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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Public relations Propaganda'
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Marková, Jindřiška. "Propaganda a public relations v mezinárodní politice." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10555.
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The target of this thesis is to formulate and defend the statement that there is no clear distinction between the propaganda and public relations methods in the field of international politics. The fundamentals of this thesis represent empirical observations and their subsequent analysis in various case studies. Many of these case studies date back to early history, that's why the corresponding literature was used as source of information. In addition, the nature of propaganda is often connected with miscellaneous affairs of international extent. Its true impact is revealed eventually. To confirm the preliminary thesis there are partial targets and steps stated in the introduction. The first step was to determine own area of definitions, in compliance with the generally accepted standpoints, to which I also often refer. To support my thesis I decided to apply some mathematical processes, and so I imagined the notions as sets according to certain criterion. This way of thinking allowed me to view the notions as non-empty set, equal to the intersection of international politics, propaganda and public relations. An important part of this thesis is the chapter dealing with contemporary literature regarding the issues of propaganda and PR. Various interesting not necessarily historically important case studies of propaganda campaigns represent another partial step confirming the thesis that propaganda and public relations in international relations are not importantly different.
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Thomas, C. "Colonial government propaganda and public relations and the administration in Nigeria, 1939-51." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377259.
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Hosterman, Alec Ry'n. "Toward a more unified conceptualization of propaganda." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1061886.
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The word "propaganda" was coined by the Roman Catholic Church in 1622 when it established the "Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide" in an effort to promote Christianity. In that era, propaganda was viewed simply as a means of spreading the Christian faith. However, 20th century conceptualizations of propaganda depict propaganda in various fashions. For example, some scholars view propaganda as a manipulative and deceptive campaign, as a means to achieve social control, and simply as a tool used to disseminate information.This study provides a foundation for creating a more unified conceptualization of propaganda. This appears particularly important given the resurgence of interest in propaganda research and recent technological innovations that provide for more widespread dissemination of propaganda. This study analyzes 20th century definitions of propaganda via the use of the constant comparative method of analysis. Through this method, key characteristics of these definitions are discerned, thereby providing scholars with a better understanding of the nature of propaganda and enhancing future propaganda research and theory construction.Department of Speech Communication
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St, John Burton III. "The trail of tension between public relations and journalism the unfinished business about using propaganda to move crowds /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2005. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3185104.
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Benson, Krystina Lee. "The committee on public information : a transmedia war propaganda campaign." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2012. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/53820/1/Krystina_Benson_Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis develops an understanding of how propaganda entered the realm of journalism and popular culture in the United States during World War I through an examination of materials created by the Committee on Public Information (CPI). The CPI was a US governmental propaganda organisation created during World War I to persuade the nation to mobilise for war. Three of its divisions were chosen for this study: the Division of News (DoN), the Division of Four Minute Men (FMM) and the Division of Pictorial Publicity (DPP). Chapter 1 provides a general context for the thesis, outlines the research questions and details previous research on the CPI. Chapter 2 outlines the methods of analysis for interpreting the case study chapters and provides contextual information.
The case studies are presented in Chapters 3, 4 and 5. These chapters are structured in the order of context, medium and content, and contain historical contextual information about each particular division, medialogical aspects of its propagated form and thematic groupings created from close reading of CPI materials. A semiotic analysis in the Peircian tradition is also performed on visual forms of propaganda in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 discusses how the expectations of persuasion, truth and amusement relate to each other when mediated in culture, using Lotman’s concept of the semiosphere. This further develops an understanding of propaganda as a cultural system in relation to other cultural systems – in this case, journalism and popular culture. Chapter 7 provides conclusions about the study, outlines relative strengths and weaknesses regarding the selection and deployment of methods, makes recommendations for future research, and summarises the key contributions of the thesis.
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L'Etang, Jacqueline Yvonne. "The professionalisation of British public relations in the twentieth century : a history." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2403.
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The thesis presents a first account of the development of British public relations in the twentieth century. The focus is on the whether British public relations has managed to 'professionalise'. To a large degree, the story is one of failure, despite the exponential growth of the field. The history of this puzzling contradiction is explored in detail, drawing on previously untapped archives and extensive oral history interviews. The thesis argues that this apparent paradox is explained by the inability of the would-be professional body to establish control over public relations practice. Thus, one of the key features of the thesis is its presentation of a counter-history of the Institute of Public Relations to that body's own selfunderstanding. Turning to the overall development and growth of the occupation, the thesis argues that one of the most significant features of British developments, especially in the first half of the twentieth century, was the large role played by local and central governments and the relatively small contribution of the private sector. Key aspects of British government propaganda in both wartime and peacetime are highlighted and also include activities focused on policies of de-colonisation and economic intervention. The contribution of the British Film Documentary Movement and the collaboration between its leader, John Grierson, and the Secretary of the Empire Marketing Board (EMB), Sir Stephen Tallents, is presented as being of considerable significance, particularly in terms of the development of public relations ideology. The discourse and actions of key figures within the public relations industry are also foregrounded in the overall analysis. Themes include relationships between the public relations industry, the media and politics, ethics, and the ultimately vain attempts of the industry to establish the widespread legitimacy necessary for professional status.
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Walters, Claire M. "Spinning a War." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/487.
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Thesis advisor: John J. MichalczykThis thesis explores public relations tactics employed by the United States government during the second Iraq war. It discusses the similarity between public relations and propaganda, giving an in-depth exploration of the strategies used by the government before, during, and after the war to garner support for the effort
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Fine Arts
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Samadov, Maksym. "The 2008 South Ossetia War a content analysis of image restoration strategies used by the Russian government /." Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University, 2009. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/468.
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Sparkes-Vian, Cassian. "The evolution of propaganda : investigating online electioneering in the UK General Election of 2010." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/10752.
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This research project is an analysis of the use of digital propaganda by the three major parties in the UK 2010 General Election. In addition to this empirical aim, the study also employs the discipline of memetics to generate a theoretical and methodological approach with which to study digital propaganda. Memetics is an evolutionary theory of culture based around the concept of the ‘meme’ or cultural replicator. This study contends that propaganda can be understood as an evolutionary phenomenon, with the ethical implications of its use specifically addressed in each instance, rather than assumed as part of its definition. The memetic ‘methodological toolkit’ which is used to analyse the data on the 2010 election is a means by which key concepts from within the literature on memetics can be practically deployed. As part of the study this ‘toolkit’ is presented and the testing of it is continually evaluated in order to improve upon the initial design, something which also has implications for the use of memetic concepts within thematic textual analysis. The election itself was not an ‘Internet election’ in the way that the 2008 Presidential Election in the USA might be characterised. Such an election can be identified by a convergence of factors from within the party campaign structures and the wider political environment on a specific subject or individual – commonly a candidate for office – resulting in a high degree of spontaneous online participation and organisation amongst citizen supporters. This study argues that the UK 2010 election did not produce such a convergence due to low levels of voter enthusiasm, uneven social and financial resources and an inability by the major parties to capitalise on the potential opportunities for digital campaigning which arose.
