Journal articles: 'Public opinion Korea (South)'

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Wiegand, Krista E., and Ajin Choi. "Nationalism, public opinion, and dispute resolution." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 27, no. 2 (November 20, 2017): 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.27.2.05wie.

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Abstract For several decades South Koreans have rallied around the Dokdo/Takeshima islets, small rocky outcroppings in the East Sea/Sea of Japan. There have been significant mobilization efforts by the Korean government, opposition parties, media, and civic groups that stir up a strong level of nationalism in South Korea. Why is public opinion about Dokdo, as the islets are named by Koreans, so fierce in South Korea despite the fact that South Korea has maintained effective control of the islets for over 50 years? How can public opinion and territorial nationalism affect dispute resolution? In this research project, we argue that domestic mobilization, stalwart public opinion, and strong territorial nationalism exist primarily because the islets symbolize other salient issues disputed with Japan and such issue linkage makes the territorial dispute difficult to resolve.

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Yoon, Sung-Won, and Sae Chung. "Semantic Network Analysis of Legacy News Media Perception in South Korea: The Case of PyeongChang 2018." Sustainability 10, no. 11 (November 2, 2018): 4027. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10114027.

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This paper aims at exploring how conservative and liberal newspapers in South Korea framed PyeongChang 2018 directly. Our research questions addressed four points: first, different attitudes of conservative and liberal newspapers in the PyeongChang news reporting; second, their success and failure in influencing public opinion; third, South Koreans’ perceptions on PyeongChang 2018; and fourth, South Korean public reliance on the newspapers. To investigate the framing differences, we employed a big data analytic method (automated semantic network analysis) with NodeXL (analytic software). Conclusively, we were able to find out four main findings. First, the conservative media showed pessimistic attitudes to the Olympics, and the liberal media did conversely. Second, despite the conservative media’s resourcefulness, they could not succeed in influencing public opinion. Third, the conservative media perceived the Olympics as an undesirable event, but the liberal media did the Olympics as a significant event for further peace promotion. Fourth, the conservative media’s framings did not considerably influence upon the public opinion. As a conclusion, the public are no longer passive recipients of the messages from the media. Instead, they tend to selectively accept the information from the media based on ‘collective intelligence’. This trend provides a significant implication for enhancing the sustainability of the media environment in South Korea.

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Lee, Hong Yung. "South Korea in 2002: Multiple Political Dramas." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.64.

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This article analyzes how political actors maneuvered and counter-maneuvered in South Korea in 2002, developing political strategy and exploiting national issues in order to position themselves for the presidential election of December 19, which dominated Korean politics throughout the year. Since public opinion polling conducted regularly by major news media had to a great extent shaped important decisions of all aspirants for daekwon (big power), the analysis focuses on explaining how the popularity of Lee Hoi-chang, Roh Moo-hyun, and Chung Mong-jun fluctuated, and how Roh finally won the presidential election.

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Bae, Joonbum. "Limits of engagement? The sunshine policy, nuclear tests, and South Korean views of North Korea 1995–2013." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 3 (May 16, 2019): 411–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcz004.

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Abstract Can positive domestic messages generated by a foreign policy of engagement toward another country change public views regarding that state? How resistant are such changes to events that contradict the positive messages? I argue that while positive government messages about an adversary can significantly improve public opinion, highly consequential foreign policy events that contradict the messages influence public opinion at the cost of elites’ ability to shape it through their messages. Such differing effects can lead to a polarization of opinion when the content of the messages and the nature of events diverge from each other. Leveraging the unpredictability of North Korea’s foreign policy behavior, the South Korean government’s sustained policy of engagement toward it during the years 1998–2007, and North Korea’s first two nuclear tests to examine the relative impact of consequential foreign policy events and elite messages on public opinion, I find strong evidence consistent with this argument.

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Kim, Bomi, Eun Joo Yoon, Songyi Kim, and Dong Kun Lee. "The Effects of Risk Perceptions Related to Particulate Matter on Outdoor Activity Satisfaction in South Korea." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 5 (March 2, 2020): 1613. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17051613.

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In recent years, the Korean public has become aware of the form of air pollution known as particulate matter, with a consequent growth of public anxiety causing a negative risk perception about outdoor activity. This study aims at determining the causal relationship between risk perceptions about particulate matter and outdoor activity satisfaction in South Korea. An Internet survey was conducted with 412 people, and a structural equation model was used to perform confirmatory factor analysis. The statistically significant results show that the perceived risk of particulate matter is higher when people do not show interest in or trust public opinion or policy on the subject. This increases people’s perceptions of health risks, which in turn lowers their satisfaction with outdoor activity. Although trust levels in public opinion or policy had a positive impact on outdoor activity satisfaction, this was not statistically significant. These results are expected to contribute to risk communication guidelines in public opinion reporting and to the direction of environmental health policies in developing countries with high levels of air pollution, such as particulate matter.

