Academic literature on the topic 'Public prosecutors – Spain'

El artículo pretende valorar psicosocialmente las características del trato que se dispensa a las víctimas de violencia de género en la pareja dentro de las instituciones del ámbito jurídico-penal en Catalunya (España). Con este objetivo, analizamos las funciones y los efectos discursivos de las narraciones de los actores que han formado parte de nuestra investigación (jueces, fiscales, abogados, policía y las propias víctimas). Los datos se han recogido a través de la observación participante y entrevistas, y hemos utilizamos el análisis del discurso y más concretamente la identificación de los repertorios interpretativos (Gilbert and Mulkay, 1984; Potter and Wetherell, 1987).El estudio revela, el dominio de dos repertorios interpretativos que caracterizan las prácticas del sistema jurídico-penal hacia la violencia de género y las mujeres implicadas: a) el �repertorio empiricista� caracterizado por la objetividad y la distancia emocional, y b) el �repertorio profesionalizador�, caracterizado por el predominio de los roles profesionales y la experiencia pragmática versus la práctica reflexiva. No obstante, emergen prácticas de resistencia que se caracterizan por elementos que catalogamos en el �repertorio feminista� y que pueden proveer nuevas claves en el tratamiento de mujeres vulnerables. Este �repertorio feminista� es potencialmente transformador de las intervenciones o prácticas profesionales, pues en el presente, el sistema jurídico- criminal no responde a las necesidades de las mujeres víctimas, especialmente teniendo en cuenta su diversidad.The aim of this paper is to assess the way victims of domestic violence are treated in legal or penal institutions in Catalonia (Spain) from a psychosocial perspective. With this purpose in mind, we analyse the functions and discursive effects of the narratives of the agents that have taken part in our research (judges, public prosecutors, lawyers, police officers, and the victims themselves). The data was collected by means of participant observation and interviews. We then used discourse analysis, and more specifically, the identification of interpretative repertoires (Gilbert & Mulkay, 1984; Potter & Wetherell, 1987).The study reveals the predominance of two interpretative repertoires that characterise the practices of the criminal justice system with respect to domestic violence and the women involved: a) the �empiricist repertoire� characterised by objectivity and emotional distance; and b) the �professional repertoire�, characterised by the predominance of professional roles and pragmatic experience versus reflective practice.Nevertheless, emerging resistance practices are characterised by elements that might be placed in the �feminist repertoire" and offer new insights into the treatment of vulnerable women. This �feminist repertoire� has the possibility of transforming professional interventions or practices, since the criminal justice system does not currently meet the needs of female victims, especially if we consider their diversity.

e4488149This paper discusses the role of the Universities in defense of life, democracy and rule of the law, and science as a generator of spaces of resistance in day-to-day and as powerful tool for unmasking of authoritarianism. In this context, it presents the results of the research on the role of perpetrators of human rights violations during Brazilian military dictatorship. The investigation was carried out at the Federal University of Paraíba, by the Interdisciplinary Network for the Study of Violence–RIEV, with the participation of the University of València, in Spain. For this study, 31 Federal Public Prosecution Service’ criminal prosecutions filed between 2012 and 2018 were selected. It sought the concepts that emerge from the data that help to understand how the process of violations of human rights occurs. The Straussian Grounded Theory was the methodology used in this study. The analysis had three stages: open coding, axial coding and selective coding. From the analyzed data, three relevant conceptual categories emerged to support human rights education: banality of evil/cruelty, discipline of the body and suffering. The study contributes to actions to incorporate into the school curriculum the