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SALGADO, Ivanei. "O ethos discursivo do governo Antonio Anastasia na interlocução com a sociedade: um estudo da propaganda institucional governamental." Universidade Federal de Alfenas, 2015. https://bdtd.unifal-mg.edu.br:8443/handle/tede/762.
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A propaganda institucional é utilizada pelos governos para estabelecer uma interlocução com a Sociedade. Essa modalidade de comunicação governamental é amparada pela Constituição Federal e utilizada pela presidência da República, governos estaduais e prefeituras municipais. Porém, diferentemente das empresas que anunciam seus produtos visando mercados consumidores, dos candidatos a cargos eletivos que visam serem eleitos e das campanhas de orientação para mudanças de comportamento, a propaganda institucional atua como forma de dar publicidade às ações governamentais. Por essa forma de comunicação, o Poder Executivo procura apresentar suas ações de governo utilizando estratégias de convencimento visando reforçar sua imagem institucional para o cidadão. Nessa interlocução com a Sociedade, os governos constroem e projetam imagens de si ao se apresentar ao interlocutor com intuito de obter sua conivência em relação ao comunicado. Essa auto-representação construída, chamada de ethos, é utilizada para imbuir credibilidade e identificação à gestão governamental. Esta pesquisa procura identificar o ethos construído e projetado pela gestão do governador Antonio Anastasia, do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB), frente ao estado de Minas Gerais. O arcabouço teórico da pesquisa foi construído com base na Teoria Semiolinguística de Análise do Discurso, proposta por Patrick Charaudeau. O corpus de análise é composto por quatro propagandas institucionais televisivas, de campanhas publicitárias diferentes, veiculadas nos anos de 2012 e 2013, focadas aos campos da Saúde, Educação, Segurança Pública e Desenvolvimento Econômico. Para atingir o objetivo de identificação do ethos discursivo por essa modalidade de comunicação governamental, analisamos as condições situacionais de identificação, finalidade, domínio do saber e dispositivo constituído e as condições discursivas de legitimidade, credibilidade e captação do contrato de comunicação estabelecido tacitamente entre o governo e a Sociedade. Os resultados identificaram que o governo do PSDB em Minas Gerais utiliza a propaganda institucional para se mostrar, principalmente, como gestão competente à sociedade.The public relations advertising is used by the governments to establish a dialogue with the society. This type of government communication is supported by the Brazilian Federal Constitution and is used by the Presidency of the Republic, state and municipal governments. But unlike the companies that advertise their products aimed at consumer markets, candidates for elected office, which aim to be elected, and guidance campaigns for behavioral changes, the public relations advertising acts only as a way of publicizing the government actions. For this form of communication, the Executive Branch seeks to present its government actions using persuasion strategies to strengthen its institutional image to the citizen. In this dialogue with the society, the governments build and project images of themselves presenting themselves to the caller with the purpose of getting their connivance in relation to the statement. This built self-representation, called ethos, is used to infuse credibility and identification to the government management. This research seeks to identify the ethos which has been built and designed for the management of Governor Antonio Anastasia, of the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), in the state of Minas Gerais. The theoretical research framework was built on Semiolinguistics Theory of Discourse Analysis proposed by Patrick Charaudeau. The analysis corpus consists of four television public relations advertising from different campaigns aired in the years 2012 and 2013, focused on the public services of Health, Education, Public Safety and Economic Development. To achieve the goal of identifying the discursive ethos by this type of government communication, we have analyzed situational conditions of identification, purpose, knowledge domain and constituent device and the discursive conditions of legitimacy, credibility and capture of the communication agreement established between the government and the society. The results showed that the government of PSDB in Minas Gerais uses the public relations advertising to show mainly as a competent management to society.
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Botes, Marina. "The public diplomacy of the United States of America in the war on terror." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11192007-141127.
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Lins, Lindercy Francisco Tome de Souza. "To sell a product or to sell an idea: a propaganda oficial do Brasil nos Estados Unidos da América (1930-1945)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-24022016-013307/.
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Este trabalho analisa a propaganda oficial do Brasil nos Estados Unidos da América, de 1930 a 1945, no anseio de entender como o governo capitaneado por Getúlio Vargas estabeleceu uma política de promoção da imagem do Brasil naquele país. A organização da propaganda externa contou com atuação dos seguintes órgãos: Departamentos de publicidade/propaganda, principalmente o Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Escritório de informações brasileiras nos EEUU, ligado ao Ministério do Trabalho, Indústria e Comércio; postos diplomáticos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores; além dos órgãos norte-americanos: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) do governo estaduninse; e American Brazilian Association, de natureza privada. Destaca-se o fato de que cada órgão brasileiro, a sua maneira, concebia e realizava, com relativa autonomia, ações de promoção da imagem positiva do País nos Estados Unidos. Os elementos em comum às formas de propaganda desses órgãos foram as ações empregadas, a exemplo do envio de notícias aos jornais, análise das matérias sobre o Brasil, acolhida de personalidades, promoção de intercâmbios artísticos, educacionais e científicos, fomento a publicações informativas sobre o País como as revistas Brazil, Brazil Today e Travel in Brazil. Destaca-se a contratação, de maneira informal, do famoso redator da coluna Washington Merry-Go-Round, Drew Pearson, como agente de imprensa do Brasil. Essas ações detinham também um mesmo público-alvo, composto de jornalistas, empresários, políticos, intelectuais, militares e demais personalidades consideradas formadoras de opinião; ou seja, pessoas que podiam, de algum modo, interferir ou influenciar os rumos dos interesses nacionais nos assuntos externos dos EUAThis study analyzes the Brazilians government propaganda in the United States, from 1930 to 1945, which to aim to understand how the government headed by President Getúlio Vargas established a Brazil\'s image in that country. The organization of the Brazilian propaganda abroad featured by performance of the following agencies: Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Brazilian Information Bureau, diplomatic posts owned by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Itamaraty; and the American organizations: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) of U.S government; American and Brazilian Association, a private agency. Noteworthy is the fact that every Brazilian agency, in its way, conceived and performed with relative autonomy, actions to promote the positive image of the Brazil in the U.S. The common elements of forms of propaganda were employed, such as sending news to American newspapers, analysis of news about Brazil in the American Press, welcoming American personalities, promotion of artistic, educational and scientific exchanges, fostering informative publications about Brazil, such as magazines Brazil, Brazil Today and Travel in Brazil. The Brazilian government hired, informally, Drew Pearson, the editor of the famous column Washington Merry-go-round, as press agent of Brazil. These actions held by the same audience, composed of journalists, businessmen, politicians, intellectuals, military and other persons considered public opinion makers; that is, people who could in any way interfere with or influence the direction of national interests in foreign affairs in U.S.
