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1

Copeland, Ivory. "TANF reauthorization divergent discursive practices and welfare policy discourse /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file 0.59Mb, 225 p, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3181872.

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Christian, Jennifer L. "Understanding the intersection of public opinion, media, and elite discourse on policy change." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3380068.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 12, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-12, Section: A, page: 4860. Adviser: Clem Brooks.
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Driedger, Suzanne Michelle. "From science to policy practice and public discourse : claimsmaking and chlorinated drinking water /." *McMaster only, 2001.

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4

Lo, Bianco Joseph. "Officialising language : a discourse study of language politics in the United States." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20020902.101758/index.html.

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5

Kuipers, Benjamin Johannes. "Public Policy, discourse and risk: Framing the xenotransplantation debate in New Zealand (1998-2013)." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10518.

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This thesis focuses on the evolution and framing of xenotransplantation (XTP) policy debate in New Zealand from 1998 to 2011. Its aim is providing a better understanding of both the science-society interface and the importance of issue framing policy debate in understanding of the scientific debate in New Zealand and its relationship with the public. A qualitative study, this thesis draws upon a variety of public science commentary and debate and poses the research question: How did xenotransplantation’s introduction and explanation to the New Zealand public inform its current status as a Restricted Procedure under New Zealand law; and what ethical implications arise from this public policy debate for public participation in bio-medical research in New Zealand?
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Rashid, Naaz. "Veiled threats : producing the Muslim woman in public and policy discourse in the UK." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/762/.

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This thesis looks at how ‘the Muslim woman’ is produced in social policy discourses in the UK. It is a qualitative study based on interviews, observation and interpretive analysis of policy material. It focuses specifically on initiatives to empower Muslim women in order to combat terrorism which formed part of the UK’s Preventing Violent Extremism Agenda (Prevent). In January 2008 the National Muslims Women’s Advisory Group (NMWAG) was established and Local Authorities were encouraged to fund projects aimed at ‘empowering Muslim women’. The thesis begins by situating the research within a wider policy framework. At the national level it relates to debates on community cohesion, Britishness and multiculturalism; at the global level it relates to the UK’s involvement in the ‘war on terror’. The research examines local inflections in how the initiatives worked in practice, considering the impact of diversity within diversity. A key objective of these initiatives was to ‘give the silent majority a stronger voice’. The thesis considers the extent to which this objective was achieved, particularly in relation to the establishment of NMWAG. Through an analysis of the initiatives overseen by NMWAG it considers how empowerment is conceptualised and, therefore, also by definition, disempowerment. It suggests that empowerment is positioned as individualised in the form of neoliberal meritocratic aspiration. At the same time, however, it is collectivised in relation to religious affiliation; Islam emerges both as a source of disempowerment and as a potential solution. The thesis argues that these initiatives have worked to privilege religion at the expense of other salient axes of difference, particularly those embedded in socio economic and regional variations. Moreover, this privileging constitutes part of a broader gendered anti-Muslim racist rhetoric. Finally the thesis argues that deconstructing the trope of ‘the Muslim woman’ and attending to the differences between Muslim women opens up the possibility of building solidarities across religious boundaries and harnessing an “alternative politics of recognition”.
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Hunter, Cameron. "The rise of China in space : technopolitical threat construction in American public policy discourse." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/29c375d8-44d9-4c8c-b3c6-6ecec7d5d707.

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Particularly since China's 2007 anti-satellite demonstration, China's "rise" in space has predominately come to be characterised as a national security threat within American public policy discourse. Yet American representations of China's space program as threatening, precluding cooperation, are an outlier in US-China relations, otherwise characterisable as comprised of a mix of cooperation and competition. Despite growing interest, however, this threat has been regarded as self-evident, with little research done on how and why China's space program came to be understood this way. This thesis seeks to understand this puzzle with the first systematic investigation of the construction of a threatening "rise" of China in space, undertaking a close reading of public US space policy including original archival research into policymakers' perspectives of China's Cold War space program. To do so, it outlines a 'technopolitical' approach to threat construction analysis, positioning threat and technology within a relationship of co-construction: the "threat" of China's "rise" in space is not pre-determined from Chinese space capabilities, so the thesis argues, rather they have been actively 'instrumentalised' in specific ways. A technopolitical approach to threat construction is required in this case because, equally, "threat" cannot be reduced to clashing identities, but is a product of interconnections between identities and technologies. The thesis' three parts each address a facet of technopolitical threat construction. Part 1 contextualises the "rise," theoretically and historically. Part 2 begins to analyse the "threat" of the "rise" after 2000, identifying key logics, objects and subjects. Part 3 explores to what extent threat discourses shaped American space technology and national identities. The thesis argues construction of the "Chinese space threat" was uneven: powerful enough to marginalise rival claims, yet failing to sanction an emergency response; and that this in itself can be best understood as technopolitical contestation within American public policy discourse.
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Williams, Gregory T. "How Can Truth-Claims of Voter Fraud Influence Public Policy? A Political Discourse Analysis." Thesis, Fielding Graduate University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13861751.

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Voter-identification (ID) proponents claim that requiring voters to present photo-ID cards prevents fraud. Supported by a comprehensive empirical review, voter-ID opponents argue that significant voter fraud is nonexistent and that such restrictive laws suppress turnout of historically disenfranchised peoples. By analyzing testimonial letters to a state-legislature committee hearing, I show how repeating the false truth-claims can produce wide acceptance, through outright deception and cognitive biases. Focusing on the State of Kansas, my paper asks, “How do proponents of strict voter-ID laws frame their cases for relevant legislation?” and “Where does the research originate that they cite in state legislative hearings to support their claims?” From a content-analysis method of tallying critical words, phrases, and concepts, I tailored a discourse-analysis (DA) discipline. While analyzing grammatical structures, I focused more on the specific social, cultural, and political significances. Using terms and phrases such as “Those” “diseased” “Others” are “stealing Our way of life,” the political DA reveals that voter-ID proponents dehumanize the alleged perpetrators of voter fraud (often referenced as “illegals”). My five primary findings reveal how voter-ID proponents bolster their claims: arguing that their opponents willfully undermine democracy with voter fraud; fostering solidarity, dividing “Us” from the fraudulent voting “Others”; cultivating racism; manipulating legislators with urgent warnings; and buttressing their arguments with anecdotes, biased sources, and demonstrable lies. By revealing the persuasive powers of such discursive techniques, my paper provides a qualitative, critical nuance to the quantitative studies that address voter fraud.

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Kaare, Suma Clara Mwakitwange, and n/a. "Public policy performance in developing countries: urban housing policy with special reference to the national sites and services and squatter upgrading in Tzania." University of Canberra. Business and Government, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050418.161019.

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This study contributes to the developing countries' public policy discourse by linking outcomes of the past and present urban housing policies in Tanzania to both the organisational structures and work methods of the state and to environmental factors. By tracing the historical development of urban housing policy formulation and implementation in Tanzania, the study provides a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the factors responsible for the poor performance of urban housing policies in Tanzania. The study is also important because it locates the policy development within the general literature of urbanisation and housing in the developing countries and within theoretical debates relating to policy explanation in these countries. The study documents a detailed case study of a specific project (the National Sites and Services and Squatter Upgrading Project - NSSP) aimed at addressing urban housing problems in Tanzania and uses this to identify a range of politico-administrative issues which affect policy formulation and implementation in Tanzania. In pursuing this task the study adds to the understanding of the factors affecting policy performance in developing countries experiencing constraints and contextual variables similar to those of Tanzania.
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Lo, Bianco Joseph, and joe lobianco@languageaustralia com au. "OFFICIALISING LANGUAGE: A DISCOURSE STUDY OF LANGUAGE POLITICS IN THE UNITED STATES." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20020902.101758.

