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Journal articles on the topic 'Public relations Propaganda'

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1

Westerbarkey, Joachim. "Propaganda - Public Relations - Reklame." Communicatio Socialis 34, no. 4 (2001): 438–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0010-3497-2001-4-438.

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Senne, Linda, and Simon Moore. "Bismarck, propaganda and public relations." Public Relations Review 41, no. 3 (September 2015): 326–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2015.04.001.

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Vakhabov, Mansur Tuychiyevich. "Propaganda And Agitation In The Context Of “Public Relations” Technology." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no. 03 (March 31, 2021): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue03-64.

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One of the most important issues in the study of the phenomenon of propaganda and agitation in social philosophy, the laws and principles of their application in the spiritual sphere is the issue of propaganda and agitation in the process of communication with the people. This issue has gained new life in our country through the announcement of 2017 by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev as the Year of Dialogue with the People and Human Interests. This article discusses modern technologies of public relations.
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Hiebert, Ray E. "Public relations and propaganda: a video review." Public Relations Review 29, no. 2 (June 2003): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0363-8111(03)00025-0.

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Hoványi, Gábor. "Rethinking Public Relations: PR Propaganda and Democracy20091Kevin Moloney. Rethinking Public Relations: PR Propaganda and Democracy. London: Routledge 2006. 2nd ed. Paperback." European Journal of Marketing 43, no. 1/2 (February 13, 2009): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03090560910923337.

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ÜNLÜ KURT, Simge. "Public Relations as a Defense Mechanism Against Discriminatory Propaganda." Ege Akademik Bakis (Ege Academic Review) 19, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 237–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21121/eab.451066.

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7

Nakajima, Nina. "Green Advertising and Green Public Relations as Integration Propaganda." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 21, no. 5 (October 2001): 334–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/027046760102100502.

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Lock, Irina, and Ramona Ludolph. "Organizational propaganda on the Internet: A systematic review." Public Relations Inquiry 9, no. 1 (September 6, 2019): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x19870844.

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The digital environment alters the way organizations use propaganda and facilitates its spread. This development calls for an outline of the features of propaganda by organizations on the Internet and to reconsider where public relations (PR) stops and propaganda begins. By means of a systematic review of primary research on organizational propaganda online, we propose a definition and describe the ‘five Ws’ of digital organizational propaganda: who employs propaganda, to whom, on which channels, which media are used (where), the objectives of the propaganda strategy (why), and in which contexts it occurs (when). Contrary to the offline setting, organizations engaging in propaganda online do not hide their identity and primarily address (potential) followers with the goal to change attitudes. Based on our findings, we propose a classification of digital organizational propaganda along three dimensions: ethical versus unethical, mutual understanding versus persuasion, and direct versus indirect communication. Digital organizational propaganda is defined as the direct persuasive communicative acts by organizations with an unethical (i.e. untruthful, inauthentic, disrespectful, or unequal) intent through digital channels. Thus, this study addresses the imbalance between the growing primary research on digital propaganda, the missing definition, and the lacking systematic empirical overview of propaganda’s digital characteristics.
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Gelders, Dave, and Øyvind Ihlen. "Government communication about potential policies: Public relations, propaganda or both?" Public Relations Review 36, no. 1 (March 2010): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2009.08.012.

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Селезнева and Larisa Selezneva. "Public Relations in the Information-Communication Area." Modern Communication Studies 3, no. 2 (April 10, 2014): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/3447.

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The article deals public relations in the information-communication area. The author analyzes the PR-discourse as a type of institutional discourse, shows its backbone features: purpose, the recipient, the sender, the functions. The author pays special attention to the subject-object space PRdiscourse, gives a classification of the subject space, shows the different types of the destination. To determine the boundaries of public relations the author analyses different points of view on the ratio of public relations, advertising and propaganda. The author shows four models of PR and their priorities and goals.
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Wiseman, Geoffrey. "Public Diplomacy and Hostile Nations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 1-2 (April 22, 2019): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14011017.