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Sabbadini, Luciana Guerreiro. "A PROPAGANDA DE INSTITUIÇÕES DE ENSINO SUPERIOR DO ESTADO DE SÃO PAULO A apropriação de aspectos comunicacionais mercadológicos do varejo." Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, 2012. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/631.
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Previous issue date: 2012-04-10O atual contexto do segmento educacional, caracterizado pela proliferação de instituições de ensino superior privadas, pelo aumento do número de vagas, de opções de cursos oferecidos e pelo acirramento da concorrência, levou as instituições de ensino superior privadas à implantação de uma gestão mais competitiva. Diante desse cenário, as instituições de ensino superior iniciaram um processo mais estruturado e estratégico para divulgação de seus serviços, objetivando destacar-se da concorrência, tornar perceptíveis suas qualidades e diferenciais acadêmicos e mercadológicos para atrair seus públicos de interesse. Esta dissertação apresenta o cenário atual do segmento educacional superior no Brasil, os conceitos de marketing educacional, bem como de suas ferramentas. Inicia apreciando a apropriação de ferramentas de comunicação mercadológica pelo marketing educacional de instituições de ensino superior privadas e finaliza comparando os anúncios de três das dez maiores instituições de ensino superior paulista com os de três redes varejistas. Essa comparação, junto com a pesquisa bibliográfica, documentais e de análise de conteúdo, examinou a apropriação de aspectos comunicacionais mercadológicos varejistas nas mensagens das propagandas impressas das instituições de ensino superior do estado de São Paulo proporcionou identificar que todas as peças analisadas apresentavam em suas mensagens os mesmos aspectos mercadológicos do segmento varejista.
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Ricaud, Raphaël. "La public diplomacy des Etats-Unis : théories, pratiques, effets (1948-2008)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100143/document.
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La présente étude vise à appréhender en trois temps la public diplomacy des Etats-Unis, objet civilisationnel protéiforme. Notre premier chapitre a pour objectif la constitution d’un appareil théorique permettant de comprendre le fonctionnement de la projection d’une image extraterritoriale des Etats-Unis. La multiplicité d’acteurs, d’auteurs et de prescripteurs façonnant la public diplomacy américaine nécessite d’en dresser une taxonomie. Par ailleurs, les nombreux prismes disciplinaires par lesquels la public diplomacy est décrite font amplement varier son signifié. Pour donner du sens à cet ensemble hétérogène, nous choisissons d’étudier la public diplomacy des Etats-Unis sous l’angle de la propagande. Notre second chapitre est une étude pratique. Celle-ci révèle que la littérature consacrée à la public diplomacy est de nature quasi hagiographique. Présentée comme vertueuse par ses acteurs, la réalité est tout autre. Quatre cas d’étude – la « campagne de vérité » sous Truman, la « guerre du Vietnam » sous Johnson, l’Office of Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean sous Reagan, ainsi que la « guerre contre la terreur » sous Bush fils – montrent que sa praxis est en contradiction avec sa rhétorique. Lors de l’ultime chapitre, on s’interrogera sur les différences entre effets annoncés et effets constatés. Le phénomène le plus notable est la constitution d’un maillage international de personnes influentes au sein d’instituts servant de relais au message américain. Cet effet fait-il des chercheurs en Etudes américaines des propagandistes à leur insu ?This three-part dissertation considers U.S. public diplomacy as a protean American Studies object. Part one is the creation of a theoretical apparatus to assist readers in their comprehension of how America projects its image abroad. The (too) many actors, authors and policy-makers involved in the shaping of American public diplomacy require the creation of a taxonomy. What is more, depending on academic focus, the meaning of public diplomacy varies. To make sense of this heterogeneous set, we choose to use propaganda as the master signifier tying together the different facets of public diplomacy. Part two is a practical study. Quasi hagiographic literature massages the reader into believing public diplomacy is of a virtuous nature. Yet four case studies (Truman’s Campaign of truth, Johnson’s Vietnam War, Reagan’s Office of Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean and Bush 43’s so-called “War on Terror”) reveal the width of the gap that separates rhetoric from practice. Part three ponders the difference between supposed and real effects of American public diplomacy. Its most tangible achievement being the creation of a network of influential people and institutions to relay the American message abroad, one may wonder whether American Studies specialists unknowingly become propagandists themselves
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Spencer, Malcolm Lyndon Gareth. "Stalinism and the Soviet-Finnish war of 1939-40 : crisis management, censorship and control." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74e74093-9ac5-40fe-92e2-9f0d6e5c833d.
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In both western and Russian historiography the Soviet-Finnish War of 1939-40 enjoys, at best, only a passing reference in any narrative of the period and is poorly integrated into existing scholarly analyses of the Soviet regime under Stalin. It is my contention that this conflict offers an invaluable opportunity to test for continuity and change in the form and function of the Stalinist system. Between the disastrous efforts of its forces and the condemnation of the international community, the Kremlin was confronted with the serious challenge of how to portray the events of the war in the media, while managing domestic and international opinion over the course of the fighting. This thesis examines the extent to which the Soviet regime under Stalin had the institutions and agents in place at the close of the 1930s to cope with the crisis of war in Finland; to be in command of the military campaign, while simultaneously controlling the direction of the official narrative about the fighting; and to censor conflicting interpretations, experiences and information channels, which might expose the Red Army's woeful performance on Finnish territory. This mobilisation of press, propaganda and censorship organs in the face of widespread international condemnation and domestic disquiet constituted a significant challenge for a regime still dealing with the sudden reorientation of the Communist International, required after the Soviet Union's conclusion of a non-aggression treat with Nazi Germany in August 1939. An international perspective is central to this thesis, with a view towards assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the public face and private practice of Soviet information controls.
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Tracy, Jared M. "Perception management in the United States from the great war to the great crash." Diss., Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/13246.
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Doctor of PhilosophyDepartment of History
Donald J. Mrozek
This study argues that after World War I, corporate executives continued a strategy of perception management (PM) to control Americans’ choices in the commercial sphere and to shape the economic and cultural landscape of the 1920s. The state used PM on an unprecedented scale in 1917 and 1918 to promote a model of loyal American behavior (as part its effort to manage the mobilized U.S. society), but the use of PM did not end after the Armistice. While many historians have seen wartime propaganda measures as the result of special fears and circumstances tied to a sense of pervasive national emergency, they fail to explain the continuation of comparable methods into the period of peace supposedly characterized by a return to "normalcy." Whereas most historical studies sharply delineate between political propaganda and commercial advertising, this study stresses leaders' continuous use of PM to promote their notions of what constituted typical, normal, even loyal American behavior in times of both war and peace. While not a contemporary term in the early twentieth century, PM offers an appropriate conceptual framework to analyze a deliberate strategy at that time. This study defines it as actions used to convey or deny selected information to audiences to influence their emotions, motives, and objective reasoning, resulting in behaviors and actions favorable to the originators’ objectives. During WWI, policymakers and bureaucrats concealed the state's effort to control people's behavior with claims of defending liberty and democracy. After the war, corporate executives used PM to manufacture consumer demand and encourage Americans to think of themselves foremost as consumers. A cross section of political, economic, and cultural history, Perception Management in the United States from the Great War to the Great Crash offers an original perspective that emphasizes the consistency between the wartime and postwar eras by highlighting leaders' ongoing use of perception management to control Americans' behavior.