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Kim, Soojin, Arunima Krishna, and Kenneth D. Plowman. "Winning in the court of public opinion." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 24, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-11-2017-0108.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore how public relations (PR) professionals develop co-narratives with legal counsel when formulating crisis communication strategies. Understanding how PR practitioners work with their legal counterparts may help lead to more advanced and effective PR practice in the area of crisis communication and management. The authors attempt to do so in this study through interviews conducted with PR practitioners in two Asian countries – South Korea and Singapore.Design/methodology/approachIn total, 11 semi-structured interviews with PR consultants, 6 in Korea and 5 in Singapore were conducted between May and August 2016. Data analyses revealed key points of interest for PR practice.FindingsFirst, PR consultants in both countries reported increased collaboration with legal counsel in times of crisis. Second, PR consultants report that legal professionals have begun to realize the significance of winning in the court of public opinion. However, the process by which PR–legal collaboration takes place to develop co-narratives followed extremely different patterns in the two countries.Research limitations/implicationsThis exploratory study is not exempt from limitations. The findings from this study may not be applicable to other countries. As data collection in both countries relied on snowball sampling techniques, the participants in the interviews may not be representative of PR consultants in South Korea and Singapore. E-mail interviews had limitations due to their lack of richness and details compared to other forms of interviews (i.e. face-to-face or Skype interviews). However, computer-mediated interviews including e-mail interviews can still create good level of understandings about the phenomenon in question.Originality/valueThis study was an attempt to understand PR–legal collaboration particularly in times of crisis and contribute to the development of Asia-centric models of PR practice. There has been little research that explores how legal and PR counsels actually collaborate to devise optional crisis communication strategies for their clients (or organizations) in the times of crisis. Given that crisis communicative strategies have been shown to affect publics’ perceptions of an organization’s credibility and trustworthiness, it is important to understand how PR work with legal practitioners to develop co-narratives for optimal crisis management, and understand how their different professional perspectives, practices, and approaches affect the collaboration.

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Kim, Ji Young, Wenxin Li, and Seunghee Lee. "Making Sense of Japan’s Export Restrictions against South Korea." Asian Survey 61, no. 4 (July 2021): 683–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.4.683.

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Why did Japanese Prime Minister Abe impose controversial export restrictions after rulings by the South Korean Supreme Court on wartime forced laborers? This article answers this question through the lens of domestic symbolism in economic sanctions studies. We argue that domestic political calculations led the Japanese government to adopt hawkish measures against South Korea. Abe wanted to ensure continued support from his constituents and to win the upcoming election. A series of political reforms since the early 1990s have empowered the prime minister and made LDP politicians pay more attention to public opinion than to factional topography. Strong anti-Korean sentiment among the Japanese public reduced the leadership’s concerns about the audience costs of economic countermeasures. Through an examination of the interplay among various domestic actors over the policy measure, this study provides insights on how domestic symbolism can serve as an origin of foreign policy decision-making in democracies.

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Horesh, Niv, Hyun Jin Kim, Peter Mauch, and Jonathan Sullivan. "Is My Rival's Rival a Friend? Popular Third-Party Perceptions of Territorial Disputes in East Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (September 11, 2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i1.4594.

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This article examines how China's rise and increasing tensions with Japan are portrayed by South Korean bloggers. The deterioration in relations between China and Japan over the last two years generally projects onto the ways and means by which China's rise is portrayed in South Korea. Since Korea's relations with both its more populous neighbours have been historically fraught, and since it is also implicated in various territorial disputes with both countries, determining Korean sensibilities is an important way of gauging shifts in public opinion across the region. Although the conservative political establishments in both South Korea and Japan might see China as a constant threat, South Korean and Japanese netizens still popularly view each other with suspicion. By contrast, popular perceptions of the China threat in either country can be swayed by escalation of territorial disputes these two US allies still have with one another.

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Hwang, Wonjae, Wonbin Cho, and Krista Wiegand. "Do Korean-Japanese Historical Disputes Generate Rally Effects?" Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 3 (May 23, 2018): 693–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818000438.

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Does ongoing animosity between South Korea and Japan over the disputed Dokdo Islands and other issues that originated from historical disputes generate rally effects in Korean domestic politics? This article argues that the Dokdo Islands dispute—and related disputed issues rooted in the colonial experience of Korea under Japan's rule historically—strongly influence Korean presidents’ abilities to effectively mobilize domestic support for not only the issues, but particularly the public opinion of presidents. Using data on Korean presidents’ approval ratings between 1993 and 2016, this article shows that Korea's bilateral disputes with Japan tend to promote Korean presidential popularity. The findings suggest that external crises with Japan related to historical disputes have positive political effects on leadership ratings in Korea.

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Oh, Suyong, and Bang-Chool Kim. "An analysis of media text on "Integrated Korean Team": The revolving stage of politics and sports." Korean Journal of Sport Science 31, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24985/kjss.2020.31.1.128.

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The purpose of this study was to critically interpret a certain sports-related idea, "Integrated Korean Team," which was an issue at the PyeongChang Winter Olympics. The idea emerges as a specific political agenda under the conditions of domestic politics and the special environment of Korean national affairs and discourse. To this end, we investigated media texts on the relationship between sports, political dynamics and views on related discourse that were produced in 1990-1991 and 2018. The main findings are as follows: First, sports functions as a political socialization tool for political power as it forms public opinion. Second, sports exchanges work as a kind of international politics. Specifically, political power controls sports as certain political situations arise and political elites' needs change. Third, mega sports events have tended to become politicized in recent years as they become more effective. Fourth, North Korea’s sports under political power cannot be easily dealt with by the private sector, and it has limitations because it is not politically independent. The analysis showed that the negotiation process and realization of the Integrated North and South Korean Team seemed to be a turning point in politics and sports. Here are the conclusions drawn from discussing the two unifying events in 1991 and the situation in 2018. First, both South and North Korea pulled the Integrated Korean Team card when political needs arose. Second, when the two Koreas did not need to reconcile due to changes in the political situation between the two Koreas, they did not want to make efforts to integrate Korean Team. Third, the position of the political elite was directly represented by the position of the South-North Korean team. Fourth, the supporting public opinions of the Integrated Korean Team are gradually diminishing as the power gap between the two Koreas widens and sports players' human rights issues emerge.

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Lee, Nae-Young, and Han Wool Jeong. "Fluctuating Anti-Americanism and the Korea-U.S. Alliance." International Studies Review 5, no. 2 (September 28, 2004): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00502002.