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This is a study of the discourse contest concerning the officialisation of English in the United States. It consists of an analysis of the language of that discourse shaped by a belief that discourse is a rather neglected but potentially illuminating area of examination of language and literacy policy. The study seeks to understand the processes and content of language policy as it is being made, or performed, and is influenced by a critique of the theory and practice of language policy which tends to adopt technicist paradigms of examination that insufficiently elucidate the politics of the field. ¶ Accordingly a systematic gathering of the texts of language disputation in the US was collected. These texts were organised in response to the methods of elicitation. Semi-elicited texts, elicited texts and unelicited texts were gathered and tested to be sure that they constituted a fair representation of the concourse (what had been said and was being said about the issue) over a 15 year period. Those statements, or texts, that had particular currency during the 104th Congress were selected for further use. An empirical examination of the subjective dispositions of those activists involved in the making of official English, or of resisting the making of official English, was conducted. ¶ This examination utilised the Q methodology (inverted factor analysis) invented by William Stephensen. The data from this study provided a rich field of knowledge about the discursive parameters of the making of policy in synchronic and diachronic form. Direct interviews were also conducted with participants, and discourse analysis of ‘naturally occurring’ (unelicited texts) speeches and radio debates and other material of persuasion and disagreement was conducted. ¶ These data frame and produce a representation of the orders of discourse and their dynamic and shaping power. Against an analysis of language policy making and a document analysis of the politics of language in the United States the discourses are utilised to contribute to a richer understanding of the field and the broad conclusion that as far as language policy is concerned it is hardly possible to make a distinction with political action. ¶ The theoretical implications for a reinvigorated language policy theory constitute the latter part of the thesis. In the multi-epistemological context that postmodernity demands, with its skepticism about the possibility of ‘disinterest’, the thesis offers its own kinds of data triangulation, and the making central of subjective dispositions and political purposes and engagements of the principal anatagonists.
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White, Dave D. "A Discourse Analysis of Stakeholders? Understandings of Science in Salmon Recovery Policy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/28116.

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The purposes of this study were to examine 1) understandings of science expressed in formal salmon recovery policy discourse; 2) rhetorical practices employed to justify or undermine claims about salmon policy 3); and patterns of understandings of science and associated rhetorical practices between social categories of actors. This research contributes to scholarship in public understanding of science, discourse studies, and natural resource policy. A constructivist discourse analysis was conducted using qualitative methods to analyze transcripts from over one hundred congressional hearing witnesses representing a wide diversity of stakeholder groups. Multiple coders organized discourses into analytic categories, achieving a final proportional agreement of 80% or greater for each category, at the finest scale of analysis. Stakeholders employed a collection of prototypical understandings of the nature of science, boundaries of science, and roles of science in decision-making. The process of science was described as impartial and ideal, a way to reduce uncertainty through consensus and peer-review, and subject to changing paradigms. Scientific knowledge was sometimes represented as "truth" and other times as tentative, and scientists were portrayed as independent and objective as well as captured and interest-driven. Witnesses described science as separate from and superior to politics and management. Testimony included descriptions of science?s role in developing decision alternatives, selecting among alternatives, and evaluating and legitimating alternatives. Stakeholders used these understandings of science to construct justifications to support their claims about salmon policy and undermine opposing claims. Science-based justifications included externalizing devices, construction of consensus, category entitlement, and extreme case formulations. Other justifications invoked local control, treaty rights, and local knowledge, or relied on interest management. This study has extended the theory and method of empirical discourse analysis, and produced a taxonomy of understandings that should be transferable to studies of similar policy settings. Additionally, conclusions from this study about differences between social groups in the presence, distribution, and frequency of expression of the discourses might be developed into propositions for further testing. Finally, the study has implications for communication about the role of science in collaborative natural resource decision-making processes.
Ph. D.
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Joliffe, Edward Keith, and n/a. "Developing a multiple discourse model of analysis through an evaluation of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy." University of Canberra. Education, 1995. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060802.170810.

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The overarching research problem for this study was the need to improve upon rational models of policy analysis and delivery, to suit complex postmodern implementation environments. A theoretical model suited to implementing and evaluating major education reform initiatives was devised. Called the 'Multiple Discourse Model', it was grounded in systems theory, containing elements reminiscent of social systems, organisational and structural functionalist research, especially that of Hoy and Miskel (1982)1. However the model was also designed to incorporate a parallel naturalistic analysis reminiscent of postmodern critical pragmatic approaches, such as those explored by Cherryholmes (1994)2. Over a period of five years, this model was developed through an evaluation of the implementation of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy (AEP) in the Australian Capital Territory government secondary schools sector. The distinguishing feature of the study's methodology was its multiperspective analysis, an approach suggested by Mclaughlin (1987)3 to take account of the differing communities of discourse which exist in a reformist policy implementation environment. To operationalise the research problem, dimensions of policy effectiveness were articulated. These were addressed through a comprehensive set of research indicators, extracted from the AEP's national policy goals and the local strategic and operational plans. Data aimed at judging the effectiveness of implementation were collected from multiple sources using multiple research instruments. These data were analysed in three stages using a purpose-designed computer program which could cross-reference between the four interacting dimensions of research indicators, research instruments, data sources, and potential variables modifying policy/program outcomes. It was found that this model produced clear conclusions about the effectiveness of AEP implementation in the delimited sector, within the framework of the AEP's own policy assumptions. The model also provided insights into critical issues which are generalisable to the national context, such as the power of cultural hegemony and the socio-political predicament of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander dispossession. As a methodology, the model was found to have a number of technical advantages, including its capacity for focussing on selected areas of the implementation environment, its provision of access to multiple levels of detail amongst data and its possession of mechanisms for monitoring its own internal validity. The evaluation case study, used as the vehicle for the Multiple Discourse Model's development, demonstrated that best-practice administration was in place which enhanced short and medium-term policy/program outcomes. However, the study's findings also suggested that a fundamental disjuncture existed between the AEP's policy/administration paradigm and the conflicting assumptions of the primary target communities, reinforcing the findings of Sykes (1986)4. The research results suggested that despite measurable successful inputs, the planned long-term outcomes of the AEP will not necessarily be achieved. No significant administrative structures or actions were apparent which could resolve this lack of synchrony at the interface between government delivery systems and 'grass roots' Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community values. This raised doubts about whether any systems approach, however well refined, could be socially useful not only for evaluation, but also as a basis for reform policy and public administration in a postmodern pluralist democratic setting. The evaluation was therefore used as a locus for theoretical reflection as well. A new policy paradigm is suggested, based on a power-sharing 'theory of community', more in keeping with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples' aspirations for self determination and more likely to alleviate the so far unresolved destructive effects of cultural and political dispossession.
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Piazza, Peter. "Neo-democracy in educational policy making: Teachers' unions, Education Reform Advocacy Organizations and threats to public engagement in the new policy arena." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104144.

