the Army could never be guaranteed, and that it was conditional upon a stable and pacified recruiting base; if that base were to be 'subverted', then the Indian Army, or portions of it, would not only cease to be of use as an instrument of state power, but could ultimately pose a threat to the Raj itself

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Rey-Schirr, Catherine. "The ICRC's activities on the Indian subcontinent following partition (1947–1949)." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 323 (June 1998): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400091026.

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In 1945, at the end of the Second World War, the British government clearly stated its intention of granting independence to India.The conflict between the British and the Indian nationalists receded into the background, while the increasing antagonism between Hindus and Muslims came to the fore. The Hindus, centred round the Congress Party led by Jawaharlal Nehru, wanted to maintain the unity of India by establishing a government made up of representatives of the two communities. The Muslims, under the banner of the Muslim League and its President, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, demanded the creation of a separate Muslim State, Pakistan. The problem was further complicated by the fact that the approximately 300 million Hindus, 6 million Sikhs and 100 million Muslims in British India were not living in geographically distinct regions, especially in Punjab and Bengal, where the population was mixed.

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Sahni, Bhishma, and Uma Thukral Kapoor. "Ya llegamos a Amritsar (अमृतसर आ गया है)." Estudios de Asia y África 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 755–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v49i3.2083.

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Bhishma Sahni भीष्मसाहनी (8 de agosto de 1915-11 de julio de 2003) fue un escritor en hindi, políglota, dramaturgo y actor, famoso por su novela Tamas (oscuridad), que le mereció, en 1975, el Premio Sahitya Akademi de literatura y que, en 1987, fue llevada a la pantalla grande por Govind Nihalani.¹ Fue galardonado con el Padma Bhushan² en 1998 y el Sahitya Akademi Fellowship en 2002, por su larga y destacada trayectoria en literatura. Era hermano del notable actor de teatro y cine hindi Balraj Sahni. Nació en Rawalpindi (ahora en Pakistán). Obtuvo una maestría en inglés en el Government College, Lahore (Pakistán) y también asistió al Khalsa College, en Amritsar (india). Se unió a la lucha por la independencia y fue encarcelado por su participación en el movimiento de Gandhi “Quit India” (¡Ingleses, váyanse de India!) en 1942. A causa de la partición de india, en 1947, él y su familia punjabi hindú fueron obligados a mudarse a Amritsar, estado de Punjab. En 1950, comenzó a trabajar como profesor de inglés en Delhi College de la Universidad de Delhi (India).

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Malik, Iftikhar H. "Identity Formation and Muslim Party Politics in the Punjab, 1897-1936:." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1995): 293–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012749.

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Ongoing volatile political activism in the Indian Punjab, embodying an armed guerrilla warfare, inter-religious dissensions and severe official retaliatory policies, is a microcosm of a pervasive governability crisis in entire South Asia. The dilemma, with all its intensity, is the culmination of various parallel political processes in currency for almost one century. While the state, both colonial and post-colonial, may conveniently and simplistically perceive it as a mere administrative prblem or, at the most, an enduring communal disharmony fostered by hazy ideas,1 its very endurance warrants a serious review of numerous crucial denominators. Politicized ethnicity, largely banking on religious and similar other primordial factors, has received added momentum from interaction with a sterilized and elitist state structure in the wake of vital demographic changes and diasporic quest for identity. Neighbouring Pakistani Punjab exhibited a profile in political defiance for the entire period of Benazir Bhutto's premiership when her Pakistan People's Party (PPP) confronted a formidable opposition from the provincial government of the Islamic Democratic Alliance (IDA/IJI). It eventually catapulted Mian Nawaz Sharif into premiership.2 Such an increased political activism in the grain basket of the sub-continent may pose a perplexing issue for those to whom the province since early times has been a conformist, centrist and pro-establishment area when it came to its relationship with Indiawide movements all the way from the stormy events of 1857 to the 1980s Quest

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FULLER, C. J. "Anthropologists and Viceroys: Colonial knowledge and policy making in India, 1871–1911." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (October 13, 2015): 217–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000037.

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AbstractThe anthropology of caste was a pivotal part of colonial knowledge in British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Denzil Ibbetson and Herbert Risley, then the two leading official anthropologists, both made major contributions to the study of caste, which this article discusses. Ibbetson and Risley assumed high office in the imperial government in 1902 and played important roles in policy making during the partition of Bengal (1903–5) and the Morley-Minto legislative councils reforms (1906–9); Ibbetson was also influential in deciding Punjab land policy in the 1890s. Contemporary policy documents, which this article examines, show that the two men's anthropological knowledge had limited influence on their deliberations. Moreover, caste was irrelevant to their thinking about agrarian policy, the promotion of Muslim interests, and the urban, educated middle class, whose growing nationalism was challenging British rule. No ethnographic information was collected about this class, because the scope of anthropology was restricted to ‘traditional’ rural society. At the turn of the twentieth century, colonial anthropological knowledge, especially about caste, had little value for the imperial government confronting Indian nationalism, and was less critical in constituting the Indian colonial state than it previously had been.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Punjab (India) – Politics and government"

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Osman, Newal. "Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.