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Rising anti-Americanism in the winter of 2002 despite the increasing security threats from North Korea, has led some to call the situation a crisis in the ROK-U.S. alliance. However, the opinion polls from June 2003 and February 2004 show that anti-Americanism in South Korea has substantially waned The main aim of this paper is to examine whether the recent wave of anti-Americanism has the content and intensity to threaten the legitimacy of the ROK-U.S. alliance. By analyzing the changes in public attitude and perception towards the U.S. over the past two years based on three survey data, this paper argues that anti-Americanism in South Korea has not posed any real threat to the alliance. However, the polarized public opinion towards the U.S. remains a potentially serious threat to the future of the ROK-U.S. alliance.

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Dang, Bui Hai, Tran Xuan Hiep, Luc Minh Tuan, Nguyen Thi Phuong Thao, and Nguyen Van Thang. "The Changing Approach of North Korea Towards America, South Korea and the Prospects of Inter-Korean Relations." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 11, no. 4 (July 5, 2022): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2022-0106.

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North Korea's international integration strategy and the normalizing process of inter-Korean ties forced North Korea to modify its attitude to the US and South Korea. Observing inter-Korean relations in recent years, we do acknowledge the adjustments of both sides to each other and in relations with the US; in which, the most notable is the adjustment in North Korea's approach to South Korea and to the US. In relations with the US, there are significant shifts in North Korea’s approach from the "maximum cordiality" approach to a parallel one: constructing "a new peace" in accompaniment with "a new threat". The US has been such an important factor in inter-Korean relations which have been affected by US relations with the two sides of Korea peninsula. With South Korea, North Korea has built a new type of relationship with four matching objectives: jointly reform personnel in the direction of respecting the spirit of reconciliation between the two regions; jointly promote economic self-reliance alongside the military policies to diminish dependence on allies of both sides; establish inter-Korean trade activities unaffected by international sanctions; and support mutual communication to gradually change negative public opinion trends about North Korea in the region and around the world. This paper is to focus on analyzing and explaining the changes in North Korea's approach to the US as well as to South Korea after the 2nd U.S-North Korea Summit in 2019 failed. It will conclude by making predictions about the prospects of inter-Korean relations in the coming years. Received: 7 March 2022 / Accepted: 9 May 2022 / Published: 5 July 2022

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Hundt, David. "Public opinion, social cohesion, and the politics of immigration in South Korea." Contemporary Politics 22, no. 4 (May 25, 2016): 487–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2016.1186346.

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Owen, David A. "Measuring Pro-North Korean sentiment in South Korea during the Kim Jong-il Era." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (May 21, 2014): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.005.

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This study analyzes recent claims regarding positive sentiment towards North Korea among South Koreans using cross-sectional public opinion data from the 2004 and 2006 waves of the Asian Barometer. Pro-North Korean sentiments are proposed to be highest among those who feel a stronger sense of common ancestry and language with North Koreans, the wealthy, the younger, those who trust NGOs, those in Seoul and those in the southwest region. I use ordered logistical regression to test hypotheses derived from these propositions. I find support for the southwest hypothesis, though the percentage of South Koreans with these sentiments is actually very low. The results have important implications for relations on the Korean Peninsula and the study of North Korean politics.

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KIM, JUNG HYOUN. "The Comparative Analysis of Public Support for Developing Regional Regime in East Sea Rim (Sea of Japan) Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000388.

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AbstractThe East Sea (or Sea of Japan) (ESR/SOJ) Rim region, in which five countries – Japan, China, Russia, and North and South Korea – have their own coastal areas, is complex and dynamic, with many emerging regional security concerns. In this paper, the author tries to show that there is the possibility of a maritime regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region by investigating the level of public support, in Japan and South Korea, for the formation of a regional regime. Based on the theoretical assumptions of constructivism, the author analyzes what kinds of individual's social position factors influence the level of support for regional regime formation by conducting a nested regression model of survey datasets. The results of the statistical analysis suggest that people with a high level of national pride in South Korea are more likely to support a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region. In contrast, for Japanese people, there is no relationship between people's national pride and the level of support for regional regime formation. The economic recession in Japan since the early 1990s has made public concern more about domestic policy than about foreign policy issues. Based on strong support of the bottom, public opinion towards regional regime formation, the South Korean government may play a leading role in developing a regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region (when the process of negotiation begins) as in the case of Japan in nineteenth century.

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Koh, Keumseok, Seunghyeon Lee, Sangdon Park, and Jaewoo Lee. "Media Reports on COVID-19 Vaccinations: A Study of Topic Modeling in South Korea." Vaccines 10, no. 12 (December 16, 2022): 2166. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10122166.

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Early successes in controlling the COVID-19 pandemic have prevented Republic of Korea from implementing a prompt, large-scale vaccine rollout to the public. The influence of traditional media on public opinion remains critical and substantial in Republic of Korea, and there have been heated debates about vaccination in traditional media reports in Korea. Effective and efficient public health communication is integral in managing public health challenges. This study explored media reports on the COVID-19 vaccines during the pandemic in Republic of Korea. 12,399 media news reports from May 2020 to September 2021 were collected. An LDA topic model was applied in order to analyze and compare the topics drawn from each study phase using words from the unstructured text data. Although media reports from before the national vaccination implementation focused on the development and rollout of COVID-19 vaccines, diverse topics were reported without any overlap. After the vaccination rollout, the biggest concern was the side effects of the COVID-19 vaccine. In sum, Republic of Korea’s major media outlets reported on diverse topics rather than generating a common discourse about topics related to COVID-19 vaccination.

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이성우. "The Influence of South Korean Public Opinion and the Possibility of Domestic Conflict on Policies toward North Korea." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 13, no. 3 (December 2015): 225–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2015.13.3.225.

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Tanujaya, Rahel Renata, Chul-Yong Lee, JongRoul Woo, Sung-Yoon Huh, and Min-Kyu Lee. "Quantifying Public Preferences for Community-Based Renewable Energy Projects in South Korea." Energies 13, no. 9 (May 10, 2020): 2384. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13092384.