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Thesis advisor: Marilyn Cochran-Smith
This dissertation explores the many, complex changes to educational policy making in recent years. I conduct a critical policy analysis of a Massachusetts law that limits seniority-based job protections for public K-12 teachers. Garnering considerable controversy, the law was the result of private negotiations between the state's largest teachers' union and Stand for Children, a national Education Reform Advocacy Organization (ERAO). I use data from interviews with policy stakeholders, observations of public meetings and policy artifacts to explore struggles over public engagement in what unfolded as a highly undemocratic policy development process. My theoretical framework combines Stephen Ball's "policy cycle" (Ball, 1993; Bowe, Ball & Gold, 1992) with deliberative democratic theory. Aligned with Ball's work, I explore the ways that political discourses shaped struggles in various "contexts" of the policy development process. I demonstrate that policy development was a messy, non-linear process that involved complicated argumentation about teachers' unions, ERAOs, and community organizing. Informed by deliberative democratic theory, I focus on concrete efforts taken to include, or exclude, the public from the policy debate, and I highlight discourses that appeared to justify these political decisions. I argue that the case is indicative of what I am calling "neo-democratic" decision making, in which high-level interest group conflict leads to narrow forms of democratic engagement. I trace changes in each organization's political identity over the course of the conflict, and I demonstrate that identity was connected in important ways to underlying beliefs about policy making and public engagement. Fueled by interest group conflict, both Stand for Children and the Massachusetts Teachers' Association sought to promote the organizational identity that best suited their political interests. In the process, each organization pursued narrow forms of democratic engagement that clashed with their own organizational mission statements. I use findings from the case to offer suggestions for moving beyond the "neo-democratic" era and towards a system of policy making that aspires to higher democratic ideals
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education
Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction
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Holland, Jack. "Framing the 'war on terror' : American, British and Australian foreign policy discourse." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3726/.

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In September 2001 several states launched a series of counter-terrorism policies under the banner of the 'War on Terror' that were unprecedented in their scope, intensity and cost. Extensive domestic legislative agendas and surveillance programmes at home were matched by increased military interventionism abroad, most significantly in Afghanistan and Iraq. This thesis is concerned with examining how this 'War on Terror' was possible: how it was conceivable for policy-makers and how it was 'sold' to domestic audiences. More specifically, this thesis considers three principal members of the 'Coalition of the Willing' in Iraq - the United States, Britain and Australia. Aside from adopting similar and overlapping policy responses in the context of a commitment to the 'War on Terror', these three states share a common language, intertwined histories and institutional similarities, underpinned by perceptions of cultural proximity and closely related identities. However, despite significant cultural, historical and political overlap, the 'War on Terror' was rendered possible in these contexts in different ways, drawing on different discourses and narratives of foreign policy and identity. In the US, President Bush employed highly reductive moral arguments within a language of frontier justice, which was increasingly channelled through the signifier of 'freedom'. In the UK, Prime Minister Blair framed every phase of the 'War on Terror' as rational, reasoned and proper, balancing moral imperatives with an emphasised logical pragmatism. In Australia, Prime Minister Howard relied upon particularly exclusionary framings mutually reinforced through repeated references to shared values. This thesis explores these differences and their origins, arguing that they have important implications for the way we understand foreign policy and political possibility. They demonstrate that foreign policy is both discursive and culturally embedded. And they illustrate that foreign policy discourse impacts on political possibility in rendering some policy responses conceivable while others unthinkable, and some policy responses acceptable while others illegitimate. This thesis thus contributes to our understanding of political possibility, in the process correcting a tendency to view the 'War on Terror' as a universal and monolithic political discourse.
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Sloane, Kelly. "RACE, PLACE, AND POLICY FORMATION: PUBLIC EDUCATION AND SCHOOL CHOICE DISCOURSE IN THE WASHINGTON POST, 2007-2012." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/582940.

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Geography
Ph.D.
As the first city with a majority African American population and a school system that has long served majority low-income African American children, DC offers a compelling case study about public education and school choice in an increasingly affluent city. Using The Washington Post archive, this dissertation considers how discourse about one of the most vital public goods evolved between 2007 and 2012, a period of rapid economic, political, and social change in the city. DC is a civically engaged and diverse city and, The Washington Post has one of the most diverse newsrooms in the country. Post leadership and most writers and contributors were critical of policy and rulings that might cause greater racial segregation in American public schools. Yet, there was no discourse in this archive to suggest that encouraging greater racial or economic integration would be a successful campaign. Instead, The Post advocated for school reform and choice for the neediest students while seemingly absolving families with means who chose to opt out of the public school system. Failing to interrogate the school choices made by middle-class families represents a silence in the archive and illustrates how silence can be productive because it contributes toward the maintenance of a segregated public school system.
Temple University--Theses
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Predmore, Stephen Andrew. "Ecosystem Management in the USDA Forest Service: A Discourse Analysis." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37556.

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This dissertation examines the environmental discourse of the USDA Forest Service, focusing on the language of ecosystem management (EM). A two pronged approach was employed: eleven interviews were conducted with agency executives (chapter two); thirty-three interviews were conducted with agency staff specialists and decision-makers, working at the agencyâ s operational levels (chapter three and four). Differences between how agency executives view EM and how agency operators view EM were identified. Chapter two shows that agency executives generally believed that the process of EM is ingrained in the agency. Chapter three explores this assertion at the forest and district levels, and reveals conflicting stories concerning the current practice of EM. Agency operators explained EM as a process driven by ecological science, but also revealed an alternate planning process. The alternate planning process is driven by the agencyâ s budget and strict employee roles. Through qualitative analysis of interviews with agency operators, a model of how agency operators construct agency planning was created. It illustrates the potential mismatch between planning focused on ecological science and an agency focused on budgets, cost-benefit calculations, and strict employee roles. The model also shows that agency operators described active and passive publics in their constructions of agency planning. Chapter four focuses on these constructs of the public, and shows how they are partly created by agency interpretations of the public involvement processes required by the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). In some cases, the agency applies a standard for public participation (substantive sieve) that requires publics to couch their concerns in scientific or legal terms. Publics that are able to navigate the substantive sieve are typically viewed as active publics, while those that cannot meet this standard are viewed as passive publics. A feedback mechanism was identified between constructs of the public and agency process; constructs of the public shape agency process and agency process shapes agency constructions of the public. The dissertation concludes by showing that agency focus on budgetary targets and the use of the substantive sieve can be understood as attempts to instill accountability into a decentralized agency with an ambiguous mission.
Ph. D.
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Goulding, Sarah, and sarahgoulding@yahoo com au. "Gender and Technologies of Knowledge in Development Discourse: Analysing United Nations Least Developed Country Policy 1971-2004." Flinders University. School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management, 2006. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20070619.123607.

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The United Nations category Least Developed country (LDC) was created in 1971 to ameliorate conditions in countries the UN identified as the poorest of the poor. Its administration and operation within UN development discourse has not been explored previously in academic analysis. This thesis explores this rich archive of development discourse. It seeks to situate the LDC category as a vehicle that both produces and is a product of development discourse, and uses gender analysis as a critical tool to identify the ways in which the LDC category discourse operates. The thesis draws on Foucauldian theory to develop and use the concept ‘technologies of knowledge’, which places the dynamics of LDC discourse into relief. Three technologies of knowledge are identified: LDC policy, classification through criteria, and data. The ways each of these technologies of knowledge operates are explored through detailed readings of over thirty years of UN policy documents that form the thesis’s primary source material. A central question within this thesis is: If the majority of the world’s poor are women, where are the women in the policy about the countries that are the poorest of the poor? In focusing the analysis on the representation of women in LDCs, I place women at the centre of the analytic stage, as opposed to the marginal position I have found they occupy within LDC discourse. Through this analysis of the reductionist representations of LDC women, I explore the gendered dynamics of development discourse. Exploring the operation of these three technologies of knowledge reveals some of the discursive boundaries of UN LDC category discourse, particularly through its inability to incorporate gender analysis. The discussion of these three technologies of knowledge – policy, classification through criteria, and data – is framed by discussions of development and gender. The discussion on development positions this analysis within post-development critiques of development policy, practice and theory. The discussion on gender positions this analysis within the trajectory of postmodern and postcolonial influenced feminist engagements with development as a theory and praxis, particularly with debates about the representation of women in the third world. This case study of the operation of development discourse usefully highlights gendered dynamics of discursive ways of knowing.
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Smith, Sarah. "De)pathologizing Discourse: The Problematization of Trans and Gender-Nonconforming Mental Health in Ontario." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38072.