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Rodríguez, Alvaro Joseph. "Political bargaining and the Punjab crisis : the Punjab Accord of 1985." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28273.

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Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed. This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived. The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.

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This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.

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Raza, Muhammad Ali. "Interrogating provincial politics : the Leftist Movement in Punjab, c. 1914-1950." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fdc1fc64-98d7-46e1-8cee-387fa56dfa7e.

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This thesis examines the development of the Leftist movement in British Punjab and the insights it provides into the political spaces it inhabited and the actors it engaged with. Broadly speaking, this is an attempt at uncovering lesser fragments that offer the possibility of complicating our understanding of Punjabi and South Asian History. In doing so, I seek to uncover a socio-political arena which played host to a multiplicity of contested identities, notions of sovereignty, and political objectives. I thus seek to explore this complex and fluid arena through the study of a variety of movements and intellectual strands, all of which can collectively be labelled as the ‘Left.’ I begin by situating the Punjabi Left within the wider global arena and then shift to examining it within the province itself. I then explore the Left’s acrimonious relationship with the Colonial State as well as its tortured engagements with ‘nationalist’ and ‘communitarian’ movements. Taken together, this thesis, aside from enhancing our understanding of the ‘Left’ itself, also contributes to regional studies in general and questions historiographical demarcations and the categories that are normatively employed in standard political histories.

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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.

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Moëd, Madeleine. "The political department and the retraction of paramountcy in India 1935-1947." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001855.

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The Political Department and the Indian Political Service stand accused of sins of omission and commission. The evidence suggests that they were badly hampered by ill-conceived training prodecures, a lack of manpower and above all the incoherent policy of the British government towards the Indian states. The failure of the 1935 Federation Act which formally established the Political Department was not due to princely intransigence inspired by political officers. Between 1935 and 1947 the Political Department embarked on a vigorous programme of combining the resources of the smaller states to strengthen them as viable partners in a new India. Their lack of success in effecting the federation of the states with India in 1947 was not a result of the disinclination of political officers to implement reform as much as their inability to do so. Many princes were also unwilling to sacrifice a measure of sovereignty for efficient government and paramountcy precluded forcing internal reform on the princes. Paramountcy was never clearly defined and thus its retraction in 1947 took place amidst confusion and misunderstanding on all sides. The Indian Political Service was always treated as secondary to the Indian Civil Service and the states to British India. Britain's emphasis on constitutional change in British India, reflected in the Cripps Mission of 1942, the Cabinet Mission of 1946 and the rush towards independence in 1947 resulted in her inattention to the Political Department and the princes which culminated in the abandonment of both in 1947.

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Purushotham, Sunil. "Sovereignty, violence, and the making of the postcolonial state in India 1946-52." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648623.

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Roy, Indrajit. "Capable subjects : power and politics in Eastern India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0e1bb214-020e-4f9e-864f-9037c104660d.

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The principal aim of this thesis is to elaborate a politicized reading of Amartya Sen's Capability Approach. It explores how capabilities are augmented through the forging of contentious political subjectivities. In it, I build on the criticism that Sen's framework can be more sensitive to questions of power and politics. Against some of his critics, however, I argue that its 'politicization' must focus analytical attention on politics as the struggle to produce subjects rather than limiting its understanding to negotiations over authority, resources and allocations. I draw on quantitative and qualitative analysis of ethnographic data from rural eastern India to substantiate my argument. The first two chapters outline the contours of the debates and introduce the social, economic and political life of the study localities. Each of the four subsequent chapters elucidates the manner in which the contentious processes through which political subjectivity are forged augments capabilities. In Chapter 3 I advance the case that any discussion on capabilities needs to analyze how subjects interrogate the relations of domination and subordination which they have hitherto been compelled to inhabit. Based on an analysis of the contentions spawned by the Indian Government's National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, I point to how the notion of cooperative conflict is helpful in understanding these processes. In Chapter 4, I draw attention to the analytic importance that needs to be accorded to 'voice' in order to understand how subjects contest and reconstitute these relationships: I base my analysis on the claims made on elected representatives by different groups of people in respect to 'poverty cards'. This emphasis leads in Chapter 5 to an investigation of the ways in which agonistic exchanges in public spaces augments capabilities: this I do through an examination of two specific disputes involving a variety of local actors. I develop these insights further in Chapter 6 to show how our understanding of the processes through which capabilities may be enhanced gains analytically from an analysis of the manner in which subjects construct their identities. Chapter 7 concludes.