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Under the new climate regime, renewable energy (RE) has received particular attention for mitigating the discharge of greenhouse gas. According to the third energy master plan in South Korea, by 2040, 30–35% of the energy demand must met with RE sources. To ensure relevant policy design to achieve this goal, it is crucial to analyze the public’s willingness to accept community-based RE projects. This study conducted a nationwide survey to understand the opinion of the public and also that of local inhabitants living near a RE project. A choice experiment was employed to measure public preferences toward RE projects. The analysis reveals that the type of energy source, distance to a residential area, and annual percentage incentives could affect acceptance levels. Additionally, investment levels were a factor in local inhabitants’ acceptance of energy-related projects. This study presents the relevant policy implications in accordance with the analysis results.

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Choi, Yeon-Jun, Julak Lee, and Seung Yeop Paek. "Public Awareness and Sentiment toward COVID-19 Vaccination in South Korea: Findings from Big Data Analytics." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 16 (August 11, 2022): 9914. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19169914.

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Despite a worldwide campaign to promote vaccination, South Korea is facing difficulties in increasing its vaccination rate due to negative perceptions of the vaccines and vaccination policies. This study investigated South Koreans’ awareness of and sentiments toward vaccination. Particularly, this study explored how public opinions have developed over time, and compared them to those of other nations. We used Pfizer, Moderna, Janssen, and AstraZeneca as keywords on Naver, Daum, Google, and Twitter to collect data on public awareness and sentiments toward the vaccines and the government’s vaccination policies. The results showed that South Koreans’ sentiments on vaccination changed from neutral to negative to positive over the past two years. In particular, public sentiments turned positive due to South Koreans’ hopeful expectations and a high vaccination rate. Overall, the attitudes and sentiments toward vaccination in South Korea were similar to those of other nations. The conspiracy theories surrounding the vaccines had a significant effect on the negative opinions in other nations, but had little impact on South Korea.

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Yi, Seong-Woo, and Jae Hyoung Lim. "Economic and Political Impacts on Transition of the Peace Value System among South Korean Public Opinion - Analyses with Time-Series on the Trend of Public Opinion toward the Reunification Policy of South Korea -." Journal of international area studies 22, no. 3 (October 31, 2018): 263–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2018.10.22.3.263.

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Son, Byunghwan. "INTERPERSONAL TRUST AND CONFIDENCE IN LABOR UNIONS: THE CASE OF SOUTH KOREA." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 2 (April 15, 2020): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.5.

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AbstractHow do ordinary citizens view labor unions? The importance of public opinion about unions has rarely been highlighted in the contemporary literature on labor politics. Using five waves of the World Value Surveys on South Korea, this article suggests that public confidence in labor unions is significantly affected by individuals’ interpersonal trust, conditional on their perception of the political representation of labor. Unlike those with high levels of trust, low-trust individuals view unions as an agent seeking their exclusionary interests at the expense of the rest of the society. The difference between high- and low-trust individuals’ confidence in labor unions is more pronounced when a liberal, rather than a conservative, government is in power because of the public perception that labor interests are already well-represented by the liberal government and union functions are redundant in such a circumstances. The empirical findings are found robust to alternative theoretical arguments and empirical techniques.

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Cho, Kyung Sook, and Jangho Yoon. "The relationship between press release and newspaper coverage of tobacco-related issues in South Korea." Global Health Promotion 26, no. 2 (August 23, 2017): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757975917714274.

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This study investigates an association between press release and news media response on tobacco-related issues in South Korea. We retrieved 231 tobacco-related newspaper articles from all major dailies throughout the year 2005. In total, 37 press releases on tobacco-related issues and policies published by the Korea Ministry of Health and Welfare were obtained from the Ministry website. Content analysis and appropriate statistical tests were performed. Results from our content analysis suggest that producing more press releases on tobacco-related issues may result in a greater volume of newspaper articles, and that a press release on a new topical issue may effect more intense media coverage. Findings also show that when Korean newspaper articles overall held less favorable views of tobacco-related policies and programs in 2005, taxation was the most frequent theme with a non-positive opinion. Findings from our multivariate logistic regression models imply that a newspaper article with a source press release—especially about a new topical issue—is more likely than an article without a source press release to discuss tobacco-related issues more positively. Our findings suggest that a press release may serve as an effective media strategy for reaching out to the public by disseminating tobacco-control efforts and policies.

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Rich, Timothy S., Kaitlyn Bison, and Aleksandra Kozovic. "Who is welcome? South Korean public opinion on North Koreans and other refugees." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (June 17, 2021): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000116.

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AbstractWhat explains South Korean public opposition for refugees and does the public differentiate among groups? Although a sizable literature addresses perceptions of North Korean arrivals, few studies directly compare sentiment for this group to others. Using an original web survey with an embedded experimental design, we find clear greater support for accepting North Korean arrivals compared to both non-ethnic Korean refugees and Muslim refugees. Additional analysis finds clear majorities view Islam as incompatible with Korean values. Our results suggest the challenge of encouraging multiculturalism in the largely homogeneous country.

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Jung, Hyemin, Min-Woo Jo, Hyun Joo Kim, Won Mo Jang, Sang Jun Eun, and Jin Yong Lee. "General Public’s Perspectives on Medical Doctors and Local Clinics in South Korea." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 11 (June 7, 2019): 2030. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16112030.

