Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Public opinion Korea (South)'

This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.

The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of an inservice workshop on the attitudes and perceptions of South Korean educator participants toward community based instruction for students with mental retardation. Thirty South Korean educator participants from EMI, TMI, SMI, and SXI focused on classrooms were asked to respond to a questionnaire containing items that demographics, importance of community based instruction, necessity of community based activities for their students' adult lives, required instructional time for community based activities, satisfaction with their current instructional time for community based activities, and potential barriers to community based instruction. For the treatment procedure, an extensive in-service workshop on community based instruction was given to all educator participants. Results indicated that in general, educator participants expressed overall positive attitudes toward community based instruction and showed strong support for the necessity of community based activities in their students' adult lives. Interestingly, all of the 13 community based activities provided in this questionnaire received at least one rating of "never would be needed" in the adult lives for students with mental retardation. In general, these educator participants appeared to be dissatisfied with the current amount of instructional time allocated for community based activities. In addition, these educator participants perceived limited staff, transportation, scheduling, cost, and administrator reluctance factors as the major potential barriers to community based instruction. Further, differential responses between EMI educator participants and TMI, SMI, and SXI educator participants were noted for the questionnaire items related to necessity of community based activities, and satisfaction with the total amount of instructional time in community based activities. EMI educator participants indicated community based activities were more necessary and more satisfied with current amount of, time allocated in community based instruction than TMI, SMI, and SXI educators. Implication concerning the future prospects for community based instruction in South Korea for students with mental retardation were also presented.
Department of Special Education

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.

While South Korea is ranked high in education, economies and technological development, the level of South Koreans' happiness has not grown simultaneously. This fact contradicts the common sense that improvements in living standards, such as income or education, lead to gains in happiness or individual wellbeing. In order to examine the phenomenon of decreasing perceived individual wellbeing in light of increasing income levels, I analyze the relationship between societal expectations/pressure and happiness in South Korea, using data from the World Value survey conducted in 2010. The uniquely high concentration on human capital in South Korea has played a major factor for extreme competitiveness. Since the financial crisis in 1997, the competitive job market has produced few job opportunities, which has caused a high level of social pressure. The major finding of this study is that the impact of societal expectations on unhappiness increases as people get older and it is more powerful among people of lower income. Also, social pressure has a greater negative effect on happiness for females than males in South Korea. Even when controlling for independent variables, including job security, wages, and high living costs, I show social pressure to have a first order impact on perceived well-being among Korean citizens. From a policy perspective, low levels of happiness can ultimately cause social instability and loss of human capital. Expected policy implications are increasing the number of college entrance exams and fostering work life balance initiatives. In this sense, the findings of this paper can serve as a guideline for the South Korean government not only to improve the overall economic productivity of South Korean society, but also enhance the quality of life along important societal dimensions.

This research examines how culture moderates the effect of attitude projection onto the family in terms of opinion certainty. Korean students and American students completed a measure of collectivism-individualism and a measure of family cohesiveness and then indicated their own attitude positions on eight topical issues. Next, each person estimated the positions of either his or her own family, or student peers at their home university, or college students from the respective out-group country. In a fourth condition, participants did not estimate the attitude positions of others. As expected, Koreans and Americans assumed attitude similarity to their family and to their student peers more than to college student out-group members. Also as expected, however, projection onto the family did not lead to an increase in opinion certainty among Korean participants. Only among American participants did attitude projection onto the family correlate with increases in opinion certainty. Despite confirmation of the predicted outcomes for opinion certainty, the additional process measures revealed unexpected findings. These measures showed that individualism predicted the opinion certainty of Koreans following projection onto the family. Only in the out-group projection condition was the opinion certainty of Korean participants correlated with their collectivism scores and their family cohesion scores. These findings are discussed in terms of (1) cultural orientations that influence personality and (2) methodological features of the present study that are typical of social projection research paradigms.
Department of Psychological Science