comprehension that human dignity should constitute the basic value of the democratic rule of law. It allows the recognition that the human being must be the center and the end of law and education. In this context, the educational process must contribute to the protection of the dignity of the human being.ResumoO presente artigo trata sobre o papel das universidades na defesa da vida, da democracia e do estado de direito, e o papel da ciência como geradora de espaços de resistência no cotidiano bem como poderosa ferramenta no desmascaramento do autoritarismo. Nesse contexto, apresenta os resultados da pesquisa sobre a atuação dos perpetradores de violações aos direitos humanos durante a ditadura militar brasileira. A investigação foi realizada pela Rede Interdisciplinar de Estudos da Violência–RIEV, na Universidade Federal da Paraíba, com participação da Universidade de València, na Espanha. Para a análise, foram selecionadas 31 ações penais ajuizadas pelo Ministério Público Federal entre os anos de 2012 e 2018. O objetivo foi averiguar os conceitos que emergem dos dados e que ajudam a compreender o processo de violações aos direitos humanos naquele período. A metodologia do estudo atendeu aos três estágios preconizados pela Teoria Fundamentada Straussiana: a codificação aberta, a codificação axial e a codificação seletiva. Dos dados analisados emergiram três categorias conceituais relevantes para fundamentar a educação para os direitos humanos: banalidade do mal/crueldade, disciplina dos corpos e sofrimento. O estudo vem contribuir para ações de incorporação no currículo escolar do entendimento de que a dignidade humana deve se constituir como valor básico do Estado Democrático de Direito. Permite o reconhecimento de que o ser humano deva ser o centro e o fim do direito e da educação. Neste sentido, o processo educativo deve contribuir para a proteção da dignidade da pessoa humana.ResumenEste artículo aborda el papel de las universidades en la defensa de la vida, la democracia y el estado de derecho, y de la ciencia como generador de espacios de resistencia en la vida cotidiana, así como una herramienta poderosa para desenmascarar el autoritarismo. En este contexto, presenta los resultados de la investigación sobre el desempeño de los autores de violaciones de derechos humanos en el contexto de la dictadura militar brasileña. La investigación fue realizada por la Red Interdisciplinaria para el Estudio de la Violencia - RIEV, en la Universidad Federal de Paraíba con la participación de la Universidad de València, en España. Fueron seleccionados 31 acciones penales presentadas por el Ministerio Público Federal entre 2012 y 2018. El objetivo era investigar los conceptos que emergen de los datos y que ayudan a comprender el proceso de violaciones de derechos humanos. La metodología utilizó las tres etapas recomendadas por la Teoría Fundamentada Straussiana: codificación abierta, codificación axial y codificación selectiva. Tres categorías conceptuales relevantes surgieron para apoyar la educación en derechos humanos: banalidad del mal/crueldad, disciplina de los cuerpos y sufrimiento. El estudio contribuye a las acciones para incorporar al currículo escolar la comprensión de que la dignidad humana debe constituirse como un valor básico del Estado de derecho democrático. Permite el reconocimiento de que el ser humano debe ser el centro y el fin de la ley y la educación. En este sentido, el proceso educativo debe contribuir a la protección de la dignidad de la persona humana.Palavras-chave: Direitos humanos. Ditadura. Dignidade humana.Keywords: Dictatorship. Human dignity. Human rights.Palabras claves: Derechos humanos. Dictadura. Dignidad humana.ReferencesAGAMBEN, Giorgio. Estado de exceção. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2004.ALENCAR, H. M; LA TAILLE, Y. Humilhação: O desrespeito no rebaixamento moral. Arquivos Brasileiros de Psicologia, Rio de Janeiro, v. 59, n. 2, p. 217-231, 2007. Disponível em: http://pepsic.bvsalud.org/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1809-52672007000200011. Acesso em: 25 jul. 2019.ALVES, Maria Helena. Estado e oposição no Brasil: 1964 a 1984. Petrópolis: Editora Vozes, 1989.ANDRADE, Marcelo. A banalidade do mal e as possibilidades da educação moral: contribuições arendtianas. Revista Brasileira de Educação, Rio de Janeiro, vol.15, n.43, pp.109-125, 2010. Disponível em: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/rbedu/v15n43/a08v15n43.pdf. Acesso em: 15 jul. 2019.ARENDT, Hannah. Eichmann em Jerusalém: um relato sobre a banalidade do mal. São Paulo: Vozes, 1999.ARENDT, Hannah. A vida do espírito: o pensar, o querer, o julgar. Rio de Janeiro: Relume Dumará, 2000.BANDEIRA-DE-MELLO, Rodrigo; CUNHA, Cristiano Jose? Castro de Almeida. Operacionalizando o me?todo da Grounded Theory nas pesquisas em estrate?gia: te?cnicas e procedimentos de ana?lise com apoio do software Atlas/TI. In: ENCONTRO DE ESTUDOS EM ESTRATÉGIA DA ANPAD, 1., 2003, Curitiba. Anais [...]. Curitiba: Anpad, 2003.BERNSTEIN, J. M. Torture and dignity: An essay on moral injury. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2015.BRASIL. Lei nº 12.527, de 18 de novembro de 2011. Regula o acesso a informações previsto no inciso XXXIII do art. 5o , no inciso II do § 3o do art. 37 e no § 2o do art. 216 da Constituição Federal; altera a Lei no 8.112, de 11 de dezembro de 1990; revoga a Lei no 11.111, de 5 de maio de 2005, e dispositivos da Lei no 8.159, de 8 de janeiro de 1991; e dá outras providências. Brasília, DF: Presidência da República. [2019]. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2011-2014/2011/lei/l12527.htm. Acesso em: 25 jul. 2019.BRENNAND, Edna Gusmão de Góes; DUTRA, Delamar Volpato. The taint of torture and the brazilian legal system. 2019, no prelo.COELHO, Myrna. Tortura e suplício, ditadura e violência. Lutas Sociais, São Paulo, vol.18 n.32, p.148-162, jan./jun. 2014. Disponível em: http://www4.pucsp.br/neils/revista/vol.32/myrna_coelho.pdf. Acesso em: 20 maio. 2019.FERNANDES, Eugénia M. MAIA, Ângela Gorunded Theory. In: FERNANDES, Eugénia M.; ALMEIDA Leandro S. Métodos e técnicas de avaliação: contributos para a prática e investigação psicológicas. Braga: Universidade do Minho, 2001.FOUCAULT, Michel. Vigiar e punir. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1999.FOUCAULT, Michel. Microfísica do poder. São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 2000.FREIRE, P. Educação como prática da liberdade. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1982.FREIRE, P. Política e educação. São Paulo: Cortez, 1993.FREIRE, Paulo; FAUNDEZ, Antonio. Por uma pedagogia da pergunta. 5. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 2002.GOFFMAN, Erving. Estigma: notas sobre a manipulação da identidade deteriorada. São Paulo: LTC, 2004.HERZOG, Benno. Silenciamento e invisibilización del desprecio: una perspectiva bidirecional. In: FERRER, Anacleto; SANCHEZ-BIOSCA, Vicente (org). El infierno de los perpetradores: imagenes, relatos y conceptos. Valência: Bellaterra, 2019a.HERZOG, Benno. Invisibilization of Suffering: The Moral Grammar of Disrespect. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019a.KONRAD, Leticia Regina. Eichmann em Jerusale?m e a banalidade do mal: percepc?o?es necessa?rias para a urge?ncia de uma educac?a?o em direitos humanos. Caderno pedagógico, Lajeado, v. 11, n. 2, p. 50-72, 2014. Disponível em: http://www.univates.br/revistas/index.php/cadped/article/view/909/898. Acesso em: 20 jul. 2019.MADEIRA, Li?gia Mori. A tortura na histo?ria e a (ir)racionalidade do poder de punir. Panóptica, São Paulo, ano 1, n. 8, p. 201-212, maio/jun. 2007. Disponível em: https://docplayer.com.br/32957683-A-tortura-na-historia-e-a-ir-racionalidade-do-poder-de-punir.html. Acesso em: 20 jul. 2019.MIRANDA, Aurora Amélia Brito de. A (in)dignidade humana e a banalidade do mal: dia?logos iniciais com o Hannah Arendt. Revista de Políticas Públicas, São Luís, v. 22, p. 215-232, 2018. Disponível em: http://www.periodicoseletronicos.ufma.br/index.php/rppublica/article/view/9782/5729. Acesso em 20 jul. 2019.RENAULT, Emmanuel. A Critical Theory of Social Suffering. Critical Horizons, London, v. 11, n. 2, p. 221-241, 2010. Disponível em: http://mastor.cl/blog/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Renault-A-Critical-Theory-of-Social-Suffering-.pdf. Acesso em 30 jul. 2019.RENAULT, Emmanuel. Social suffering: sociology, psychology, politics. London: Rowman & Littlefield, 2017.RUIZ, Thiago. O direito à liberdade: uma visa?o sobre a perspectiva dos direitos fundamentais. Revista de Direito Público, Londrina, v. 1, n. 2, p. 137-150, maio/ago. 2006. Disponível em: http://www.uel.br/revistas/uel/index.php/direitopub/article/view/11572/10268. Acesso em. 17 jul. 2019.SANCHES JR. Carlos Alberto. Apontamentos gerais sobre a tortura na contemporaneidade: as contribuições de Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agambem. Revista LEVS, Marília, n. 4, p. 1-12, 2009. Disponível em: http://www2.marilia.unesp.br/revistas/index.php/levs/article/view/1099/987. Acesso em: 25 jul. 2019.STRAUSS, A; CORBIN, J. Pesquisa qualitativa: técnicas e procedimentos para o desenvolvimento de teoria fundamentada. 