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As patients in South Korea play the main role in choosing healthcare providers, understanding their attitudes and beliefs toward medical institutions is essential. This study evaluated the public’s perspectives on doctors and local clinics. A face-to-face interview survey was conducted with 1000 participants who represent the South Korean adult population. The questionnaire consisted of four domains: personal information; trust level for nine professionals, including doctors; healthcare utilization behavior and attitudes regarding local clinics; and assessment of local clinics. The trust level of the doctor was highest (3.16 out of 4) among nine professionals. 85.3% of the participants frequently visited local clinics because of accessibility. The main reason for visiting hospitals over local clinics was the belief that doctors employed at hospitals would be better qualified. People were generally satisfied with the service of local clinics but wanted more facilities and equipment. Among six attributes of primary care, “first contact” and “accessibility” got higher scores in importance and current performance. Lastly, the participants suggested that improving the quality of doctors was most important for the reinforcement of primary care. Efforts to consider public opinion should be made before establishing healthcare policies for primary care.

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JOU, WILLY. "How do Citizens in East Asian Democracies Understand Left and Right?" Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 1 (February 21, 2011): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991000023x.

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AbstractBoth general publics and elites have long used labels of left and right as cues for political communication and vote choice in Western democracies. This study examines the utility of these spatial semantics as means of encapsulating major political cleavages in East Asian democracies. Through analysis of public opinion surveys, we investigate the influence of organizational affiliation; views on socio-economic, religious, and ‘new politics’ issues, as well as attitudes toward the political system, as anchors of public understanding of the left–right dimension in Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan. Patterns found in these countries are compared with two ‘Western’ nations in the region, Australia and New Zealand. Results show that citizens’ left–right positions in Japan and the Australasian countries are more clearly structured by well-defined cleavages, such as socio-economic issues and post-materialism, and that parties in these countries compete on the basis of clearer ideological profiles. In contrast, despite high rates of cognition of the left–right scale in South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan, left–right orientations are less firmly anchored in attitudes and policy preferences. These differences in publics’ level of ideological conceptualization are likely related to party system development and democratic experience.

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Hoang Tien, Nguyen. "The friendly and cooperative relationship between Korea and Vietnam: The nature, current development and potential." Science & Technology Development Journal - Economics - Law and Management 3, no. 4 (January 25, 2020): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjelm.v3i4.584.

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Diplomatic relations between Vietnam and South Korea officially began on December 22, 1992. Looking back over twenty years after the end of the Cold War, along with the profound changes in the world’s situation and the situation in Asia-Pacific region, Vietnam-South Korea relationship has grown exponentially. In the history of international relations, very few relationships have not gone through the ups and downs; but growing up steadily. It seems that the relationship between Vietnam and South Korea is an exception. In a quite short period of time, since the establishment of the diplomatic relationship in 1992, relations between the two countries have developed rapidly in many fields such as economic, political and cultural. South Korea is the fourth largest trading partner and the largest foreign investor in Vietnam, only after Japan. The Korean Samsung Corporation is the role model investor in Vietnam. South Korea also has the largest community group living and working in Vietnam. In contrary, Vietnamese students are among the largest groups of foreign students studying in South Korea. Vietnamese workers are among the largest groups of foreign labor force and Vietnamese community also is among the largest and vibrant groups of foreign communities in South Korea. In addition, beside the common historical origin and being in mutual strategic partnership relationship, Vietnam and South Korea share many similarities in business customs, cultural background, cuisine and life-styles. It can be commented that this relationship is only continually in the rise and the two countries' public opinions are particularly welcoming this booming relationship. This review article is trying to cover and analyze all-round current relationship between the two nations and the implication for the future.

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Kim, Daesik, Chung Joo Chung, and Kihong Eom. "Measuring Online Public Opinion for Decision Making: Application of Deep Learning on Political Context." Sustainability 14, no. 7 (March 30, 2022): 4113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14074113.

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Thoughts travel faster and farther through cyberspace where people interact with one another regardless of limitations in language, space, and time. Is a poll sufficient to measure people’s opinions in this era of hyperconnectivity? This study introduces a deep learning method to measure online public opinion. By analyzing Korean texts from Twitter, this study generates time-series data on online sentiment toward the South Korean president, comparing it to traditional presidential approval to demonstrate the independence of the masses’ online discourse. The study tests different algorithms and deploys the model with high accuracy and advancement. The analysis suggests that online public opinion represents a unique population as opposed to offline surveys. The study model examines Korean texts generated by online users and automatically predicts their sentiments, which translate into group attitudes by aggregation. The research method can extend to other studies, including those on environmental and cultural issues, which have greater online presence. This provides opportunities to examine the influences of social phenomenon, benefiting individuals seeking to understand people in an online context. Moreover, it helps scholars in analyzing those public opinions—online or offline—that are more important in their decision making to assess the practicality of the methods.

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BONG, Youngshik Daniel, and John Jihyung LEE. "Choosing Partners: South Korean Public Opinion on the United States and China." Journal of Peace Studies 17, no. 2 (June 29, 2016): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14363/kaps.2016.17.2.37.

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Chung, Jae Ho. "America's Views of China-South Korea Relations: Public Opinions and Elite Perceptions." Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 17, no. 1 (March 2005): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10163270509464080.

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Cheng, John W., Hitoshi Mitomo, Artima Kamplean, and Youngkyoung Seo. "Lesser evil? Public opinion on regulating fake news in Japan, South Korea, and Thailand – A three-country comparison." Telecommunications Policy 45, no. 9 (October 2021): 102185. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.telpol.2021.102185.

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Lee, Hocheol, Eun Bi Noh, Sea Hwan Choi, Bo Zhao, and Eun Woo Nam. "Determining Public Opinion of the COVID-19 Pandemic in South Korea and Japan: Social Network Mining on Twitter." Healthcare Informatics Research 26, no. 4 (October 31, 2020): 335–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4258/hir.2020.26.4.335.

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Min, Hee, and Seongyi Yun. "Selective Exposure and Political Polarization of Public Opinion on the Presidential Impeachment in South Korea : Facebook vs. KakaoTalk." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 49, no. 1 (January 19, 2018): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2018.49.1.137.

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Hwang, Ugsun. "Analysis of issues of interest in unification economic cooperation by visualizing big data on social networks." Journal of Advances in Military Studies 4, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37944/jams.v4i3.133.