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The trans and gender-nonconforming (TGNC) community has a complex relationship with psychiatry. The need for access to transition-related medical services is complicated by an increasing amount of activism that refuses the pathologization of TGNC identities through the diagnosis of Gender Dysphoria and the rejection of the biomedical model of mental illness more broadly. TGNC activists have mobilized concepts from critical disability studies and Mad studies, namely the biomedical and social models of mental illness, to describe their aversion to, and proposals against pathologization. However, this binary relationship between the biomedical and social models is problematic, as it is increasingly evident that conceptualizing TGNC mental health within this binary does not account for the complex reality of the lives of trans and gender-nonconforming people who must navigate between fighting pathologization without sacrificing access to publicly funded transition-related medical procedures, counselling services, and disability benefits. Consequently, in this thesis, I seek to trouble the binary relationship between the biomedical and the social, pointing to the shortcomings of mainstream disability discourses within TGNC mental health policies and practices in Ontario, using Foucault’s notion of biopower and Pamela Moss’ perching model to trace both the consequences of, and alternatives to, these limiting conceptualizations.
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CHOW, Sze Chung. "Traces of desire and fantasy : the government-generated discourse on technology in post-handover Hong Kong." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2004. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/cs_etd/9.

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Information technology almost became the savior for Hong Kong in the process of recovering from the Asian financial crisis immediately after the Handover. The claims to establish and further the development of information technology were made against a certain perception of Hong Kong, in which the place in past decades had indulged in the wrong direction of labour-intensive, cut-throat production in the manufacturing industries and bubble-like speculation in the real-estate sector, and against a certain vision of the future, with more and more competition in the age of globalization, neo-liberal economies, and so on. This thesis demonstrates, firstly, how the governance of Hong Kong can be seen from the perspective of contingent articulations of dissimilar elements rather than any step-by-step progression along any necessary, objective historical path. Secondly through analyses of the governmental discourses and the business trajectory of Pacific-Century CyberWorks, the flagship group for Hong Kong’s “new-economy”, the thesis depicts the complexity and nexus of knowledge, governance, bureaucratic and financial considerations of and within the project of information technology in Hong Kong, and the mechanism by which this particular discourse is produced and circulated. Finally, comparing the discourse of Hong Kong’s early industralisation in the early 1950s, the thesis identifies the desire-creating workings of ideology in this particular discourse of information technology in Hong Kong. Also, through theoretical prisms, the thesis provides examples of how the government’s trumpeted notions of (and, probably, people’s faith in) laissez-faire, positive non-intervention are able to coexist in apparent harmony with the highly active participation of the Hong Kong SAR government in society and industry.
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DeRhen, Brian. "Metaphor and Ideology in Economic Discourse." Scholarly Commons, 2017. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/194.

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Despite the presence of metaphors in American political discourse, little scholarly attention has been paid to the functioning of economic metaphors. This study addresses this shortcoming by examining the use of economic metaphors in contentious argument, while paying attention to how metaphor's linguistic variability derives from the rhetorical nature of discourse, and how the context of conflicting ideologies facilitates clashes between larger political metaphors. After establishing the ubiquity of metaphor in economic policy discourse, this study elaborates on an understanding of a fractured political discourse with an historical model that traces this fracture back to four dominant ideological positions. Finally, rhetorical criticism grounds the research by refining a conceptual theory of metaphor into a methodology that directs attention to more elaborate analogies and extra-discursive narrative elements. The chosen artifact for this study is Bill Clinton’s 2012 Democratic National Convention speech, due to its relevance in contemporary American political and economic discourse. Clinton’s address defended Obama’s incumbent appeal for a second term as U.S. president by concentrating on the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis as a case study about the philosophical differences between the Democratic and Republican Parties. Clinton constructs a narrative of the American economy by using individualistic progress metaphors that animate a cooperation-conflict dichotomy of Democratic and Republican opposition. In turn, Clinton borrows from and contributes to a set of more broadly salient path metaphors that cohere around a future-oriented and generative conceptualization of Modern Liberal public policy.
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Marston, Gregory James. "'Bad tenants can pack their bags' : a critical discourse analysis of the marketisation and the moralisation of public housing policy /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2001. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16157.pdf.

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Meyer, Martin Federico. "The Europeanization of the public sphere in the foreign policy domain : political action and public discourse in Germany and the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608997.

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Hehnke, Jennifer Marie 1978. "The politics of racial integration in the Seattle Public Schools: Discourse, policy, and political change, 1954-1991." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10550.

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xiii, 302 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
This study examines the role of narrative in racial integration politics in the Seattle Public Schools between 1954 and 1991. In 1978, the Seattle School District in coalition with civic actors implemented a mandatory student assignment desegregation policy, "The Seattle Plan," without a court order. A decade later, another similar coalition of actors came together to shift desegregation policy towards a "controlled choice" method of student movement. In 1991, with the support of the newly elected Democratic mayor, the foundation of desegregation was dismantled. In Seattle, the shifts in desegregation conflicts can be explained as the transposition of certain arrangements of ideas into policy and the concurrent shift in the arrangement produced by new alignments of actors able to find enough common ground to coalesce and make policy. This dissertation explores the complexity of ideas about racial equality and the oftentimes-surprising arrangements actors created. I analyze the way elected, elite, and non-elite actors at the local level talked about, interpreted, and re-interpreted questions of racial segregation, equality, and the role of the public schools and explore the amalgamations of ideas about race and schools that explain the unique development of policy in Seattle with a way to account for change relying on micro-political developments. I examine the discursive arrangements generated within these conflicts, the coalitions built around these ideas, and how the ideas were implemented as policy. I analyze a broad range of archival materials, newspaper accounts, and interviews with actors who were involved in these events.
Committee in charge: Gerald Berk, Chairperson, Political Science; Julie Novkov, Member, Political Science; Joseph Lowndes, Member, Political Science; James Mohr, Outside Member, History
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Hamdan, Lama. "Framing Islamophobia and Civil Liberties: American Political Discourse Post 9/11." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7008.