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Quessard-Salvaing, Maud. "Propagande, information et diplomatie publique pendant la guerre froide : les stratégies de l'USIA en Europe d'Eisenhower à Reagan." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030124.
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Pendant plus de quarante cinq ans l’atout maître de la diplomatie publique américaine a été l’Agence d’information des Etats-Unis (l’USIA, United States Information Agency), établie en 1953 à l’apogée de la guerre froide pour répondre à la propagande soviétique anti-américaine et coordonner les programmes culturels et d’information à l’étranger. En privilégiant une approche comparative, notre thèse se propose d’apporter un éclairage sur le rôle longtemps ignoré de la diplomatie publique au sein de la machine de la politique étrangère américaine en se concentrant sur trois Administrations présidentielles, Eisenhower, Kennedy et Reagan qui se distinguent comme des périodes charnières. Dans ce cadre, notre étude tente de déterminer le rôle qu’ont pu jouer les stratégies de la diplomatie publique américaine élaborées depuis Washington telles qu’elles furent pratiquées par les agents des services d’information (USIS) dans les pays de « la zone cruciale » (France, Italie et Allemagne) en Europe de l’Ouest, ou dans les nations captives. Notre thèse démontre que des premières campagnes de propagande des combattants de la guerre psychologique, dans les années 1950, aux émissions high-tech des champions de l’information et de la désinformation des années 1980, l’USIA fut au cœur des stratégies de persuasion de la puissance américaine en Europe. Au regard des succès et des échecs des activités officielles et officieuses pour lesquelles l’USIA a œuvré, nous abordons la délicate question de la réception des programmes d’information officiels et de l’efficacité des stratégies d’influence américaines dans les batailles européennes pour la libertéFor 46 years, the centrepiece of U.S. public diplomacy was the United States Information Agency (USIA) established in 1953 at the height of the Cold War to counter anti-American propaganda from the Soviet Union and coordinate foreign information dissemination programs. The purpose of my dissertation - a comparative study - is to try to shed a new light on the too long neglected role of public diplomacy in the American foreign policy process over the course of three key presidential Administrations- Eisenhower, Kennedy and Reagan. Therefore in the course of my dissertation, through field centered case studies, I investigate the strategies set up by the USIA in Washington and by the USIS [United States Information Services] in the field for “the crucial zone” (defined as France, Italy and Germany), and for key “captive nations” (such as Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Hungary). In my dissertation I argue that since the first propag! anda campaigns of the cold warriors to the high-tech broadcastings of the champions of information and disinformation, USIA was at the core of the American strategies of persuasion and power in Europe. Indeed, in the field, between 1953 and 1991 the psychological warfare between the US and the USSR turned into a cultural Cold War and a war of information in which both public and private networks were involved. Considering the success and failures of the covert and overt activities of the USIA I may tackle the tricky issue of the effectiveness of American strategies of influence in the European battle for freedom
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Christelis, Desiree. "Country reputation management : identifying the drivers of South Africa’s reputation in German media." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2384.
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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Although reputation management has historically been restricted to companies or other organisational entities, countries are also increasingly concerned with their reputation relative to other countries and have started to actively measure and manage that reputation1. Over the past years, the Republic of South Africa has begun to professionally streamline its own reputation management activities, specifically by establishing the International Marketing Committee (IMC) in August 2000. South African Tourism, the media division of the South African diplomatic sector and even South African Airways are other reputation management vehicles that have been working toward emanating a comprehensive marketing and communication message from South Africa to other countries. The basis of good reputation management is to first measure such reputation2. It is also important to know what aspects are the main drivers of such reputation. Using the content of specific German newspapers as data body, this study determines the drivers of South Africa’s media reputation in Germany. In order to accurately set the scene for an analysis of South Africa’s reputation, a thorough situation analysis on the country is conducted. This situation analysis forms the backbone for the methodology used further on to investigate the drivers of South Africa’s reputation in specific German media. To this end, a large part of the situation analysis looks at South Africa in terms of Germany and a study is conducted on the relationship between Germany and South Africa as well as the potential stakeholders of South Africa’s media reputation in Germany. It is also important to know what current efforts in terms of reputation management are. After studying the history of South Africa’s reputation management activities, members of today’s reputation management vehicles are interviewed and an overview of South African reputation management efforts currently active in Germany is provided. The reputation management activities of other countries are briefly explored and specifically the lessons from other countries’ efforts are highlighted. Subsequently, the reputational dimensions that positively or negatively drive South Africa’s reputation in specific German media are determined. To this end, a content analysis is conducted on the seven German national daily newspapers, Börsen- Zeitung, Die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Financial Times Deutschland, Handelsblatt and Süddeutsche Zeitung3 over a period of 20 months. The findings made culminate in suggestions for South Africa’s future reputation management activities in Germany.
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Angelo, Ariane d'. "Discrète ténacité : l'entreprise de communication politique des gouvernements ouest-allemands à l'étranger à l'exemple de la France (1958-1969)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040177.