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Watkins, Kevin. "India : colonialism, nationalism and perceptions of development." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670394.

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Books on the topic "Punjab (India) – Politics and government"

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D, Chopra V., and Bakaya Ravi M. 1922-, eds. Terrorism in Punjab. New Delhi: Gyan Pub. House, 2000.

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Jain, Sharda. Politics of terrorism in India: The case of Punjab. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1995.

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Chauhan, Ramesh K. Punjab and the nationality question in India. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1995.

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Talbot, Ian. Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947. Riverdale, Md: Riverdale Company, 1988.

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Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947. New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1988.

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Misra, Madhu Sudan. Politics of regionalism in India: With special reference to Punjab. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1988.

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Brar, J. S. The communist party in Punjab: The politics of survival. New Delhi, India: National Book Organisation, 1989.

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Lal, Mohan. Hashara Pañjāba dā: Āzādī uparanta de Pañjāba dā rājanītaka itihāsa. Sarahinda: Lokagīta Prakāshana, 1987.

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Lal, Mohan. Hashara Pañjāba dā: Āzādī uparanta de Pañjāba dā rājanītaka itihāsa. Sarahinda: Lokagīta Prakāshana, 1987.

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Saiyid, Dushka. Muslim women of the British Punjab: From seclusion to politics. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Punjab (India) – Politics and government"

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Kahlon, Simrit, and Seema Thakur. "Women in Punjab politics." In Women in State Politics in India, 83–100. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003374862-4.

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Singh, Gurharpal. "Hegemonic Control: Punjab Politics, 1947–84." In Ethnic Conflict in India, 100–112. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981771_8.

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Thakur, Ramesh. "Constitutional Government." In The Government and Politics of India, 37–67. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24100-2_2.

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Thakur, Ramesh. "Electoral Politics." In The Government and Politics of India, 257–88. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24100-2_10.

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Thakur, Ramesh. "Party Politics." In The Government and Politics of India, 220–56. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24100-2_9.

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Robson, William A. "India Revisited." In Politics and Government at Home and Abroad, 209–41. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003254751-13.

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Tinker, Hugh. "Tradition and Experiment in Forms of Government." In Politics and Society in India, 155–86. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003244042-9.

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Thakur, Ramesh. "India as a Liberal-Democratic State." In The Government and Politics of India, 326–51. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24100-2_12.

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Robson, William A. "India as a Welfare State." In Politics and Government at Home and Abroad, 192–208. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003254751-12.

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Thakur, Ramesh. "The Indian Mosaic." In The Government and Politics of India, 1–36. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24100-2_1.

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Reports on the topic "Punjab (India) – Politics and government"

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Raja M. Ali Saleem. https://www.populismstudies.org/hindutva-civilizational-populist-bjps-enforcement-of-digital-authoritarianism-in-india/. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0017.

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The largest democracy in the world is now moving towards authoritarianism under the Hindutva civilizational populist prime minister Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s rule. This article focuses on digital rights in India that have seen a sharp decline in recent years. It explores the transformation of the internet and social media, from a relatively open and liberal space to a restricted one. This survey of India’s digital landscape finds that the rise of civilizational populist Modi and his eight years long rule have led to an upsurge in digital surveillance and control and has fostered an environment of online harassment and bullying for those who are critical of the BJP’s views and politics. The article uses a four-level framework (Full Network, Sub-Network, Proxies, and Network Nodes) to explore digital authoritarianism by the BJP government. At each of these levels, the Hindutva populist government has closed avenues of open discussion and exchange of views by enforcing new rules and regulations.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

Full text

Abstract:

Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

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Ross-Larson, Bruce. Why Students Aren’t Learning What They Need for a Productive Life. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2023/pe13.

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The RISE program is a seven-year research effort that seeks to understand what features make education systems coherent and effective in their context and how the complex dynamics within a system allow policies to be successful. RISE had research teams in seven countries: Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Nigeria, Pakistan, Tanzania, and Vietnam. It also commissioned research by education specialists in Chile, Egypt, Kenya, Peru, and South Africa. Those researchers tested ideas about how the determinants of learning lie more in the realm of politics and particularly in the interests of elites. They focused on how the political conditions have (or have not) put learning at the center of education systems (mostly not) while understanding the challenges of doing so. Each country team produced a detailed study pursuing answers to two central research questions: Did the country prioritize learning over access, and if so, during what periods? What role did politics play in the key decisions and how? The full studies detail their analytical frameworks, their data, and sources (generally interviews, government internal documents and reports, and other local and international publications), and the power of their assessments, given their caveats and limitations. Country summaries extract from the full studies how leadership, governance, teaching, and societal engagement are pertinent to student outcomes (see the next page). This synthesis, in line with Levy 2022, draws on the country summaries to detail the salience of goals of national leaders, alliances of stakeholders, missions of education bureaucracies, and expectations of society.

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