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This study aims to intuitively identify trends in public interest by performing visualization analysis on unification economic cooperation using social network user opinion big data. For the “Unification Economic Cooperation” big data, the related big data were extracted using the Textom analysis tool, and text mining was performed. The results were expressed as a visualization figure.The results showed that, first, social network users were interested in North Korea's regional agricultural planning and education by the US and the government. Additionally, North Korea's rural villages existed in connection with pastoral and missionary words. An interest in how North and South Korea cooperate in investment and development in rural areas was identified. Second, there was an issue of interest in housing exchange and cooperation in North Korean villages by the community of club members as words such as club members → housing, common → housing, village → community exchange → cooperation were connected. Third, users were interested in culture and art. It would be useful to find and implement economic cooperation, a link between culture and art connected with North Korea's economic cooperation. Fourth, words such as technology, research, development, and dissemination were drawn as issues of interest. From the perspective of an integrated process, it is of interest to the general public to identify ways to implement it so that it can be pursued with economic benefits for both South and North Korea. Fifth, social network users were interested in the content of dot-com sites. The importance of the promotion of unification economic cooperation through these dot-com sites was confirmed.

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Ukka, Ibrahim T. I. "HECTIC NEWS IN INTERNET: CONFLICT ISSUES NORTH KOREA – SOUTH KOREA (DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ON NORTH – SOUTH KOREAN CONFLICT ON THE INTERNET)." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 4 (June 21, 2020): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i4.38.

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Conflict is an event that often the pros and cons and both causalities and material causalities. Indonesia is a country that has diverse culture, religious, and political perspective as well as a variety of social status that can cause a variety of views among the community. Internet today has become one of the means to provide information to the public. Coverage of all events happening in the world today would be very easy to access via the internet with up to date from time to time. Topics of conflict will be a very interesting issue for everyone in any country it belongs, where one of them is the country of Indonesia. Some media have their own opinions in response to the impact of the conflict between North Korea and South Korea.Some experts argue that the conflict has a positive function and negative one. However, the mindset of conflict theory opposites with structural functional theory. Functional Theory and structural theory, both equally likely to focus on their own variables and ignore variables of concern to other theories. In an effort to reconcile these two theories, the conflict can contribute to the integration and reverse integration can also result in conflict (Bolter and Grusin, 2000). .This research uses discourse analysis to answer the problem. Its typically, the expansion of the meaning of the term is associated with a broader context which affects the meaning of the term is associated with a broader context which affects the meaning of a whole series of expressions.Internet gives impacts to the conflict between North – South Korean. They give an up to date information as long as the conflict has attended. The conflict news from internet can be able to access faster than other medias. It will influence the stabilization and continuing of its conflict. Internet has big playing role in communication politics among both country North and South Korean.

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Aiyanyo, Imatitikua D., Hamman Samuel, and Heuiseok Lim. "Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Classrooms: A Case Study on Foreigners in South Korea Using Applied Machine Learning." Sustainability 13, no. 9 (April 29, 2021): 4986. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13094986.

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In this study, we qualitatively and quantitatively examine the effects of COVID-19 on classrooms, students, and educators. Using a new Twitter dataset specific to South Korea during the pandemic, we sample the sentiment and strain on students and educators using applied machine learning techniques in order to identify various topical pain points emerging during the pandemic. Our contributions include a novel and open source geo-fenced dataset on student and educator opinion within South Korea that we are making available to other researchers as well. We also identify trends in sentiment and polarity over the pandemic timeline, as well as key drivers behind the sentiments. Moreover, we provide a comparative analysis of two widely used pre-trained sentiment analysis approaches with TextBlob and VADER using statistical significance tests. Ultimately, we analyze how public opinion shifted on the pandemic in terms of positive sentiments about accessing course materials, online support communities, access to classes, and creativity, to negative sentiments about mental fatigue, job loss, student concerns, and overwhelmed institutions. We also initiate initial discussions about the concept of actionable sentiment analysis by overlapping polarity with the concept of trigger management to assist users in coping with negative emotions. We hope that insights from this preliminary study can promote further utilization of social media datasets to evaluate government messaging, population sentiment, and multi-dimensional analysis of pandemics.

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Park, Hyun Kyung, Ji Hye Ham, Deok Hyun Jang, Jin Yong Lee, and Won Mo Jang. "Political Ideologies, Government Trust, and COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in South Korea: A Cross-Sectional Survey." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 20 (October 12, 2021): 10655. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182010655.

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This study aimed to assess the correlation between political ideologies, government trust, and COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in South Korea during the COVID-19 pandemic. A cross-sectional survey was conducted among South Korea’s general population and 1000 respondents (aged 18 years and older) were included. We used multivariate logistic regression models to identify the factors associated with vaccine hesitancy. Respondents who self-identified as liberal or held “no political opinion” had higher rates of vaccine hesitancy than conservative respondents. People’s trust in the government’s countermeasures was associated with vaccination. Respondents who had risk perceptions (affective and cognitive) of COVID-19 had lower rates of vaccine hesitancy. Perceptions that the vaccine was not safe and being aged 18–29, 30–39, or 40–49 were associated with a higher probability of vaccine hesitancy. This study found that even if vaccine safety and risk perceptions toward COVID-19 were adjusted, self-rated political ideologies and government trust was associated with COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. More effort to communicate with those who are *liberal or “no political opinion”, younger, and have lower level of trust in the government are required to dissolve vaccine hesitancy. Further studies should analyze the mechanism of COVID-19 vaccine uptake for effective herd immunity.

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JinWookShin. "Inequality and the Quality of Democracy in South Korea Public Opinion and Electoral Politics after the 1997 Financial Crisis." Korea Social Policy Review 22, no. 3 (September 2015): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17000/kspr.22.3.201509.9.