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Summary This article considers public diplomacy’s future through the prism of public diplomacy between hostile nations. It first sketches democracies’ past and present use of public diplomacy in hostile relations with non-democracies. It then discusses five particular challenges for democracies in their future thinking about the public diplomacy–hostile nations’ nexus. These challenges are: accounting for public diplomacy’s theoretical significance in hostile relations; deciding between isolating or engaging adversaries; avoiding the stigma of propaganda; managing democratic expectations; and settling on an appropriate role for governments. Democratic countries’ responses to these challenges will impact public diplomacy’s future, notably regarding its effectiveness in relation to hostile nations. The article concludes that public diplomacy is not a panacea for easing hostile bilateral relations. However, it is one of many elements that a judicious government can use — drawing on four ideal-type variants of public diplomacy — in order to improve relations with an adversarial state.
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Akami, Tomoko. "The Emergence of International Public Opinion and the Origins of Public Diplomacy in Japan in the Inter-War Period." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 3, no. 2 (2008): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119108x323664.

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AbstractThis article argues that what we now call public diplomacy emerged in the mid- to late 1930s in the case of Japan. It questions the notion that public diplomacy is new in contrast to 'traditional' diplomacy. It also questions the conventional understanding of Japan's diplomatic isolationism of the 1930s. The article argues that as a result of greater mass political participation, the idea of 'international public opinion' emerged as a new norm in inter-war international politics. States increasingly regarded news and cultural activities as crucial resources of their soft power for winning this international public opinion. Responding to technological developments in communications, they developed a more systematic approach to propaganda in order to utilize these resources in mainstream foreign policy. Even in the age of the socalled rise of nationalism and diplomatic isolationism, Japan could neither afford not to respond to other states' actions nor to ignore international public opinion. In the diplomatic crises of the 1930s, Japan began to coordinate news and cultural propaganda activities, and integrated them into a broader propaganda scheme. Here we see the origin of what is now called public diplomacy. This modern and internationalist thinking then prepared the institutional base for wartime propaganda.
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Bratton, Michael, Annie Chikwana, and Tulani Sithole. "Propaganda and public opinion in Zimbabwe." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 23, no. 1 (January 2005): 77–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0258900042000329466.

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Chen, Ni. "From propaganda to public relations: Evolutionary change in the Chinese government." Asian Journal of Communication 13, no. 2 (January 2003): 96–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292980309364840.

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ChangSeok Han and 이종혁. "An Exploratory Study on the Existential Propaganda Characteristics of “Conglomerate Public Relations”: Based on Chomsky’s Propaganda Models." Journal of Practical Research in Advertising and Public Relations 7, no. 3 (August 2014): 134–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21331/jprapr.2014.7.3.006.

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16

Myers, Cayce. "Reconsidering propaganda in U.S. public relations history: An analysis of propaganda in the popular press 1810–1918." Public Relations Review 41, no. 4 (November 2015): 551–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2015.05.010.

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Laskin, Alexander V. "Defining propaganda: A psychoanalytic perspective." Communication and the Public 4, no. 4 (December 2019): 305–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047319896488.

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Propaganda is a centuries-old term, and yet scholars and practitioners are still having a hard time defining it and pinpointing what makes propaganda unique. Many existing definitions fail to distinguish between propaganda and marketing, public relations, advertising, or even mass communications, in general. This essay proposes to define propaganda through psychoanalytical research pioneered by Erich Fromm on symbiotic relations. Symbiotic relations, when transferred from biology to psychology and sociology, describe a process of allowing a person to merge with something big and important, therefore creating meaning beyond an individual’s life. As a result, following its religious roots, propaganda acts similar to religion—asking for a sacrifice of individualism in the name of something bigger—god, country, society, or political party. In the end, people willingly engage in propaganda because, although sacrificing something, they receive unity with the bigger powers of other people, organizations, political parties, countries, and so on. As a result, such persons are not alone against the world; they are now a part of a bigger and stronger union.
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18

Wright, Cynthia, and Paul Rutherford. "Endless Propaganda: The Advertising of Public Goods." Labour / Le Travail 48 (2001): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149176.

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19

HELLER, MICHAEL. "Foucault, Discourse, and the Birth of British Public Relations." Enterprise & Society 17, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 651–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2015.101.

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This article analyzes the emergence of public relations among corporations in interwar Britain. It adopts a discursive approach and applies the philosophy of Michel Foucault. It argues that public relations was a result of state propaganda during World War I, the emergence of a mass-media society, and criticism from a range of groups toward corporations during the period. It acted as an emergent institutional text, which taught corporations how to create corporate identities so as to garner public good will and institutional legitimacy. This was achieved by a range of strategies, including social programs and the creation of corporate narratives.
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Qarayeva, Leyla, Yanyan Mochamad Yani, and Widya Setiabudi. "Peran Media Sosial Sebagai Alat Propaganda Dalam Konflik Nagorno Karabakh Antara Armenia Dan Azerbaijan." Global Political Studies Journal 5, no. 2 (October 28, 2021): 160–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v5i2.5957.