2ª ed. Porto Alegre: Artmed; 2008.TAYLOR, Kathleen Eleanor. Cruelty: Human Evil and the Human Brain. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.WILKINSON, Ian. Suffering: a sociological introduction. Cambridge: Polity, 2005.

Comprehensive scientific analysis of the legal status and powers of prosecutors in European countries has been conducted. The position of the prosecutor’s office in the system of the state mechanism of the European countries has been investigated. The main criteria for determining the place of the prosecutor’s office in the system of state bodies have been given. Depending on the position occupied by the prosecutor’s office in the system of state bodies, four groups of states have been distinguished: 1) states where the prosecutor’s office is part of the Ministry of Justice (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland); 2) states where the prosecutor’s office is included in the judiciary (magistracy) and is in the courts (Bulgaria, Spain, Italy); 3) states where the prosecutor’s office is allocated to a separate system and is accountable to parliament (Slovakia, Hungary); 4) states where the prosecutor’s office as an independent body of the state is absent (England). It is stated that the issues of organization and activity of prosecutor’s offices in European countries are solved at the national level, but taking into account the common standards of functioning of prosecutor’s offices, which are developed at the international, supranational and regional levels. It is determined that the basic norms concerning the functioning of the prosecutor’s office in European countries are provided mainly in the acts of procedural legislation. It has been found that the prosecutor’s office in European countries has a fairly wide range of powers. They prosecute, monitor the activities of investigating judges and the judicial police, support prosecutions in court, participate in civil cases when the public interest so requires, and exercise many other powers provided by law to regulate the activities of the prosecutor’s office. It is concluded that the principles of objectivity, impartiality and independence of the prosecutor’s office are enshrined and implemented in practice in the legislation of almost all European countries. It is concluded that the general trend of development of the Prosecutor’s Office of Ukraine should be the expansion of its functions, non-interference of the legislative and executive authorities in the substantive activities of the Prosecutor’s Office.

Defence date: 23 June 1997
Examining board: Prof. John Baldwin (University of Birmingham) ; Prof. Juan Luis Rascon Ortega (University of Cordoba) ; Prof. Gianfranco Poggi (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Roberto Toniatti (University of Trento)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

In the three countries that make up the Ambivalent model—Italy, Spain, and Portugal—police may or may not choose to inform crime reporters when a suspect has been arrested. Arrest records do not become public until official charges are filed, and the prosecutor/judge determines that the suspect will be held for trial. This relatively closed approach protects both the police investigation and the suspect’s right to the presumption of innocence, but unofficial actions reflect a lack of commitment to those purposes. The seal on records can spring leaks. Police and prosecutors dole out details about the accused and the alleged crime to the press—but they often favor news outlets whose coverage they like. Reporters, in turn, court police for such favors with the stories they produce. If police are not forthcoming, reporters often seek details from witnesses and hope police will confirm what they find.