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Rhetorical frames are used to support political agendas, define problems, diagnose causes, make policy judgments, and suggest solutions. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, politicians and media pundits used Islamophobia as a fear-mongering tactic to justify public policy formation. The purpose of this study was to analyze public discourse on Islamic terrorism in arguments advocating government surveillance, restrictive immigration policies, and other erosions of U.S. constitutional protections of its citizens. This study drew on the postmodern theories of Lakoff, Lyotard, and Said to critically examine U.S. political discourse on Islam and terrorism. Three conceptual rhetorical frames were examined: Clash of Civilizations, Endangered Constitutional Protections, and Islamophobia. The key research question asked how U.S. politicians and high-profile national news commentators used biased rhetoric to frame discussions of Islam and terrorism. This qualitative study used content analysis of 44 news reports of crimes that framed these incidents as Islam-inspired terrorism. Study findings suggested that defenders of the USA PATRIOT Act used a Clash of Civilizations frame that pitted Western freedom proponents against radical Muslim fanatics in struggles for social change. U.S. policy makers and news commentators described Islamic inspired terrorism as anti-American vengeance, Jihadism, and/or anti-Semitism to control national debates and information flow. Implications of these findings suggest that an alternative Islamophobic framing can be deployed to make biases explicit, quell anxieties of and about stigmatized groups, raise the self-esteem of the vilified minorities, and decrease the risk of terrorism.
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Persson, Monika. "The dynamics of policy formation : making sense of feelings of public unsafety." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35087.

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Every policy problem has inherent value dimensions. It is on the basis of values that a state of affairs is perceived as undesirable, and thus acknowledged as a problem. This makes the process of defining and negotiating the meaning of a problem an essentially political process. Despite this, bureaucracy and expertise have a strong, if not increasing, influence over the formation of policy problems. An objectivist knowledge view predominates within the public managerial realm, which obscures the political dimension of problem formulation, while policy problems tend to be approached as a matter of efficiency. This thesis provides an account of mechanisms that shape and constrain the way a particular policy problem is understood and addressed. It analyses how policy actors make sense of particular problems, by drawing on different discourses (scientific, institutional, popular or media). The empirical case of this thesis is the formation of public safety policy in Sweden. The understanding of the problem of unsafety within Swedish policy is shown to be intrinsically related to the research field of fear of crime. The two are mutually dependent and exert an ideational path dependency. The ideational constraints on the understanding of unsafety are further affected by the institutional setting. It is argued that the appointed institutions and the emphasis on local level have a part in fostering individualist explanations and solutions,while obviating structural interpretations of the problem. The thesis finds that when governing complex policy problems there is a need to pay closer attention to how the problem is defined and how its meaning is constrained. It is crucial to make transparent the values inherent in definitions of problems as well as in research claims. By acknowledging the entwinement of policy and research the policy formation process may become characterized by greater reflexivity, and the possibility of resolving wicked problems may enlarge.
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Lopez, Ruth Maria. "Through no fault of their own? A critical discourse analysis of the Dream Act and undocumented youth in evening television news." Thesis, University of Colorado at Boulder, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721848.

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This study focuses on the rise of one of the most publicized policies related to U.S. immigration: The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act, which would create a path to legal residency for young undocumented immigrants living in the United States. Following the 1982 Plyler v. Doe Supreme Court decision, undocumented children gained the right to a free public K-12 education in the United States (Olivas, 2012), but their immigration status and access to institutions of higher education were left largely unaddressed (López, 2004; Yates, 2004). In response to the uncertainty faced by thousands of undocumented students upon high school graduation in this country each year, the DREAM Act was first introduced to Congress in 2001 (Olivas, 2004). In this multi-method study, I examined the DREAM Act versions presented to Congress during President Barack Obama’s first term in office—a time when the DREAM Act was expected to pass for the first time since its inception in 2001. First, through a content analysis of DREAM Act policy documents, I explored how this policy was framed and how DREAMers were legally constructed (Johnson, 1996). Following this, I conducted a multimodal (Kress, 2011) critical discourse analysis (CDA; Luke, 1996; van Dijk, 2002, 2003) of national television news coverage of the DREAM Act of 2010, the version that came closest to passing, and highlighted the role news media played in communicating this policy issue. Considering Haas’s (2004) argument that news media play a large part in how education policy issues come to be understood by the public, I explored how framing (Hand, Penuel, & Gutiérrez, 2012) was used to portray the DREAM Act and DREAMers. My theoretical framework centers on understanding immigration in the United States as a racial issue (Pérez Huber, 2009) by using Omi and Winant’s (1994) theories of racial formation as well as Bonilla-Silva’s (2014) frames of color-blind racism.

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Millett, Anthony John. "British policy towards war crimes 1918-1945 : the impact of the public and political discourse on decision-making." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424669.

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Heiman, James Robert. ""A solution to a worrisome problem" the rhetoric of scientific discourse in a public policy dispute about the environment /." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2006.

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Zschache, Ulrike [Verfasser]. "The Differential Europeanisation of Public Discourse : Media Debates about the Common Agricultural Policy in Germany and Spain / Ulrike Zschache." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1122047320/34.

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McKinnon, Reyna. "Indigenous Rights Policy and Terrorist Discourse: A Strategy to Stifle Mapuche Self-Determination in Chile." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/886.

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When President Sebastián Piñera entered office in 2010 the Mapuche indigenous people were receiving two contrasting messages from the Chilean State. On the one hand, the government ratified ILO Convention 169, pledging to protect the indigenous right to prior consultation in programs that affect their communities. On the other hand, the government was involved in the oppression of Mapuche communities in the region of the Araucanía through militarisation and the application of the Anti-Terrorist Law to punish radical Mapuche activists that protest corporate encroachment on their land. While Piñera had the opportunity to legitimize the Mapuche demand for self-determination by implementing ILO Convention 169 according to international standards and putting an end to the “Mapuche Conflict,” instead the situation of the Mapuche political movement worsened under his leadership. The Piñera administration used indigenous rights policy and a discourse of terrorism as a strategy to delegitimize the Mapuche demand for self-determination in order to protect corporate profitability, a key factor in the Chilean neoliberal economic project.
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Vidberg, Jessica. "Diversity and integration strategic work – can a participatory approach to policy lead to social change?" Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21674.

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This degree project will include a document and discourse analysis on diversity and integration strategic work in the Falun municipality. Three steering documents will be evaluated regarding diversity in Falun municipality in relation to appropriate guidelines, as well as collected information from executive directors of administration regarding implementation of steering documents and of diversity and integration work, as well as evaluation material on the public health policy and other written material connected to the policies. The aim is to understand and evaluate the diversity and integration strategic work within Falun and Falu Municipality (both as geographical area/city and as the employer), understand if you can reach social change through the policies related to diversity and integration strategic work, and what role the citizen plays in that process. I aim to analyse and highlight the major findings and concluding with ideas for further research or development areas. The research question is; How are diversity and integration strategic work defined and communicated in Falun municipality through their policies and can a participatory approach to policy and policy-making lead to social change?The result show that steering documents – policies - somewhat works as the platform for strategic diversity and integration work in theory, but not in practice. National and international guidelines regarding the subject has proven to be used very well in the case of Local Public Health Program, but not as well in the Integration Policy Program or in the Plan for equal rights and possibilities 2012-2014. Collected information from executive directors of administration regarding implementation of the Integration Policy Program and implementation of diversity work, as well as evaluation material on the public health policy showed very little implementation, and very little participation from the executive directors, employees and the citizens, which raises questions regarding availability of the programs. In order for policy making to be successful executive directors, employees and citizens need to be participating in the policy-making process, as well as the implementation and evaluation. If not; policymaking is only by politicians, for politicians and therefor it will not reflect on the developing society as a whole.
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Roberts, Alexander Nelson. "The Construction of Illness Categories in Medicine and Public Policy: AIDS, Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, and the Problem of Reification." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1511872977343143.

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Cutlip, Lauren Leigh. "Talking About Talk: The Problem of Communication as an Object of Study in Public Participation Research." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4303.