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La présente étude est consacrée au développement spécifique du secteur ouest-allemand de la communication d'État à l'étranger, dans le contexte des initiatives menées en France entre 1958 et 1969. L'élaboration d'une doctrine de l'information conforme à la doxa démocratique de la République fédérale d'Allemagne constitue le point de référence d'une analyse où affleurent les analogies avec la République de Weimar et les continuités dans le domaine du personnel et de l'appareil institutionnel. L'accession de la communication politique à l'étranger, domaine distinct de la diplomatie culturelle, au rang d'instrument indispensable de la politique extérieure est préalablement examinée à l'aune des efforts accomplis par le chancelier Konrad Adenauer pour conquérir une marge de manoeuvre internationale dans les premières années d'existence de la République fédérale ; l'ultimatum soviétique sur Berlin, en novembre 1958, est mis en évidence comme l'élément déclencheur de l'assentiment donné par le Parlement fédéral à la mise en oeuvre de mesures renforcées dans le domaine de l'information politique à l'étranger. La concurrence avec la RDA et l'importance de la distanciation avec la notion de propagande s'établissent comme deux critères d'analyse de l'action menée en France par la diplomatie ouest-allemande en coordination avec l'Office de presse et d'information du gouvernement fédéral. À rebours de la thèse de la « retenue », souvent utilisée pour désigner l'attitude officielle ouest-allemande à l'étranger, les procédés révèlent plutôt une action tenace, le plus souvent attentive à rester discrète, et dont les présupposés contredisent les tentatives de faire table rase du passéThis dissertation explores the specific way in which West German governments have developed strategies in international public relations and it discusses more particularly their implementation in France between 1958 and 1969. A cornerstone of this study is the creation by the Federal Republic of Germany of an official information doctrine that was intended to reflect the democratic orthodoxy of the newly created state. Its analysis not only reveals the many continuities between the Weimar Republic and post-war West Germany, but it also points out the permanence of political staff and institutional structures. The rise of international public relations as an essential tool in the country’s foreign policy is first examined in the light of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s efforts to make the FRG regain international leeway in its early first few years. Secondly, this study demonstrates that the Soviets’ Berlin ultimatum in November 1958 led the West German Parliament to agree with the reinforcement of the country’s international public relations policy. Competition with the German Democratic Republic as well as the West German governments’ need to stay well away from propaganda are the two criteria which inform the analysis of the action carried out in France by West German diplomatic services in cooperation with the Federal Press and Information Office. Whereas West Germany’s official attitude overseas has frequently been described as “non-assertive”, this dissertation contends that it should more justly be reassessed as a form of relentless, albeit it carefully discreet, action. The way it operated went against the official claim that West Germany was doing away with its past
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Jacobs, Matthew D. "A “Psychological Offensive”: United States Public Diplomacy, Revolutionary Cuba, and the Contest for Latin American Hearts and Minds during the 1960s." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427980665.
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Gagle, Michael Todd. "A Bridge Across the Pacific: A Study of the Shifting Relationship Between Portland and the Far East." PDXScholar, 2016. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2655.
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After Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931, both Japan and China sought the support of America. There has been a historical assumption that, starting with the hostilities in 1931, the Japanese were maligned in American public opinion. Consequently, the assumption has been made that Americans supported the Chinese without reserve during their conflict with Japan in the 1930s.
The aim of this study is to question the accuracy of that assumption in the case of Portland, Oregon. An analysis of newspapers and print material specifically focusing on Japan and China from before the conflict reveal that the general American opinion of Japan by 1931 had shifted from admiration to suspicion and fear. The American view of China, meanwhile, had shifted from contempt to pity. When Japan invaded China, both countries lobbied for support via books, articles, and public speakers. By analyzing the speeches and publications available, this study finds that the Japanese argued for security and economic benefit, while the Chinese argued for liberty and justice.
In Portland, the public opinion was strongly supportive of Japan before the 1930s, and Japan's hostilities toward China did not immediately change the opinion. Instead, an analysis of The Oregonian, the Portland City Club, and a student summit at Reed college reveal that the opinion in Portland was far more forgiving of Japan than the general American outlook. Portlanders focused on how to ease the tensions between Japan and America, even supporting Japanese calls for an Asian League of Nations headed by Japan.
Further complicating the discourse in Portland was the issue of communism. Portland -- and the Pacific Northwest in general -- had been very involved with socialism in the period before the First World War. After the war, support for socialism had diverged into support for communism, for those who remained radicals, and vehement distrust of communism, for those who did not. The tension between these two groups led to outbursts of violence that left a mark on the memories of the people of the Northwest. Those who supported communism remembered the slights, which would lead them to support the Bolsheviks in the 1930s. Those who distrusted communism remembered the real threat that communism represented.
When the Japanese began their propaganda against China, one of their strongest claims was that the Chinese could not hold back the tide of communism, and that only Japan was properly prepared to do so in East Asia. This claim brought up old fears in the Portland populace, most of whom did not support communism. Thus, Japanese claims of working to prevent the communist threat, coupled with the assertion of an economic boon, helped maintain a more favorable view of Japan in Portland. Following the 1937 attack on Nanking, however, Japanese action was deemed reprehensible and Portland began to turn against Japan.
By profiling the public opinion of Portland toward Japan in the 1930s, this study adds to the growing body of research on the complexities of the relationship between America and Japan during the twentieth century.
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Mielcarek, Romain. "L'influence limitée de la communication militaire française sur le récit médiatique de la guerre en Afghanistan (2001-2013)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG003/document.
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L’Afghanistan a été au début du XXIème siècle l’opération majeure des armées françaises. C’est aussi une période tout au long de laquelle la stratégie de communication de cette institution se développe. La communication militaire, partagée entre un volet opérationnel sur le théâtre, un volet institutionnel au sein des armées et un volet politique au cabinet du ministre, s’est avérée un exemple original en matière de relations publiques. Nourris d’éthique et d’une forte conviction, les communicants ont opté pour une pratique plus tournée vers l’ouverture d’un dialogue avec les journalistes plutôt que vers la quête de résultats. En résulte une satisfaction relative du travail accompli dans ces deux groupes, sans que l’un ou l’autre n’ait dû renoncer à remplir sa propre mission. Le récit médiatique est relativement équilibré, même s’il est de plus en plus négatif au fil des années qui passent. Mais il contient également toute la symbolique valorisante de soldats dévoués et persévérants, soucieux de remplir leur missionIn the early XXIst century, Afghanistan was the major operation for french armed forces. All along that period, communication strategy of that institution has evolved, to face the standards of time and requirements of a professionalizing force. Military press relations, shared between communication about operations on the field, institutionnal communication inside the armies and a political communication in the minister’s office, has been an original example of public relations. Fostered by ethic and a strong conviction, press officers have opted for an open dialogue with journalists rather than for a search of outcomes. The result is a relative satisfaction of work done in those two groups, without any obligation for both of them to renounce to its own objective. Ensue a media narrative relatively balanced, even if it goes more and more negative over the years. Journalists reach that way their information duty by disclosing dysfunctions of this operation. But it also contains every positive symbols about devoted and persistents soldiers, concerned with fulfilling their mission
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Ljungman, Jakob. "A discrediting trade : A study of the relation between propaganda and soft power." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314692.
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This paper identifies some key differences between the traditional theoretical definition of soft power, as defined by Joseph Nye and how soft power is used by the government of the Russian Federation. The study uses a framework on propaganda to complement the general soft power theory. Soft power has many aspects, and this study limits to focus solely on the role of propaganda. The application studied is the Sputnik News Agency’s cover of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The findings conclude that Russian propaganda is dominated not by self-promotion, but strictly by reducing the credibility of its opponents. Propaganda can be both hard and soft in nature, depending on the objective.
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Dilag, Bayani C. "Access issues associated with U.S. Military presence in Thailand and the Philippines /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FDilag.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. Thesis (M.S. in)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel S. Croissant. Thesis Advisor(s). Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-101). Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Kozovoï, Andreï. "Présences des États-Unis en URSS, 1975-1985 : le grand public soviétique et les pratiques périaméricaines des pouvoirs." Paris 1, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA010611.