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Porumbescu, Gregory A., and Yoonhwan Park. "Examining the Distinctiveness of Antecedents to Trust in Government." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 3 (September 16, 2014): 315–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341301.

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Approaches to understanding trust in government are likely to be incomplete if they are only applied to trust and not government as well. As such, this study builds upon existing attempts to understand trust in government by deconstructing the terms trust and government and assessing the relationships among the various components within South Korea. To analyse the antecedents of trust in government, multiple regression analyses are used to assess The Social Trust Public Opinion Survey (2004), which addresses current trust levels across society, markets, institutions, and government. Our findings suggest the significance of determinants of trust vary by area of government.

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Lee, Hwa-Young, Eun-Young Bae, Kyungdo Lee, Minah Kang, and Juhwan Oh. "Public Preferences in Resource Allocation for Insurance Coverage of Dental Implant Service in South Korea: Citizens’ Jury." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 8 (April 14, 2021): 4135. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18084135.

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The Korean government sought to include dental implant services for the elderly in the benefits package of the national health insurance. In 2014, the Citizens’ Jury was held to discuss the topic, during which thirty jurors, randomly selected from the 2665 applicants, participated in a day-long deliberation process after having an information session on the topic by a team of experts. There was a substantial shift in opinion during the deliberation session toward a more cost-conscious view. Most jurors supported limiting the coverage of dental implant to only one tooth per individual given the extent of the financial burden that will be imposed on the population. They opposed covering implant services for the front teeth, given that the implant of front teeth generally serves aesthetic purposes rather than restoring mastication function. The government’s final decision in 2014 was to offer coverage up to two teeth, regardless of tooth location. This scheme based on the jury’s recommendations in 2014 has been implemented without policy failure to date, which shows that the lay public can meaningfully contribute to a decision-making process regarding controversial agendas such as benefits packages for expensive health services.

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Mujani, Saiful, and R. William Liddle. "EXPLAINING DEMOCRATIC DECONSOLIDATION: EVIDENCE FROM ASIAN DEMOCRACIES." Journal Of Global Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v1i1.570.

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Are Asian democracies deconsolidating, in line with world-wide trends? This article examines four consolidated democracies in Asia: Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, plus Indonesia, whose own consolidation has been problematic. Using public opinion data, we evaluate two competing models�civic culture and political economy�to test whether there is a decline in democratic support. We report that the political economy model is more persuasive. Declines in democratic support are associated more consistently with democratic performance and education. Because education levels are tending to rise, and political socialization continues into adulthood, we conclude that there should be little fear that Asian democracies will deconsolidate.

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Efimova, Anna I. "Policy of nation branding in the Republic of Korea." Asia and Africa Today, no. 11 (2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019805-7.

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The current interest in the Korea’s nation branding model is due to the rapid and apparent change of attitude to Korean cultural and industrial products globally. The policy of national branding has been implemented in the Republic of Korea for over 20 years. At the first stage, the creation of a favorable image of the country was supposed to help bringing the high standards of living and a developed economy into line with the predominantly negative assessments of Korea by foreign audiences of potential consumers of Korean products. The “Korea brand” building strategy is realized by the state with the implementation of branding campaigns through partnerships with private corporations. Public-private partnership allows ensuring the continuity of the process due to the mutual interest of the participating parties as raising the status of the “Korea brand” brings both political and economic dividends. In order to shape the social behavior of Koreans, domestic advertising campaigns are also organized in support of the objectives of improving the country’s image. Nation branding campaigns aim at promoting the country’s development goals, gaining international recognition in various fields, and are supported by South Koreans. At the same time, certain aspects and practices of implementing this policy encouraged public debate on the issue with the range of opinions from supportive to critical ones. The desire for international recognition, combined with the participation of many actors in the implementation of nation’s branding policy, often led to the incorrect presentation of Korea, its history, sports, and culture causing unexpected and undesirable results.

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42

Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.27.2.259.

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Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.28.2.259.

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Kim, Leo. "Media framing of stem cell research: a cross-national analysis of political representation of science between the UK and South Korea." Journal of Science Communication 10, no. 03 (July 25, 2011): A02. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.10030202.

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This paper compares opinion-leading newspapers’ frames of stem cell research in the UK and South Korea from 2000 to 2008. The change of news frames, studied by semantic network analysis, in three critical periods (2000-2003/2004-2005/2006-2008) shows the media’s representative strategies in privileging news topics and public sentiments. Both political and national identity represented by each media outlet play a crucial role in framing scientific issues. A news frame that objectifies medical achievements and propagates a popular hope evolves as a common discourse in The Telegraph and The Guardian, with expanded issues that both incorporate and keep in check social concerns. South Korea’s Chosun Ilbo follows the frame of objectified science with a strong economic motivation, while Hankyoreh remains critical of the ‘Hwang scandal’ and tempers its scientific interest with broader political concerns.

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Tu, Bo. "The influence of South Korea"s public health diplomacy on Chinese public opinion during COVID-19 pandemic -- Data mining of Weibo based on Gooseeker." JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES 23, no. 2 (May 31, 2020): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21740/jas.2020.05.23.2.171.

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Hwang, Chul Joon. "Study on the Optimal Level of Military Power after Reunification -Focusing on the Size of Military Strength-." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 12 (December 31, 1997): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps12007.

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The collapse of the Cold War Era beginning in the late 80s has created a new world order which can be characterized as a multipolarization of world politics and economics. This multipolarization has contributed to the world peace since the end of World WarⅡ on one hand, but also contributed to the spread of racism and nationalism based on each nation's ever-growing national selfishness in such a competitive environment, creating all sorts of conflicts. The importance of Far East for world peace has increased, and there is tremendous effort to find the most effective way to pursue the reunification of Korea in such a fast-changing environment of the region. Moreover, the purpose of this study is, under the hypothesis of reunification of Korea led by South Korea, to identify an optimal level of military power of reunified Korea armed forces in terms of its number of military force to cope with future environments in the region the reunified Korea will face. (This study consists of the auther's personal opinions, and it does not represent the Republic of Korea Army)

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Kang, HoSeong, and JungYoon Kim. "Redesigning and Implementing the Public Game Information and Rating System in South Korea." Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society 2022 (October 10, 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/8245983.