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When citizens participate in risk assessment and decision-making for environmental and other issues that affect members of the public, more robust decisions may be made. Public participation in policy decisions is not only more democratic, but it also enables members of the public to contribute valuable expertise to the decision-making process. However, the development of an effective forum for such participatory projects has been difficult. Participation mechanisms that foster dialogue and interactive exchange between participants have been regarded as the most beneficial, but the practical application of these mechanisms has been observed to be problematic. The goal of this study is to examine the role of talk as a contributing factor to the limited success of dialogue-based participation mechanisms. To do this, this study performs a qualitative analysis of the dialogue that takes place when a group of scientists and a group of farmers participate in a project concerning sustainable biofuels in Iowa. This analysis finds that the scientists and farmers, as members of distinct communities of practice, have different ways of talking about their work, even as they talk about the same subjects. This observation illustrates that the discourse that takes place within participatory mechanisms, and not only the mechanism forum itself, is an important contribution to the success or failure of a citizen participation project.
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Hellström, Carin. "The policy process of debates in the Swedish Parliament regarding cigarette smoking- 1971 and 2011 : A policy analysis." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för folkhälsovetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157468.

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In 2003 a WHO treaty presented the use of cigarettes and tobacco as an international tobacco epidemic: a public health concern that needed to be diminished. Decreasing smoking prevalence can be an effect of individual choice, the social context or of governmental interventions. This master thesis originated in an interest in governmental measures aimed at decreasing the population´s smoking prevalence. The data used in this thesis include records of parliamentary and governmental bills as well as the parliamentary debates in the Swedish Parliament 1971 and 2011. Discourse analysis was used to analyse how the hazards of cigarette smoking in a public health perspective were of any interest to the national political arena of the Swedish Parliament. Fivethemes developed from the documents. The essence of the themes evolved to vision, society structure and tools for policy making. To conclude: forty years of policy making resulted in legislation; a smoking ban was put into place and shift of societal norms.The agenda of tobacco policy making expanded, what was politically acceptable and possible to add to the agenda during forty years varied. There were changes in discourse as well as development of new discourse.
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Odhner, Caroline. "Cyber Deterrence Based Upon Conventional Premises : A Discourse Analysis of the US Cyber Deterrence Policy." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10143.

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Deterrence as a military strategy aims to discourage an aggressor from initiating unwanted courses of actions by convincing the aggressor that cost exceeds the profit. In cyberspace, where the costs are lower, deterrence is disputed because of the natural interconnectedness and constant actions. The aim of this study is to investigate how the US understands cyber deterrence. This study is motivated by the current ambiguity regarding whether deterrence works in cyberspace or not. Using both theories of conventional and cyber deterrence together with theories of offense and defense, the study focuses on the US since they remain at the center of development regarding cyber deterrence. Through a discourse analysis using Bacchis What´s the problem represented to be approach, the investigation of US policy from 2018 shows that the US has adopted theories of cyber deterrence in their policy. However, the presumptions of the problem presentation have rather descended from theories of conventional deterrence. The solutions implemented indicate that the US has an advantage in cyber offense capabilities, but the study also shows that they are moving towards more defense-oriented capabilities in the future. In the stress of taking action, the US end up interfusing premises and actions which may affect the principle of intervention and thus the security of the American population.
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Chernysh, Kseniia. "Russian Foreign Policy Discourse during and after the Georgian War: Representations of NATO." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-54808.

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The study analyzes Russian foreign policy discourse on NATO during and after the Georgian war as constructed in on-line news articles from the state-run RIA Novosti news agency. The thesis adopts constructivist and discourse analytical approach. Namely, it is based on the interplay between the three main theoretical pillars: language as constitutive part of social reality; media as a type of discourse; and the constructivist understanding of the foreign policy discourse as being embedded in the domestic social and cultural dimensions. 

The research has shown that the discourse on NATO constructed in the news articles of Ria Novosti to a great extent reflected the official Russian government’s discourse.  The overall unfavorable representation of the organization was evident throughout the analyzed material. This ‘negative-other representation’ served to establish political frontiers between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ of the discourse. In the context of the Georgian war, the questions of the future power balance as well as effective transatlantic security mechanism gained particular prominence. The geopolitics of the regional security was represented as bipolar, comprising NATO (or ‘the West’ in its broad sense) on the one hand and Russia as the legitimate leader in most of the post-Soviet space, on the other. Such representation tended to possess distinctive features of the Cold War discourse.

 

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Adie, Lenore Ellen, and l. adie@optusnet com au. "Operationalizing Queensland’s Smart State policy through teachers’ work: An analysis of discourses in a Central Queensland school." Central Queensland University, 2007. http://library-resources.cqu.edu.au./thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20070525.085011.

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The notion of Queensland as a ‘Smart State’ is the Queensland Beattie Government’s response to global conditions that require a new type of worker and citizen for a new knowledge economy. The role of education in the success of the ‘Smart State’ is clearly outlined in the Queensland Government’s vision statements and policies, identifying teachers as a key factor in the production of this new type of worker and citizen. In this study I explore the relationship between Queensland’s Smart State policy and the daily practices of teachers as they are implicated in the building of a ‘Smart State’. The study takes place during what is unquestionably the largest and most comprehensive reform effort to be imposed on Queensland schools and teachers, under the auspices of a ‘Smart State’. The research includes policy analysis of two key Smart State documents, and fieldwork involving semi-structured interviews, observations and artefact collection of the work of two primary school teachers. Using Fairclough’s theories regarding the relationship between discourse and social change, it is possible to show how changes occurring in contemporary organisations are related to changes in discourse, in particular, those surrounding the discourses of a ‘knowledge economy’ or ‘globalisation’. The ‘Smart State’ is conceptualised in this study as regimes of discourses that may produce new practices and new ways of acting and being (Fairclough, 2001a). The interdiscursive, linguistic and semiotic strategies used in Smart State policy are analysed to show how this discourse is emerging into a hegemonic position, while identifying the dominant discourses reiterated in the policy as necessary skills for a new type of worker. These discourses are mapped onto those identified through the fieldwork of teachers’ daily work practices to determine if Smart State discourses are becoming apparent in teachers’ work. This study is significant because it makes visible the current relationship between the discourses of the ‘Smart State’ and teachers’ daily work. In this current climate of rapid change and economic survival it is important that the operationalization of a ‘Smart State’ can be attributed to teachers’ work as new ways of acting and interacting become a part of their daily practices.
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Pan, Chengxin, and chengxin pan@deakin edu au. "Discourses of 'China' in International Relations: A Study in Western Theory as (IR) Practice." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20050528.132232.

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This thesis is concerned with both the dangers and opportunities of China’s relations with the contemporary world and with the U.S.-led West in particular. It takes an unconventional approach to these issues in critically examining mainstream Western studies of Chinese foreign policy as a particular kind of discourse. The thesis focuses, more specifically, on the two dominant Western perspectives on China, (neo)realism and (neo)-liberalism. In doing so, it engages the questions of how Western discursive practice has come to shape and dominate the ways we think of and deal with ‘China’ in international relations, and how, as a result, China has often come to formulate its foreign policy in line with the prescribed meaning given to it by Western-based China scholars. In this context, the thesis argues that to deconstruct the processes by which China is given particular ‘meanings’ by Western discourses—and by which those meanings are transformed into both Western and Chinese foreign policy—is the key to a more profound understanding of Sino-Western relations and, perhaps, a first step towards ameliorating its problems and realising its potential for long-term peace and mutual prosperity.
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Feder, Samantha. "Facing the Public Eye: Analyzing Discourse on the Niqab and the Visibility of the Face In Canada." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37654.