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Au cours de la période 1975-1985, les relations entre l'URSS et les États-Unis, son principal ennemi, se dégradent de manière dramatique, passant de l'"apogée de la détente» à la " guerre fraîche ». En Union soviétique, ce contexte impose à la machine de propagande de s'adapter afin de ne pas laisser les États-Unis gagner la lutte idéologique. Cette lutte, c'est aussi un combat pour la domination sur les présences des États-Unis dans la Russie soviétique: ces présences multiples constituent la trame de la guerre froide vécue par les Soviétiques. L'objectif de la réforme étant de rendre les pratiques périaméricaines efficaces, en particulier auprès de la jeunesse, la plus sensible aux" sirènes» d'outre-Atlantique. La mutation de la machine de propagande est le souhait d'une pluralité d'acteurs - des décideurs au sommet, aux exécutants de la base. Loin d'obéir aveuglément à l'idéologie marxiste-léniniste, les intérêts des uns et des autres se télescopent souvent, rendant la réforme improbable. Or les signaux que la population renvoie aux pouvoirs montrent sa désaffiliation croissante. Sans être tout à fait dépendante du pouvoir en place, l'opinion des États-Unis du grand public soviétique est tributaire d'un ensemble de facteurs complexes, où entrent en ligne de compte le schéma mental soviétique mais aussi un ensemble hérité, sans compter le contexte intérieur de crise économique sans précédent. La jeunesse soviétique apparaît comme un microcosme de la société soviétique, pleine de contradictions et assoiffée de bien-être. Le terrain de la perestroika est prêt.
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Woolgar, Tereza. "Exploring public and private versions of WW2 memory : memory, identity, ideology and propaganda in relation to the representations of the Czech RAF airmen." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2012. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/2361/.
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From a broader perspective this cross-disciplinary and cross cultural thesis examines the relationships between identity, ideology and propaganda and their influence over the production of private and public memories. This examination is carried out through a case study investigating various representations of the Czech RAF airmen from selected British and Czech WW2 newspapers approached as an archive of memory, and from individual recollections of the Czech veterans – the living archive of memory. These representations in the context of this research become interacting versions of public and private memory which in a unique way and yet equally contribute towards the historical construction of the Second World War. This thesis proposes that the various versions of memory, in Rothberg’s (2009) words ‘multidirectional memory’, are a consequence of versioning, a constant creation and re-creation of different versions of memory due to numerous influences on the producers of such memory. However, this research also considers a presence of Second World War discourse, which underpinned public and private memory and transcended collective memories of the Britishness and Czechness forming a transnational or cross cultural (Radstone, 2010) WW2 memory. In other words, this project draws upon current theories about non competitive multiple, transnational and mediated memory (Dijck, 2007) and extends upon these by considering their existence within a potentially unifying WW2 discourse within which they connect and disconnect. By doing so, this thesis challenges master narratives of history. These memories are also seen as a base for multi-layered identity of the ones who remembered and had the right to remember. Furthermore this study explores the potential reasons behind the creation of the discovered qualitative treasure of this project The Czechoslovak, a small community newspaper produced by the Czech minority living in Britain during the WW2. The theoretical underpinning as well as the methodology of the project attempt to interrogate media studies, oral history and memory studies in order to create a most pertinent space in which the written and oral memory is explored effectively. This merger of theories and methodologies allowed me to investigate the various memories within the context of the WW2 and thus construct them from the past perspective when they were being created. A discourse analysis of selected British and Czech WW2 newspapers (The Times, Daily Mirror, News of the World and The Czechoslovak) has been employed distinguishing between traditional and tabloidised newspaper representations and investigating to what extend the Czechs were portrayed as the ‘other’ or the heroes in the British society. The outcome of this analysis was a discovery that the Czech RAF airmen had not been given much prominence in the British newspapers and that their representations varied according to the different type of newspaper and the different period of the war in which they were produced. Moreover, ideology, propaganda and the notion of Czech and British identity present in the newspapers played an important role in the creation of public memory versions of the Czech RAF airmen’s images. Besides newspapers, this study took the opportunity to reveal very fragile and valuable private recollections of the Czech WW2 RAF veterans (six former members of the Czech RAF settled in Britain after the WW2 and 1 widow were interviewed in the summer 2008); the men who played an important role in the success of the Allies in WW2. By doing this, the former Czech airmen were given a voice and the chance to contribute towards existing knowledge about the Czechs in the RAF and the Second World War. The various versions of the past produced by their private memory have been investigated in the view of various factors influencing these versions: notably their identity, war ideology, propaganda, and forgetting and in relation to WW2 media. Considering the occurrence of versioning, when critically reflecting upon all different memories, I position myself as a researcher into the shoes of yet another producer of another version of the past. Thus, this study creates a space where various, sometimes contrasting memories do not fight for recognition, but where official collective memory and individual memory influence each other and also enrich each other whilst they co-construct a historical representation of the past.
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Doppler-Speranza, François. "Civils et militaires : les aspects culturels de la présence américaine en France, 1944-1967." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAC028.
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Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967
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Phares, Matthew H. "Combating insurgency can lessons from the Huk Rebellion apply to Iraq? /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490910.
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Malan, Ryan. "Public relations, propaganda and poison: a case study of South African press coverage of the Vanderbijlpark water pollution crisis and Mittal Steel." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/8315.
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Abstract
This study provides an account of the media coverage from The Star and The Citizen that dealt with the topic of water pollution in the Vanderbijlpark area. The first research question of this study asked how much coverage this issue had received in the two newspapers analysed. The second research question asked what this coverage of the issue looked like. The quantitative findings revealed that very few articles dealt with this topic from either publication, especially in relation to the corporation responsible for this pollution, namely Mittal Steel (previously Iscor). The qualitative findings involved thematic content analysis revealing themes such as legal conflict, sourcing, greenwashing and environmental reporting. A particular concern raised by this study was the use of sources and attribution in the articles. The local community was provided with very few opportunities to express their own concerns about the water pollution problem. It was found that most articles made extensive use of ‘official sources’ and representatives from the corporation and various government departments. A very limited number of articles provided the local community with public representation and described the situation in detail. This study concluded that these two publications had in fact failed in their responsibilities as the ‘fourth estate’ by providing very little coverage of the issue and by relying on official sources and public relations personnel.
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Máčelová, Tereza. "Spin doctoring na příkladu kauzy Radar." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-341700.