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The purpose of this paper is to explain how social media has become a new space for political discussion. The use of social media to report on conflicts, influence political perceptions, voice opinions about conflicts, and solicit public support around the world. As is the case with the Nagorno Karabakh ethnical conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan which cannot be separated from social media. In this conflict, social media was also used to ask for public support around the world to side with one of the countries in the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict. This paper will also examine how governmental and non-governmental actors use social media as a tool of propaganda and how the international community is a part of spreading propaganda in the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. To help the author in the analysis process, at least the author uses several conceptual frameworks, including the role of social media in international relations, propaganda and identity conflicts in international relations. Keywords : Armenia; Azerbaijan; Ethnic Conflict; Nagorno Karabakh; Propaganda; Social Media
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21

Paluszek, John L. "Propaganda, Public Relations, and Journalism: when bad things happen to good words." Journalism Studies 3, no. 3 (January 2002): 441–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/146167002760089436.

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22

Jo, Samsup, Sung Wook Shim, and Jaemin Jung. "Propaganda or public relations campaign? International communication on the war against Iraq." Public Relations Review 34, no. 1 (March 2008): 63–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2007.11.006.

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23

Hiebert, Ray Eldon. "Public relations and propaganda in framing the Iraq war: a preliminary review." Public Relations Review 29, no. 3 (September 2003): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0363-8111(03)00047-x.

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24

Caprice, R. O. "PR AND PROPAGANDA IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE: PROBLEMS OF INFORMATION POLICY DEVELOPMENT." International and Political Studies, no. 35 (November 10, 2022): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.260422.

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The article discusses the main approaches to establishing the difference between the concepts of public relations and propaganda. A reconstruction of the development of the sphere of public relations in Western political culture has been made. The features of the development of the sphere of public relations in the countries of the post-Soviet space are determined. It has been established that the concept of public relations, until recently little known and unusual for the former Soviet political culture and mentality, has literally burst into our lives in recent years. This concept has become fashionable, has become a real hallmark of new times. The entire civilized world has not only become accustomed to it, but has also turned public relations into an effectively working science and art of achieving mutual understanding and agreement between various subjects of civil society life. But because of its “fashionableness”, the concept of “public relations” is often used in place and out of place, often putting a perverted meaning into it. Sometimes a superficial approach to this area of ​​activity is contrary to the principles of social responsibility of civil society institutions, in fact pushing to treat the public as an object of deception, manipulation solely in the selfish interests of subjects whose favorable (or unfavorable) image is created at any cost. The institutionalization of a civilized professional system of public relations in the post-Soviet space is making its way through many objective and subjective obstacles. The content of obstructing factors of an objective and subjective nature is always concretely historical. A weighty historical factor in this process is the legacy of the influence of the propaganda machine of the past.
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25

Bakir, Vian, Eric Herring, David Miller, and Piers Robinson. "Organized Persuasive Communication: A new conceptual framework for research on public relations, propaganda and promotional culture." Critical Sociology 45, no. 3 (May 15, 2018): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518764586.

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Organized persuasive communication is essential to the exercise of power at national and global levels. It has been studied extensively by scholars of public relations, promotional culture and propaganda. There exists, however, considerable confusion and conceptual limitations across these fields: scholars of PR largely focus on what they perceive to be non-manipulative forms of organized persuasive communication; scholars of propaganda focus on manipulative forms but tend either to examine historical cases or non-democratic states; scholars of promotional culture focus on ‘salesmanship’ in public life. All approaches show minimal conceptual development concerning manipulative organized persuasive communication involving deception, incentivization and coercion. As a consequence, manipulative, propagandistic organized persuasive communication within liberal democracies is a blind spot; it is rarely recognized let alone researched with the result that our understanding and grasp of these activities is stunted. To overcome these limitations, we propose a new conceptual framework that theorizes precisely manipulative forms of persuasion, as well as demarcating what might count as non-manipulative or consensual forms of persuasion. This framework advances PR and propaganda scholarship by clarifying our understanding of manipulative and propagandistic forms of organized persuasive communication and by providing a starting point for more fully evaluating the role of deception, incentivization and coercion, within contemporary liberal democracies.
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Filipović, Aleksandar, and Ivana Spaić. "Propaganda in a function of a systemic instrumentalization of media for ultra-nationalist purposes." Pravo - teorija i praksa 37, no. 3 (2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ptp2003061f.