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Rating reviews in the game industry aim to enhance the protection of young users, promote game ethics, and prevent negative use of it as a gambling but recent studies and public opinions have reported that the current rating system in South Korea is excessively regulative. To address this issue, this study was conducted to redesign the public game rating system on the Game Ratings and Administration Committee (GRAC) for the public data usage based on the comparison with other better structured media rating systems. The redesigned system utilized a parsing technique to easily access specific data or items, and a Jsoup library was utilized in the Java environment. The system consists of a URL collection module, connection module, detailed collection module, and storage module. If a user requests information from a game rating database through the proposed system, the requested information is arranged sequentially and provided to the user in XML and JSON forms. The designed and implemented collection data were comparatively inclusive and structural to satisfy the public for the better and easier public data usage. This study is expected to help build an environment where game users can obtain information both easily and correctly, and it will eventually lead to a better understanding of the current game industry in South Korea and its clear way to go.

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Choi, Jisook, Hyeki Park, Soomin Kim, Areum Kim, and Choon-Seon Park. "A Review of COVID-19 Initial Response Systems and A Proposal to Adjust the Operation of Residential treatment centers." Public Health Affairs 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): e13. http://dx.doi.org/10.29339/pha.21.13.

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Objective: The COVID-19 pandemic has caused a periodic shortage of quarantine beds, medical personnel, and medical equipment in South Korea. Asthe pandemic is expected to continue, a need existsto readjust the capacities of residentialtreatment centersfor asymptomatic ormild cases. Thisstudy aimed to identify howother countriestreat asymptomatic or have mild COVID-19 patients, and suggest a effective operation plan of residential treatment centers.Methods: A literature review was conducted to examine how policies on asymptomatic or mild COVID-19 cases have changed at different phases of the pandemic in different countries. A reviewwas also conducted on the epidemiological characteristics of Korean patients, including clinicalstatus and treatment period, and public opinion on residential treatment centers. A plan to improve how residential treatment centers operate during the pandemic was derived based on expert advice, and discussion within the research team.Results: Home care is being recommended for asymptomatic or mild cases of COVID-19 in many countries. In Korea, despite the increase in the number of newly confirmed cases, fatality rate of COVID-19 shows a decreasing and vaccination rate an increasing trend. Three-fourths of the public recognized that home care may be more appropriate for asymptomatic or mild cases. Assuch,we recommend a reduction in length ofstay in residential treatment centers, from 10 to 3 or 5 days, and ensuring patient’s participation in decision‒making of hospitalization.Conclusions: A need existsto prepare a systematic response system, including patient education, virtual treatment and transfersystem in orderto shorten patients’ admission period in residential treatment centers and expand home care. A functioning emergency response system should also be prepared concurrently.

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Li, Qingchang, Seungkook Roh, and Jin Won Lee. "Segmenting the South Korean Public According to Their Preferred Direction for Electricity Mix Reform." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (October 30, 2020): 9053. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12219053.

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The current South Korean government headed by President Moon Jae-in has put a great deal of effort into electricity mix reform by pushing forward the phasing out of coal and nuclear power and the expansion of natural gas and new renewable energy in the country’s electricity generation processes. Noting the importance of understanding public responses to energy policy, the present study segmented the South Korean public according to their preferred direction for electricity mix reform using a nationwide sample. Through a series of latent class analyses, we extracted four distinct segments: Gradual Reformists, Drastic Reformists, Selective Gradual Reformists, and Status-quo Seekers. Overall, apart from the Status-quo Seekers segment (8.75%), support for the transition from coal and nuclear power to natural gas and new renewable energy seems to be the prevailing opinion of the Korean public. However, the degree of such preferences varies across the segments. In addition, regardless of the segment, the South Korean public generally seems to categorize the energy sources in a manner consistent with the underlying framework of the government’s electricity mix reform: they tend to treat coal and nuclear power similarly and natural gas and new renewable energy similarly.

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Choi, Jounghwa, and Kyung-Hee Kim. "The Differential Consequences of Fear, Anger, and Depression in Response to COVID-19 in South Korea." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 11 (May 31, 2022): 6723. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19116723.

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Studies on previous outbreaks of contagious diseases suggest that the impact of the emotions associated with an epidemic can be greater than that of the epidemic in terms of the number of people affected. This study explores the relationships between the three most commonly expressed emotional responses to the COVID-19 pandemic (fear, anger, and depression) and two outcome variables (compliance with the social-distancing policy and the stigmatization of those infected by COVID-19). A large online, public opinion survey was conducted in South Korea (n = 1000) between 4 and 11 June 2020, which was between the first and the second waves of COVID-19. A series of regression analyses suggest that the emotional response was accompanied by differential behavioral and perceptual consequences. Fear was consistently positively related to all indicators of compliance with social-distancing policies (the voluntary practice of social distancing, support for the “routine-life-distancing” policy, and support for stronger social-distancing policies). Anger was positively related to both stigmatization indicators (responsibility attribution and stigmatizing attitude toward people infected with COVID-19). Finally, depression showed negative relationships with support for the “routine-life-distancing” policy and for stronger social-distancing policies but a positive relationship with the voluntary practice of social distancing. By examining whether and how certain types of emotional responses are more or less related to compliance with social distancing and stigmatization, the present study provides practical implications for effective public communication during an epidemic such as COVID-19.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Public opinion Korea (South)'

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