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The main focus of this thesis is the topic of spin doctoring. We understand the term of spin doctoring as a one-sided manipulative form of communication whose aim is to influence public opinion and attitudes. The thesis deals with both historic concepts and present day definitions of spin. Based on academic work, this text examines the phenomenon of spin doctoring in relation to political communication, public relations, propaganda, corporate spin and journalistic professions. We elaborate particular techniques and methods of spin on the background of important cases related to spin doctoring. These specific cases refer to anglo-american countries. The field of interest of political communication, the relation of politics and media and their impact on democratic order of society is examined from the perspective of pluralistic pessimists and neo- liberal optimists. The position of journalists in the context of their cooperation with the spin doctors is also taken into account. The research part of this work deals with the spin doctoring in the case of "Radar". The aim of the research is to find out whether or not manipulative techniques were employed in order to gain consent and support of the public in the case of building an American radar base in the Czech territory. Quantitative research methods...
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Balzer, Timothy John. "The information front: the Canadian Army, public relations, and war news during the Second World War." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1346.
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War news and public relations (PR) was a critical consideration for the Canadian Army during the Second World War. The Canadian Army developed its PR apparatus from nothing to an efficient publicity machine by war’s end, despite a series of growing pains. Canadian Military Headquarters in London appointed the first PR Officer, William Abel, in January 1940. PR services overseas grew along with the size of the army. The early days were marked by lack of coordination and often jurisdictional and personality conflicts between Abel and the other PR Officers and organizations. The 19 August 1942 Dieppe raid was the low point for both the accuracy of war news and Canadian PR involvement because Lord Mountbatten’s Combined Operations Headquarters minimized Canadian PR’s involvement in planning. This resulted in early portrayals of the raid as successful and the British censored a more honest explanation by the Canadian Army. The Sicilian and Italian campaigns provided a learning experience for the PR units. In Sicily, the news coverage of the Canadians was a public success, but PR had trouble with their allies in gaining national recognition and representation. Additionally, the question of correspondents’ priorities and delays getting to the front and transportation difficulties angered the press. Many of these problems continued in Italy until the appointment of Richard Malone, who enjoyed support from the politicians, press, and military. Applying the Mediterranean experience and participating in Allied publicity planning contributed to the excellence of Canadian PR during the Northwest Europe Campaign. PR maintained the confidence of the press while still controlling the correspondents. The army also largely overcame the temptation to censor bad news although this sometimes embarrassed Ottawa. Allied regulations sanitized war news preventing the reporting of the more disturbing aspects of war. Through censorship, the army exercised a great deal of control over the news media, yet this hegemony was incomplete because of need to keep the press friendly. Although a large sceptical minority remained, most Canadians considered their war news to be accurate. In sum, Canadian Army PR was generally successful, portraying the army positively and attracting media coverage.
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Pudlák, Štěpán. "Spin: koncept "spin doctoringu", jeho teoretické uchopení, projevy a výzkum." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304826.
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The topic of this thesis is spin doctoring. It understands terms "spin" and "spin doctoring" as deliberate manipulation with public opinion by means of communication. The thesis includes an account of relevant concepts as are public relations, propaganda or corporate spin. It describes academical approaches to this issue. The authors criticize especially a corruptive influence of spin doctoring on democratic society and manipulative nature of public relations, but they offer possibilities of counteraction against these practices as well. The thesis considers both historical and recent manifestations of spin doctoring. Many examples analyzed in this thesis concerns political environment of the Great Britain. Techniques and practices of spin doctoring such as "third party technique", "astroturfing" or "denigration campaings" are thoroughly explained. The perspective of semiotics and spin doctoring as manipulation with signs within social environment are concerned. The conflict between critics of spin doctoring and representatives of public relations is interpreted as discoursive discrepancy and both the antagonist discourses are analyzed. One chapter is devoted to spin doctoring within pharmaceutical industry. The practices and techniques of spin doctoring are interpreted in detail on this example....
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Duarte, Olga Maria Oliveira. "Propaganda Americana, regime Salazarista e diplomacia pública: A “United States Information Agency” (USIA) em Portugal durante a Guerra Fria (1953-1968)." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/20499.
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O fim da II Guerra Mundial, em 1945, deu origem a uma nova ordem nas relações internacionais, a
União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) e os Estados Unidos da América (EUA).
Durante grande parte do século XX, os responsáveis pela política norte-americana, fazendo uso da propaganda como uma ferramenta para aproximar as audiências internacionais dos valores do
sistema democrático, e como forma de convencer o mundo da sua capacidade de liderança
internacional e luta contra o comunismo soviético, levaram a cabo vários programas de cooperação
técnica, económica, cultural e científica, que envolveram vários departamentos e agências estatais e
privadas. Uma dessas agências foi a USIA United States Information Agency. Criada em 1953
pelo presidente Eisenhower, conduziu a diplomacia pública de suporte à política externa dos EUA
por todo o mundo, inclusive em Portugal.
Para compreendermos melhor o que levou à criação da USIA e às operações de propaganda do
governo dos EUA, que envolveram atividades ideológicas no exterior, temos de recuar até à I
Guerra Mundial e ao Committee on Public Information (CPI), durante a administração de Woodrow
Wilson, depois até à II Guerra Mundial, na presidência de Franklin Roosevelt com o Office of War
Information (OWI), para chegarmos à United States Information Agency (USIA), no período da Guerra Fria, o objeto de estudo do nosso trabalho.
Centrando a nossa atenção no período de criação da agência (1953), e no período de grande
mudança política em Portugal, o Estado Novo, sob a governação de Salazar (1968), procuramos
com esta investigação, compreender de que forma o governo americano agiu, por meio da USIA,
usando a propaganda disfarçada de diplomacia pública, para influenciar, ou não, a opinião pública
portuguesa.The end of World War II in 1945 gave rise to a new order in international relations, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the United States of America (USA). During much of the twentieth century, those responsible for American politics, making use of propaganda as a tool to bring international audiences closer to the values of the democratic system, and as a way to convince the world of its international leadership capacity and struggle against Soviet communism, carried out various programs of technical, economic, cultural and scientific cooperation, which involved various departments and state and private agencies. One of these agencies was the USIA Unit ed States Information Agency. Created in 1953 by President Eisenhower, it conducted public diplomacy in support of US foreign policy throughout the world, including in Portugal. To better understand what led to the creation of USIA and the US government's propaganda operations, which involved ideological activities abroad, we have to go back to World War I and the Committee on Public Information (CPI), during Woodrow Wilson's administration, then to World War II, under Franklin Roosevelt's presidency with the Office of War Information (OWI), to reach the United States Information Agency (USIA), during the Cold War period, the object of our work. Focusing our attention on the period of the creation of the agency (1953), and on the period of great political change in Portugal, the Estado Novo, under the governance of Salazar (1968), we seek with this research to understand how the American government acted, through the USIA, using propaganda disguised as public diplomacy, to influence, or not, the Portuguese public opinion.
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Doppler, François. "Civils et militaires : les aspects culturels de la présence américaine en France, 1944-1967." Thesis, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAC028.
Full textAbstract:
Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967
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Dhawraj, Ronesh. "A conceptual framework for digital political communication to promote party-political issue ownership via an urban electioneering platform." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26232.