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Propaganda and its elements are an inseparable part of everyday life. In a digital age, when, in every second, a vast amount of information is exchanged, the possibilities and variations of propaganda techniques application are proportionally high. The majority of these propaganda messages that can be seen every time we turn on a device, or just go outside and look around are the messages of economic propaganda. Every time we hear a speech of a corporate or government official, we hear a carefully created and delivered message put together by public relations experts, which as well, by its genesis, belongs to propaganda. Still, the subject of this paper is propaganda, which is much more malicious in its origins and manifestations, and that is propaganda for ultranationalist purposes. In this paper, the authors first consider the etiological and historical aspects of propaganda focusing on those forms that had the most devastating effects. Propaganda predates mass media, but it is their conjunction that helped propaganda to reach a maximum capacity of its impact. Therefore, the authors analyze the correlation between propagandists, propaganda, and mass media.
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Ehrick, Christine. "Buenas Vecinas?" Feminist Media Histories 5, no. 3 (2019): 60–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2019.5.3.60.

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During World War II, US–Latin American relations were shaped by the noninterventionist Good Neighbor policy and the projection of soft power via US government-orchestrated public relations and propaganda campaigns. This included extensive film and radio propaganda overseen by the US Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) and disseminated throughout the region. One dimension of that campaign involved radio propaganda aimed specifically at women, who were regaled with stories of heroic Latin American women and carefully curated female perspectives on life in the United States during wartime. In much of this material, the United States was presented as a dominant yet gentlemanly hemispheric partner, offering Latin America protection and material abundance in exchange for loyalty and deference. As the war wound down, such propaganda took a sharp turn toward the Cold War, when Good Neighbor chivalry gave way to more strident rhetoric, prefiguring a return to US interventionist politics of the prewar era.
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Hiebert, Ray E. "Public relations, propaganda, and war: A book review and essay on the literature." Public Relations Review 19, no. 3 (September 1993): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0363-8111(93)90048-h.

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Jaelani, Dian Iskandar. "Manajemen Public Relations (Humas) Pendidikan Islam: Kajian Tematik Al Quran dan Hadits." Istawa: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 3, no. 2 (January 17, 2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ijpi.v3i2.1501.

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The concept of Public Relations is actually related to the activity of creating understanding through knowledge, and through these activities impacts will emerge. This text will discuss the management of public relationships and how in the Islamic perspective. with the method of tela'ah critical thinking from the author himself. Public Relations combined various imu and included in the ranks of social sciences such as political science, economics, history, psychology, sociology, communication and others. Public Relations also as a propaganda in Islamic teachings that serves as one of the ways to spread effective, efficient and optimal Islamic education.
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Ji Suk, Woo. "A Comparative Analysis of Korean Administrations` Public Relations Policies and the Implications for Democratic Governance." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 23, no. 1 (August 31, 2008): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps23107.

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This study compares each Korean administration's purposes of public relations, the communication flow of government PR, Press policies, and relationships between the press and the government, in order to examine characteristics and changes in the Korean governments' approaches to government PR. The findings of the analysis show that most of the early administrations purported to provide propaganda against communism and their political rivals. Later administrations conducted PR activities for diverse purposes such as propaganda, the dissemination of public information, persuading the public, and sometimes even promoting mutual understanding. Communication flow of the government PR activities was consistently unilateral across the administrations, from the government toward the public, and mainly through the press. Although President Roh Moo Hyun attempted interactive communication between the government and the public, his idealism did not materialize in reality, and resulted in aggressive and intrusive unilateral PR activities directly toward the public. Based on the findings of the analysis, the study suggests that future government PR activities should focus on two-way communication, especially on listening to the public, probably by organizing local policy meeting and discussion groups, setting up call centers and internet sites that are easy to use and are interactive, and by planning and executing deliberative polling for policy issues.
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Almiron, Núria, and Laura Fernández. "Including the animal standpoint in critical public relations research." Public Relations Inquiry 10, no. 2 (May 2021): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x211005368.