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The niqab is a veil worn by some Muslim women that covers the face except the area around the eyes, which can be seen through a rectangular slit in the fabric. In recent years, a number of countries have enacted measures against the niqab in public spaces. Canadian law and policy makers have made significant contributions to ongoing debates about the niqab as well as the acts of facial covering and uncovering. While objections to the niqab have been framed in many different ways, the guiding premise of this dissertation is that negative reactions to the niqab are grounded within the expectation and demand to see the human face. Drawing upon the case of R. v. N.S, the niqab ban during the Canadian citizenship oath, and Bill 62: An Act to foster adherence to State religious neutrality and, in particular, to provide a framework for requests for accommodations on religious grounds in certain bodies, this dissertation considers how Canadian legal and political actors have justified restrictions against the niqab by invoking the idea that the visibility of the face is a central part of Western cultural values. Ultimately, my research questions the kind of work that the human face and the sense of sight is expected to do by examining how demands to see people’s faces reflect and maintain interlocking cites of privilege and oppression such as racism, sexism, ableism, imperialism, and colonialism.
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Dames, Edward William. "The impact of neoliberalism on South Africa's education policy discourse post-1994: The quest for a radical critical pedagogy." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6371.

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Magister Educationis - Med
Since the 1980s several different forms of privatisation had been introduced into the South African educational system by the De Lange Commission. Since the 1990s a raft of neoliberal policies has been implemented under the banner of "educational transformation" by the post-apartheid state. This qualitative exploration will apply a critical policy analysis approach to analyse the impact of neoliberalism on post-apartheid education policy discourse in the public schooling system in South Africa from a historical, social and critical perspective. More specifically, I will apply the insights of critical education theory to interrogate the impact of the neoliberal orthodoxy and its concomitant values on the public schooling system with regard to the delivery of accessible, quality public schooling in post-apartheid South Africa.
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Lundström, Ragnar. "Den kalkylerande medborgaren : Bidragsfusk i svensk välfärdsdebatt 1990-2010." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-50755.

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This dissertation analyses discourse on benefit fraud in Sweden between 1990 and 2010. First, it maps general trends in public discourse about benefit fraud. This is done through a content analysis of news reporting about benefit fraud in four Swedish newspapers. This part of the dissertation shows that the number of published news articles about benefit fraud have increased significantly since 1990. Particularly large numbers of articles were published during the middle of the 1990s, and between 2002 and 2006.  Second, a qualitative discourse analysis of talk about benefit fraud in news texts, political debates and government reports is conducted. During periods of intense news coverage about fraud, reporting is often clearly marked by traits generally associated with moral panics; constructing the phenomenon as seemingly more common than it in reality is, constructing cheaters as a threat to the moral fiber of society, and also claiming the need for counter-measures. The qualitative analysis furthermore focuses on how the relation-ships between different subject positions are constructed in the collected material. This part of the analysis shows that fraud discourse in Sweden during the past twenty years have shifted from a dominant focus on alleged cheating among immigrants in the early 1990s, to claims of abuse within the sickness insurance program after 2002. The analysis also shows that benefit fraud is constructed as a political problem using neoliberal discursive strategies that [1] reduce welfare policies to financial costs, [2] constitute benefit claimants as individually responsible for their inability to support themselves through regular work, and [3] articulate the welfare state as an instrument for the moral regulation of citizens.
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Perez, Chavolla Lilia Judith. "THE PUBLIC'S INTEREST IN TELECOM REFORM: POST-REFORM PERFORMANCE OF THE MEXICAN TELECOM SECTOR." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1039206411.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2002.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xxi, 477 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Co-advisors: Susan Kline and Rohan Samarajiva, School of Journalism and Communication. 590 Also on microfiche. 6 sheets. Includes bibliographical references (p. 451-477).
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Tharani, Soraya. "Immigration, security and the public debate on US language policy : a critical discourse analysis of language attitudes in the United States of America." Doctoral thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Engelska, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-11696.

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The narrative of the United States is of a "nation of immigrants" in which the language shift patterns of earlier ethnolinguistic groups have tended towards linguistic assimilation through English. In recent years, however, changes in the demographic landscape and language maintenance by non-English speaking immigrants, particularly Hispanics, have been perceived as threats and have led to calls for an official English language policy.This thesis aims to contribute to the study of language policy making from a societal security perspective as expressed in attitudes regarding language and identity originating in the daily interaction between language groups. The focus is on the role of language and American identity in relation to immigration. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach combining language policy studies, security theory, and critical discourse analysis. The material consists of articles collected from four newspapers, namely USA Today, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle between April 2006 and December 2007.Two discourse types are evident from the analysis namely Loyalty and Efficiency. The former is mainly marked by concerns of national identity and contains speech acts of security related to language shift, choice and English for unity. Immigrants are represented as dehumanised, and harmful. Immigration is given as sovereignty-related, racial, and as war. The discourse type of Efficiency is mainly instrumental and contains speech acts of security related to cost, provision of services, health and safety, and social mobility. Immigrants are further represented as a labour resource. These discourse types reflect how the construction of the linguistic 'we' is expected to be maintained. Loyalty is triggered by arguments that the collective identity is threatened and is itself used in reproducing the collective 'we' through hegemonic expressions of monolingualism in the public space and semi-public space. The denigration of immigrants is used as a tool for enhancing societal security through solidarity and as a possible justification for the denial of minority rights. Also, although language acquisition patterns still follow the historical trend of language shift, factors indicating cultural separateness such as the appearance of speech communities or the use of minority languages in the public space and semi-public space have led to manifestations of intolerance. Examples of discrimination and prejudice towards minority groups indicate that the perception of worth of a shared language differs from the actual worth of dominant language acquisition for integration purposes. The study further indicates that the efficient working of the free market by using minority languages to sell services or buy labour is perceived as conflicting with nation-building notions since it may create separately functioning sub-communities with a new cultural capital recognised as legitimate competence. The discourse types mainly represent securitising moves constructing existential threats. The perception of threat and ideas of national belonging are primarily based on a zero-sum notion favouring monolingualism. Further, the identity of the immigrant individual is seen as dynamic and adaptable to assimilationist measures whereas the identity of the state and its members are perceived as static. Also, the study shows that debates concerning language status are linked to extra-linguistic matters. To conclude, policy makers in the US need to consider the relationship between four factors, namely societal security based on collective identity, individual/human security, human rights, and a changing linguistic demography, for proposed language intervention measures to be successful.

Diss. Luleå : Luleå tekniska universitet, 2011-01-31

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Moodley, Gunasagren. "Critical analysis of the post-apartheid South African Government's discourse on infromation and communication technologies (ICTs), poverty and development." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1298.

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Thesis (PhD (School of Public Management and Planning ))—University of Stellenbosch, 2005.
This study comprises a discursive analysis of the underlying assumptions, rhetorical devices and the latent agendas masked within: (i) the burgeoning international ICT, poverty and development literature; (ii) the policy agendas of the major players in international development; and (iii) the ICT, poverty and development discourse of the post-apartheid South African government. The aim of the study is to move beyond the current enthusiasm for derivative description and technological determinism, and to introduce a deeper, more balanced understanding of the relationship between ICT, poverty and development.
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Smith, Samuel Robert. "Palliative Partnership? A Discourse Analysis on Gentrification in the South Side of Columbus, Ohio." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1618390847941763.

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Young, Rebecca. "Perceptions of Homelessness and Strategies for Receiving Services Among the Florida Homeless." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1660.