Full textAbstract:
Abstracts in English, Zulu and AfrikaansThis Grounded Theory study focused on understanding how South Africa’s two numerically-dominant political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and Democratic Alliance (DA), used micro-blogging site, Twitter, as part of their electioneering arsenal in the 2016 municipal elections to promote party-political digital issue ownership within an urban context. Using each party’s 2016 election manifesto and corpus of tweets, this three-phased study found that while both the ANC and DA used Twitter as a digital political communication platform to communicate their election campaigns, the DA notably leveraged the social networking site for intense ‘focused’ messaging of its negative campaign against the ANC while simultaneously promoting positive electoral messages around its own ‘core’ issues and metro mayoral candidates. ‘Battleground’ metros were identified by the DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay, leading to an emphasised urban campaign here to either activate the party’s own support base and/ or to suppress the ANC’s turnout in these highly-contested areas. Additionally, it was found that both the ANC and DA used Twitter for explicit and implicit partypolitical issue ownership claiming in the 2016 municipal elections. Lastly, this study also culminated in the proposal of three but interconnected different elements of a conceptual framework for digital political communication that political parties could use to promote digital party-political issue ownership within a pronounced urban electioneering setting. These elements – ‘coordinating and managing how an election is tweeted’, 'focus' messaging the election’ and ‘audience-segmenting as a message-tailoring strategy’ – when used in unison can help political parties communicate better and ultimately more effectively in a highly mediatised technological media landscape
Hierdie Gegronde Teorie Studie fokus op die verduideliking hoe Suid-Afrika se twee numeriese dominante politieke partye, die African National Congress (ANC) en Demokratiese Alliansie (DA), van die mikro-blog platform, Twitter, gebruik gemaak het tydens hulle verkiessingsstrategie in die 2016 munisipale verkiessings om die party politieke digitale kwessie rondom eienaarskap binne ‘n stedelike verband te bevorder. Deur elke party se 2016 verkiessings manifesto en arsenaal van twiets te gebruik, het hierdie drie-fase studie bevind dat beide die ANC en DA, Twitter gebruik het as ‘n digitale politieke kommunikasie platform. Die DA het egter die sosiale media netwerk kenmerkend gebruik vir ‘n intense gefokusde negatiewe veldtog teen die ANC terwyl hulle terselfdertyd ‘n positiewe verkiessings boodskap rondom die party se eie kernkwessies en metro burgermeesters kandidate gesentreer het. ‘Oorlogsgebied’ metros is deur die DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane en Nelson Mandela Bay geidentifiseer wat ‘n defnitiewe stedelike veldtog tot gevolg gehad het om die party se eie ondersteuningsbasis te bevorder en/of die ANC se ondersteuning in hierdie hoogs betwiste areas te onderdruk. Daar was ook bevind dat beide die ANC en DA van Twitter gebruik gemaak het vir eksplisiete en implisiete party politieke kwessies rondom eiernaarskap tydens die 2016 munisipale verkiessings. Hierdie studie kan saamgevat word in drie onderskeie maar verwante elemente om ‘n raamwerk te vorm van die digitale politieke kommunikasie wat politieke partye kan gebruik om digitale party politieke kwessies binne ‘n stedelike verkiessings omgewing te bevorder. Wanneer hierdie elemente – ‘koordinering en bestuur van hoe twiets tydens ‘n verkiesing gebruik word’, ‘’die focus van die boodksap tydens die verkiessing’ and ‘die gehoorsegmentasie can ‘n boodskap strategie’ – in ‘n eenheid gebruik word kan dit politieke partye help om beter en meer effektief te kommunikeer binne ‘n baie kompiterende en tegnologiese medialandskap.
Inkcazo-bungcali yesisifundo ibigxile ekuqondeni ukuba uMzantsi Africa lo unamaqela amakhulu amabini ezopolitiko, ukutsho, iAfrican National Congress (ANC) kunye ne Democratic Alliance (DA), la maqela asebenzise iwebhusayithi encinane uTwitter, njengenxalenye yezixhobo zonxibelelwano kunyulo loo masipala ngo-2016. Bekwenza oku ngelikhuthaza amaqela ezopolitiko nebango lawo kwimiba yezinto abathi bazithethe kwisithuba sedijithali,kumxholo wendawo zase dolophini. Esi sifundo sisebenzisa imanifesto kunye nothotho lwe tweets zeqela ngalinye, nesenziwe ngokwezigaba ezithathu, sifumanise ukuba nangona iANC kunye ne DA zisebenzise uTwitter njenge qonga lonxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali (ngokolwimi lwasemzini) ukunxibelelana namaphulo onyulo, iDA izibonakalise amandla kwindawo yokuncokola kwiqonga uTwitter,ngokuthi imiyalezo yayo igxile kwaye itsole. Miyalezo leyo ithe yagxila ngokungafanelekanga kumkhankaso weANC. Ngaxeshanye, imiyalezo yayo yona iDA ibeyeyakhayo, kwaye incedisana nephulo layo kwimiba ephambili kunye nabagqatswa bosodolophu bo masipala abambaxa. Oomasipala abambaxa abathi babenongquzulwano bachongwe yiDA Ekurhuleni, eRhawutini, eTshwane nase Bhayi. Lonto ibangele ukuba bagxininise ekukhokeleni iphulo ledolophu ukuze bavuselele inkxaso ye DA apho okanye bacinezele ukuvela kwe-ANC kwezi ndawo kuphikiswana kakhulu ngazo. Ukongeza, kufumaniseke ukuba iANC kunye neDA zisebenzise uTwitter ngokwendlela ecacileyo nengathanga ngqo kwimeko yobunini bemicimbi yepolitiki ukuze bafumane ibango kunyulo loomasipala lwango 2016. Okokugqibela, esisifundo sigqibele kwisindululo sezinto ezintathu azahlukeneyo kodwa ezidityaniswe yinkqubosikhokelo eqingqiweyo kunxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali. Ezi zinto zizinto ezisenakho ukusetyenziswa ngamaqela ezopolitiko ukukhuthaza ubunini bemicimbi yezopolitiko ngaphakathi kulungiselelo lonyulo lwedolophu olubhengeziweyo. Ezi zinto- 'ukulungelelanisa nokulawula indlela unyulo luthunyelwe ngayo kusetyeziswa uTwitter', 'kugxilwe' kwimiyalezo yonyulo kunye nokuhlukaniswa kwabaphulaphuli okanye ababukeli njengecebo lokulungisa umyalezo '- xa zisetyenziswa ngazwinye zinokuwanceda amaqela ezopolitiko anxibelelane ngcono kwaye ekugqibeleni ngokuyimpumelelo kakhulu kuxhamlo olunamandla kakhulu kubume beendaba kumhlaba wetekhnoloji (ngokolwimi lwesiNgesi).
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)