Existing and emerging applications of artificial intelligence in armed conflicts and other systems reliant upon war algorithms and data span diverse areas. Natural persons may increasingly depend upon these technologies in decisions and activities related to killing combatants, destroying enemy installations, detaining adversaries, protecting civilians, undertaking missions at sea, conferring legal advice, and configuring logistics. In intergovernmental debates on autonomous weapons, a normative impasse appears to have emerged. Some countries assert that existing law suffices, while several others call for new rules. Meanwhile, the vast majority of efforts by States to address relevant systems focus by and large on weapons, means, and methods of warfare. Partly as a result, the broad spectrum of other far-reaching applications is rarely brought into view. One normatively grounded way to help identify and address relevant issues is to elaborate pathways that States, international organizations, non-state parties to armed conflict, and others may pursue to help secure greater respect for international law. In this commentary, I elaborate on three such pathways: forming and publicly expressing positions on key legal issues, taking measures relative to their own conduct, and taking steps relative to the behavior of others. None of these pathways is sufficient in itself, and there are no doubt many others that ought to be pursued. But each of the identified tracks is arguably necessary to ensure that international law is — or becomes — fit for purpose. By forming and publicly expressing positions on relevant legal issues, international actors may help clarify existing legal parameters, pinpoint salient enduring and emerging issues, and detect areas of convergence and divergence. Elaborating legal views may also help foster greater trust among current and potential adversaries. To be sure, in recent years, States have already fashioned hundreds of statements on autonomous weapons. Yet positions on other application areas are much more difficult to find. Further, forming and publicly expressing views on legal issues that span thematic and functional areas arguably may help States and others overcome the current normative stalemate on autonomous weapons. Doing so may also help identify — and allocate due attention and resources to — additional salient thematic and functional areas. Therefore, I raise a handful of cross-domain issues for consideration. These issues touch on things like exercising human agency, reposing legally mandated evaluative decisions in natural persons, and committing to engage only in scrutable conduct. International actors may also take measures relative to their own conduct. To help illustrate this pathway, I outline several such existing measures. In doing so, I invite readers to inventory and peruse these types of steps in order to assess whether the nature or character of increasingly complex socio-technical systems reliant upon war algorithms and data may warrant revitalized commitments or adjustments to existing measures — or, perhaps, development of new ones. I outline things like enacting legislation necessary to prosecute alleged perpetrators of grave breaches, making legal advisers available to the armed forces, and taking steps to prevent abuses of the emblem. Finally, international actors may take measures relative to the conduct of others. To help illustrate this pathway, I outline some of the existing steps that other States, international organizations, and non-state parties may take to help secure respect for the law by those undertaking the conduct. These measures may include things like addressing matters of legal compliance by exerting diplomatic pressure, resorting to penal sanctions to repress violations, conditioning or refusing arms transfers, and monitoring the fate of transferred detainees. Concerning military partnerships in particular, I highlight steps such as conditioning joint operations on a partner’s compliance with the law, planning operations jointly in order to prevent violations, and opting out of specific operations if there is an expectation that the operations would violate applicable law. Some themes and commitments cut across these three pathways. Arguably, respect for the law turns in no small part on whether natural persons can and will foresee, understand, administer, and trace the components, behaviors, and effects of relevant systems. It may be advisable, moreover, to institute ongoing cross-disciplinary education and training as well as the provision of sufficient technical facilities for all relevant actors, from commanders to legal advisers to prosecutors to judges. Further, it may be prudent to establish ongoing monitoring of others’ technical capabilities. Finally, it may be warranted for relevant international actors to pledge to engage, and to call upon others to engage, only in armed-conflict-related conduct that is sufficiently attributable, discernable, and scrutable.