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Homelessness is a complex problem replete with profound social distress and suffering, but with few adequate solutions. The homeless are a marginalized population particularly vulnerable to structural forces and policy decisions, including lack of affordable housing, unemployment, systemic inequalities, and lack of adequate social safety net. Perspectives of homeless people are understudied in anthropological scholarship which tends to focus on service providers, with comparatively less attention on homeless people themselves who are commonly subjected to medicalizing and criminalizing discourses. Using ethnographic research methods, including participant-observation and interviews with homeless people who pursue food pantry services at Hope Helps NGO in Oviedo, Florida, this paper examines the experiences of homeless people in Florida, where the issue of homelessness has been acute and is often depoliticized in public discourses. Specifically , it focuses on coping strategies of homeless people in Oviedo, and ways in which they understand their life circumstances and secure necessary services. Findings demonstrate that the Florida homeless view reasons for their homelessness as primarily economic, but rarely critique policies behind low wages or unaffordable housing. The narratives also show that the homeless in this study obtain resources through networking, and despite use of assistance services, view themselves as independent, active agents. Results of this research have potential to improve the way social services for the homeless are structured, and to inform policy relevant to homeless in Florida. Furthermore, this research brings attention to a marginalized problem and population, and considers how particular discourses function to maintain a structurally inadequate system.
B.A.
Bachelors
Anthropology
Sciences
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47

Hanson, Ardis. "Unlocking the Black Box of Policymaking: A Discursive View of the Florida Commission on Mental Health and Substance Abuse." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4327.

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Discourse creates the world of policy. Discourse plays a key role within policy formation; political discourse is made visible within particular discursive (spoken and written) practices. Hence, mental health policy is the endpoint of a discursive process and that it is, in itself, an institutional process. The shared understanding necessary to formulate policy is crucial to persons who are responsible for policy decisions and recommendations. Since the public perception is that public policy problems are too complicated for ordinary people to deal with, the policy problem is reframed into manageable "bits." It is how these "bits" are framed, named, and made sense of that concern me most in the policymaking process. The purpose of this dissertation is to make visible the often invisible processes that occur in the creation of that final report. To do so, I use a discursive approach and a selection of discourse tokens, both talk and text, to examine the workings of the Florida Commission on Mental Health and Substance Abuse.
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48

Abolghasem, Rasouli Sina. "Urban Segregation in Malmö : Discourse Policy Analysis at the Local Level and the Emergence of New Actors." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42759.

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Segregation is frequently described as a consequence of the global restructuring of social, economic, and political expansions in which multicultural cities, like Malmö, become part of them. This study aims to highlight how visions of housing segregation and exclusion in the city of Malmö has been represented in the local policy documents (Master Plans) through the last three decades and to understand how a newly emerged glocal actor, known as BID Malmö, have impacted the urban governance in the city. In order to investigate these developments, this study applies two analytical frameworks. In terms of policy analysis, it employs a what’s the problem represented to be? (WPR) approach and for the conceptualization of BID Malmö applies the theory of the Global City. Policy analysis shows that urban segregation has been persistent in the city of Malmö through the last three decades, however the representation of problem has shifted vibrantly from placing citizens as the main cause of housing segregation during 1990s to an arena that includes contingent processes and practices that need to be tackled. Policy analysis also shows that Malmö municipality, through shifting the burden of responsibility, now promotes partnership between public and private actors to reduce exclusion based on specific district needs. Moreover, this study argues that the city of Malmö, because of the cross-border network of global cities, is now a space where one can identify formation of new types of global politics of place where informal political actors are emerging and can actually impact the urban governance. Finally, this study maintains that the city of Malmö, along with its newly emerged glocalized actor, fit into the theory of the Global City, by Saskia Sassen. Therefore, this study has also a deductive qualitative analysis.
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49

Granfield, Mark Howard. "Elite discourse on the political economy of the Royal Navy and British naval sea power : new public management theory as modernisation : back to the future." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15369.

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At the beginning of the twenty-first century a burgeoning global private military sector is increasingly involved in areas of defence and security that, up until recently, were popularly thought of as being within the monopolistic preserve of the nation state. Finding itself at the vanguard of profound political and economic change, today’s Royal Navy is increasingly reliant on relationships with the private sector that only thirty years ago would have seemed unimaginable to many commentators. As naval shipbuilding, dockyard refitting, logistics, training, and even warship ownership and manning, move from a unitary state to an increasingly self-organising private sector bounded by a differentiated and decentered polity, this thesis is concerned with boundaries of elite discourse on legitimacy in the political economy of Royal Navy and British naval sea power and their implications for New Public Management theory. At its core, the study presents original research into the attitudes of fifty elite opinion formers directly concerned with the discourse of Royal Navy modernisation and profiles their ideational boundaries concerning the political economy of force and violence. The thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by presenting empirically and framing theoretically the ways in which elite naval attitudes to the political economy of legitimated force have changed and are evolving. The research is important because it challenges what many commentators have come to believe to be an a priori function of the nation state, namely, the monopoly use of force, with the actual views of those opinion formers who currently hold positions of power and influence in and around one of its core ‘ideal type’ institutions: the Royal Navy. The research is also significant because in attempting to clarify the conceptual boundaries of this elite discourse, it also presents a powerful critique of New Public Management with reference to the problematic dimensions of time, economic complexity and socio-political power.
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50

Straub, Sandra Luzia Wrobel 1965. "Política de informática na educação = o discurso governamental = Computing policy in education : governmental speech." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268939.

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Orientador: Suzy Maria Lagazzi
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T02:57:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Straub_SandraLuziaWrobel_D.pdf: 5397137 bytes, checksum: e9d57d147cabf41969451d8888911b79 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Resumo: O presente trabalho analisa, na perspectiva da Análise de Discurso materialista francesa, o discurso governamental sobre as tecnologias de informação e de comunicação - TICs - na educação pública, tendo como material os documentos do Programa Nacional de Informática na Educação - ProInfo (1997 e 2007) e os discursos de representantes do governo no lançamento do Programa Telecomunidade: mais comunicação para todos (2001) na região norte do Estado de Mato Grosso. Buscamos compreender, com a abrangência de uma década (1997-2010), que sentidos foram se construindo para a educação no discurso governamental da implementação das TICs. Ressaltamos, no funcionamento discursivo em análise, a constante referência à tecnologia como um argumento para a melhoria educacional, e o estabelecimento da escola privada como parâmetro de qualidade para a escola pública. Julgamos importante mostrar que o discurso governamental sobre as TICs tem como pré-construído o discurso (neo)liberal, que naturaliza os sentidos de competitividade, desenvolvimento econômico e social, mercado de trabalho, concorrência, autonomia
Abstract: This paper analyzes, in terms of materialistic French Discourse Analysis, the governmental speech on information and communication technologies - ICT - in public education, having as material the documents of the National Program for Information Technology in Education - ProInfo (1997 and 2007) and the speeches of government representatives on the launching of the Telecommunity Program: more communication for all (2001) in the northern region of Mato Grosso. We seek to understand, with the range of a decade (1997- 2010), which senses were being built for education in governmental speech of the implementation of ICTs. We emphasize the discursive functioning in analysis, the constant reference to technology as an argument for educational improvement, and the establishment of private schools as a quality parameter for the public school. We believe it is important to show that the governmental speech on ICTs is pre-built speech (neo) liberal, which naturalizes senses of competitiveness, economic and social development, labor market, competition, autonomy
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutora em Linguística
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