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In this paper we argue that adopting critical animal studies perspectives in critical public relations can not only be very fruitful, but that it is also a necessity if the aims of the latter are to be achieved. To this end, this text introduces the challenges and opportunities that the field of critical animal studies brings to critical public relations studies. First, a short explanation of what critical animal studies is and why it can contribute to critical public relations studies is provided. Then the main fields of research where this contribution can be most relevant are discussed, including ethics, discourse studies and political economy. The final aim of this theoretical paper is to expand research within the field of critical public relations by including a critical animal studies approach. Eventually, the authors suggest that embracing the animal standpoint in critical public relations is an essential step to furthering the study of power, hegemony, ideology, propaganda or social change and to accomplishing the emancipatory role of research.
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WOLSKA-ZOGATA, Irena. "MEDIA AND WAR. BETWEEN INFORMATION AND PROPAGANDA." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 165, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3443.

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The article is of demonstrative nature. It contains the data that come from the examinations of other authors. It is aimed at showing in what way politicians and military personnel can influence the winning of the hearts and minds of the public opinion for their own purposes with legally available assets.In spite of exploiting the press from time immemorial for waging wars, the Vietnam war prompted politicians and the military to develop a cooperation strategy with the media.The second Gulf War was fought in accordance with the principles worked out by the US military from the style of information management during the first Gulf War in 1991. In the process of information management, the majority of specialists were from the field of political public relations rather than civilian spin doctors.
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Beer, Francis A. "American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy: Public Diplomacy at the End of the Cold War. By Siobhàn McEvoy-Levy. New York: Palgrave, 2001. 256p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 693–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402270379.

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Public diplomacy, or foreign policy rhetoric, is an increasingly important dimension of international relations. As modern media extend their global reach, they bring national foreign policy actions out of the diplomatic closet into full public view. Public relations experts market foreign policy as they do other products and services. Foreign policy marketing uses rhetoric strategically to legitimize national actions, mobilize support from allies, and counter the propaganda efforts of opponents. McEvoy-Levy's work contributes to the growing literature of such modern international communication.
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Nip, Joyce Y. M., and King-wa Fu. "Challenging Official Propaganda? Public Opinion Leaders on Sina Weibo." China Quarterly 225 (February 9, 2016): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741015001654.

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AbstractThis article examines the prominence of various user categories as opinion leaders, defined as initiators, agenda setters or disseminators, in 29 corruption cases exposed on Sina Weibo. It finds that ordinary citizens made up the largest category of initiators but that their power of opinion leadership was limited as they had to rely on media organizations to spread news about the cases. News organizations and online media were the main opinion leaders. Government and Party bodies initiated a fair number of cases and, despite not being strong agenda setters or disseminators, were able to dominate public opinion owing to the fact that news organizations and online media mainly published official announcements about the cases. Media organizations also played a secondary role as the voice of the people. While individuals from some other user categories were able to become prominent opinion leaders, news workers are likely to be the most promising user category to challenge official propaganda.
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Kruckeberg, Dean, and Marina Vujnovic. "Public relations, not propaganda, for US public diplomacy in a post‐9/11 world: Challenges and opportunities." Journal of Communication Management 9, no. 4 (December 2005): 296–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13632540510621641.

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Brady, Anne-Marie. "Regimenting the Public Mind: The Modernization of Propaganda in the PRC." International Journal 57, no. 4 (2002): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203692.

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Xifra, Jordi, and Robert L. Heath. "Reputation, Propaganda, and Hegemony in Assyriology Studies: A Gramscian View of Public Relations Historiography." Journal of Public Relations Research 27, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 196–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1062726x.2015.1024247.

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Nwafor Mordi, Emmanuel. "Postwar propaganda as public relations: British containment of militant nationalism in Nigeria, 1945—60." International Communication Gazette 73, no. 3 (April 2011): 198–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048510393654.

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L'Etang, Jacquie. "State propaganda and bureaucratic intelligence: The creation of public relations in 20th century Britain." Public Relations Review 24, no. 4 (December 1998): 413–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0363-8111(99)80109-x.

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Tahir, Rahman, Heri Kusmanto, and Muryanto Amin. "Propaganda Politik Hoaks dalam Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2019." PERSPEKTIF 9, no. 2 (May 9, 2020): 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v9i2.3458.

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The purpose of this research is to find out and analyze the use of hoax propaganda, material or content and patterns of its use in the 2019 Presidential Election. Qualitative methods are used in this research to seek knowledge or understanding of various related relations behind a reality in the new media era, text studies and news documentation and articles about hoax news that can influence the public and can hinder and influence the substance of democracy itself. The results showed that the purpose of hoaks political propaganda in addition to influencing the public was also done to change the negative image into positive or vice versa, in order to increase the electability and popularity of the candidates supported. material or content that is used as propaganda hoaks is material or content that contains SARA, personal, uses a pattern of nicknames, transfers, lure, popular narrative by using news / information content which is negative in nature and even sometimes contains lies using hoax propaganda patterns that are used in the 2019 presidential election. The pattern of the use of hoax propaganda is exhaled in new media by repetitive and continuous ways to change cognitive thinking and arouse the emotions of people who do not understand the deepening of politics.
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Valdez, Mohamad Alppy, and Rendro Dhani. "Celebrity Endorsers in Government Communication: A Plausible Option amidst Uncertainty and Declining Public Trust." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 6, no. 2 (December 5, 2021): 242–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v6i2.598.

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This paper examines the harness of celebrity endorsers by government organizations as a strategy of political public relations. The purpose of this study was to broaden understanding of how celebrity endorsers and key opinion leaders work in the political realm, notably in supporting government policy. This descriptive-qualitative research uses a single case study on the promulgate efforts of the government’s COVID-19 vaccination program using celebrity endorsements. Literature research and social media material from a celebrity endorser were used as data collection techniques. To discover propaganda techniques, content analysis was performed on Raffi Ahmad’s social media posts. Next, a group discussion with six key informants was held to confirm the findings. Given the context and focus of this study lies on government organizations, we offer a different approach in examining celebrity endorsements by using propaganda theories and concepts. Kahneman’s dual-system theory of fast and slow thinking was also fruitful to rationalize the work of endorsement and relevant to propaganda and other persuasion theories. We found that the key messages that Raffi Ahmad published on his social media contained propaganda elements that had the potential to influence public opinion before making a decision. Therefore, the use of celebrity endorsements by government organizations is likely to be effective in influencing public behavior, or at least in raising awareness of government policies. We conclude that celebrity endorsement can be a plausible option to be implemented in the government communication strategy to achieve certain objectives.
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Brady, Anne-Marie. "The Beijing Olympics as a Campaign of Mass Distraction." China Quarterly 197 (March 2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009000058.

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AbstractFrom 2006 to 2008 the predominant theme in the Chinese media was preparations for the 2008 Olympics. These preparations were not merely about putting up new sports stadiums; China also underwent a massive public etiquette campaign, aimed at “civilizing” Chinese citizens. This was nominally so they could be good hosts during the Beijing Olympics. The 2006–08 emphasis on Olympic-related news coverage and the ongoing public morals campaign was what I have called a campaign of mass distraction: a propaganda campaign designed to mobilize the population around a common goal, and distract them from more troubling issues such as inflation, unemployment, political corruption and environmental degradation. This article discusses China's Olympics propaganda within the context of the modernization of the Chinese Communist Party's propaganda system – which has included incorporating practices originating in modern democratic states – and considers in what way changes in the propaganda system reflect changes in China's system of political control.
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Mamanovich, Rasulov Hakim. "THE MASS MEDIA AS A SUBJECT OF POLITICAL AND LEGAL PROPAGANDA." European International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Management Studies 02, no. 10 (October 1, 2022): 122–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijmrms-02-10-22.

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Mass media is not only a subject of political and legal information dissemination and informing the population, but also provides an opportunity to interpret, analyze and evaluate legal documents and legal relations, events, disputes. In this way, social and political life in the public serves to form relationships in particular. The mass media should become an effective link between the people and the government, become an active propagandist of the reforms implemented in the country. Only then can it fully manifest its essence, tasks and characteristics.
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Muñoz, Pedro Felipe, and Stefan Rinke. "Latin America in the global exchange of the German Hygiene Museum in Dresden (1919-1930)." Revista Tempo e Argumento 14, no. 35 (April 30, 2022): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180314352022e0104.

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In 1912, Karl Lingner created the German Hygiene Museum Dresden profiting from the Dresden International Hygiene Exhibition 1911. Lingner aimed to build a permanent building for the museum, but due to the Great War and post-war economic crisis in Germany, the permanent building was not opened until 1930. In the Weimar Republic, the museum circulated internationally through traveling exhibitions and the sale and donation of collections and exhibits. This circulation comprised a global exchange promoting health education that included Latin America. In keeping with German foreign cultural policy of the period, the German Hygiene Museum played an active role in the transatlantic cultural relations and the German-Latin American exchange, functioning as "a cultural propaganda institute". In this article, we explore the transnational circulation of objects and collections between Dresden and Latin America which was also associated with international efforts to promote public health. Keywords: Public Health; Health Education; Cultural Propaganda; German-Latin American Relations; Transnational and Global History.
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45

van Stipriaan, René. "Words at War: The Early Years of William of Orange's Propaganda." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 4-5 (2007): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507782263362.

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AbstractThe propaganda efforts in the early years of the Dutch Revolt left us countless pamphlets and dozens of songs and prints. Yet our understanding of the development, the operation, and the reach of particularly William of Orange's propaganda efforts remains limited. This article explores to what extent Orange consciously launched a public relations campaign through literary propaganda. Orange had good success in attracting literary talents to defend the cause of the Revolt and his own leadership. The authors who labored on Orange's behalf varied in social background and experience. Some were engaged in pamphlet writing and others in balladry, while a few gained a position as personal advisor to the prince. The anonymous hymn Wilhelmus van Nassouwe also hails from these early years, yet its origin is an unresolved mystery. A first reconstruction of Orange's propaganda network brings forth a new candidate for the authorship of this very influential song.
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46

Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.

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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.
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47

Neo, Ric, and Chen Xiang. "State rhetoric, nationalism and public opinion in China." International Affairs 98, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 1327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac105.

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Abstract The Chinese government is fond of invoking the ‘hurt feelings of 1.4 billion Chinese citizens’ to protest foreign actions and policies. However, this rhetoric might be nothing more than propaganda and attempts to leverage nationalist sentiment. How much do citizens in China actually care about issues completely unrelated to their daily livelihoods? To answer this, the study employs a representative survey to investigate the extent to which rhetoric about ‘hurt feelings’ is consistent with public opinion on four contemporary socio-political disputes involving the NBA, Marriott International, Mercedes-Benz and the city of Prague. Across the scenarios, we found that the Chinese government did not exaggerate the displeasure of audiences—citizens are aware of the cases, were indeed upset by them and advocated for retaliatory measures that were surprisingly more forceful than those adopted in reality. These emotions were largely driven by nationalistic sentiment rather than personal experiences or encounters, suggesting the success of state propaganda in steering the public opinion toward outcomes favourable to the state. These findings support recent studies highlighting the peculiar case of rising nationalism in China, and have important implications for the impact of public opinion on Chinese policymaking.
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Johnson, Melissa A. "Five decades of Mexican public relations in the United States: from propaganda to strategic counsel." Public Relations Review 31, no. 1 (March 2005): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2004.11.002.

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Ruiz del Olmo, Francisco-Javier, and Jordi Xifra. "Public relations discourse, ethical propaganda and collective identity in Luis Buñuel’s Spanish Civil War films." Public Relations Review 43, no. 2 (June 2017): 358–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2017.02.009.

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Folayan, Bolu John, Olumide Samuel Ogunjobi, Prosper Zannu, and Taiwo Ajibolu Balofin. "Post-war Civil War Propaganda Techniques and Media Spins in Nigeria and Journalism Practice." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 17 (April 8, 2021): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v17i.8993.

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In public relations and political communication, a spin is a form of propaganda achieved through knowingly presenting a biased interpretation of an event or issues. It is also the act of presenting narratives to influence public opinion about events, people or and ideas. In war time, various forms of spins are employed by antagonists to wear out the opponents and push their brigades to victory. During the Nigerian civil war, quite a number of these spins were dominant – for example GOWON (Go On With One Nigeria); “On Aburi We Stand”, “O Le Ku Ija Ore”. Post-war years presented different spins and fifty years after the war, different spins continue to push emerging narratives (e.g. “marginalization”, “restructuring”). This paper investigates and analyzes the different propaganda techniques and spins in the narratives of the Nigerian civil in the past five years through a content analysis of three national newspapers: The Nigerian Tribune, Daily Trust and Sun Newspapers. Findings confirm that propaganda and spins are not limited to war time, but are actively deployed in peace time. This development places additional challenge on journalists to uphold the canons of balance, truth and fairness in reporting sensitive national issues. The authors extend postulations that propaganda techniques, generally considered to be limited to war situations, are increasingly being used in post-war situations. Specifically, they highlight that journalists are becoming more susceptible to propaganda spins and this could affect the level of their compliance to the ethics of journalism.
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