As socio-cultural concerns have gained currency in the sustainability discourse since the 1990s, facilitation of social cohesion has been emphasised as a precautionary measure to solve urban problems in distressed areas. In South Korea, as the tradition of social solidarity in residential communities has been substantially eroding, economically vulnerable groups have increasingly become helpless and hopeless. In order to suggest planning and management recommendations to improve the social cohesion of the impoverished communities, this study examined how the physical environment affects the social cohesiveness of the most disadvantaged public rental housing communities in South Korea. Four public rental housing estates in Seoul were selected for case studies. Based on the data collected by a questionnaire survey, interviews and field observation, the relationship among community cohesion, residents’ perception of the environment and their use of facilities in the housing estate and surrounding neighbourhoods was investigated quantitatively and qualitatively. The social cohesiveness of the public rental housing communities was assessed with the fourteen indicators in three dimensions. The dimension of ‘shared norms and trust’ was found to be the most evident, followed by 'attachment to housing estate' and ‘social networking.’ The level of social cohesiveness differed across the communities, and a community with stronger cohesiveness was found to be more active in community self-help and voluntary problem solving activities. The regression analysis proved that ‘shared norms and trust’ was affected by residents’ perception of housing block design, neighbourhood landmarks, educational facilities, residents' daily length of stay in the estate and their frequency of retail facilities use. Attachment to housing estate was influenced by residents’ perception of community facilities, retail facilities, educational environment, estate deterioration and spatial isolation. Social networking was affected by residents’ frequency in the use of retail facilities and public spaces, where diverse groups of people met. This study also identified the underlying factors affecting these relationships. Externally, the location of housing estates near commercial zones was significant. Internally, housing block arrangements creating more enclosed public spaces and attractive landscape, high quality welfare centres, regular maintenance and refurbishment of buildings, participatory revitalisation programs, community activities organised by welfare centres were found to enhance residents' perception and use of the facilities, thus improving community cohesiveness. In contrast, locations in areas with worn-out public housing estates, low quality retail facilities, poor ability of housing managers to organise surveillance and revitalisation programs, and residents’ low participation were adverse factors. With weakening collectivism but rising individualism, the traditional cultural influence on social cohesiveness has waned. Instead, good educational facilities in the neighbourhood, extensive use of public spaces, collective perception of poverty, incorporation of neighbourhood environment into estate environment and aspiration for good neighbouring are conducive to the community cohesion. Therefore, allocation of housing estates in the neighbourhoods with sufficient retail facilities, educational facilities and neighbourhood landmarks is suggested. More attractive housing block arrangements and the improvement of the retail facilities and welfare centres, consistent management of participatory revitalisation programs and more efficient investment in refurbishment of worn-out public housing estates are also recommended.
published_or_final_version
Urban Planning and Design
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

This study addresses public sector intermediaries and their role in facilitating innovation in Small and Medium Sized Enterprises (SMEs) in South Korea. The primary aim is to understand and address the informational and relational barriers that SMEs face during the innovation process and how these are resolved through interaction. Although the government has been implementing SME support policies for several decades, the Korean National Innovation System (KNIS) has been characterised with six words: ‘strong large firms, weak small firms’. Korean Government policies for R&D have not been effective in enhancing the economic performance and innovative capabilities of SMEs and the ‘low level of competitiveness’ of SMEs obstructs knowledge interaction between firms. Policies directed at SMEs mainly focus on direct support and do not reflect the interactive nature of the innovation process. This mismatch between policy and desired outcomes has led this study to go beyond examining the informational and relational constraints. It analyses the factors influencing successful (or less successful) innovation and asks whether public intermediaries have provided an effective mechanism in resolving innovation barriers (i.e. system failures). Yet, there has been a lack of research into public intermediaries and SMEs within the National Innovation Systems (NIS) framework. The NIS approach is a loosely configured framework and the intermediary literature is fragmented and has rarely been integrated with the NIS literature. Research has tended to focus on specific functions of private intermediaries and far less on the public intermediaries, which have been playing a crucial role in facilitating innovation in Korean industry for several decades. The central focus of this study is on the knowledge interaction process between public intermediaries and SMEs occurring at multiple levels of interaction in the Korean NIS. This study therefore attempts to integrate the NIS concept and the intermediary approach to provide a robust way to explore the knowledge interaction process at meso- and micro-levels. Four functions of the intermediary are constructed to explore how they might influence SME innovation: knowledge facilitation, learning facilitation, knowledge enabling and managing interfaces. Through in-depth analysis of five case studies encompassing firms in mechatronics and IT, this study explicates the knowledge interaction process and influential factors of successful innovation. The analysis addresses a series of issues that the generic NIS concept cannot fully explain: (1) knowledge interaction at meso- and microlevels; (2) multiplicity of relationships and their evolving nature; (3) the role of public intermediaries in a specific cultural context; and (4) the heterogeneity of SMEs with their pre-existing resources and routines. Sociological perspectives especially provide insights for investigating not only the dynamic nature of interactions but also micro-level factors that determine successful interactions and innovation that are largely neglected in both NIS and intermediary studies; e.g. productive combination of competing rationalities, social learning, and the importance of reflexive individuals. Focusing on a modulated NIS concept for public sector intermediaries and SMEs in a Korean context, the study opens the ‘black box’ of knowledge interaction and learning that resolves the barriers, shapes the successful innovation environment and hence strengthens the innovation system. The findings have implications for policy, including the need to establish new policy measures aimed not simply at achieving a set goal but rather at facilitating the interaction process with a long-term view. The study recommends that public intermediaries need to focus on monitoring activities that integrate and support the knowledge interaction process by facilitating ‘associativeness’ among actors. Furthermore, the heterogeneity of the local contexts and SMEs in the innovation process need to be taken into account in designing the programmes, moving away from one-size-fits-all type services.

This study focuses on the way in which rapid structural changes (such as economic development, urbanisation and other demographic factors, and the economic crisis of 1997) have raised issues that are seen to require a social policy response in the mental health care arena under Confucian governance in South Korea. These structural changes happened over a couple of hundred years in Western Europe but have taken place over only the past 40 years in Korea. The main thrust of the study is on the extent to which the decisions about policy responses to perceived social problems, especially the increasing number of people with mental health problems, are structurally driven or the extent to which they are informed and shaped by Korean politics and culture. The industrial and economic base of Korea grew dramatically until the late 1990s. This facilitated the development of social policies - particularly in areas such as education, health and housing, which support economic growth. However, although the structure of the family changed to be closer to its structure in the West, it could be argued that evidence pointing to a broader ‘Westernisation’ of Korean society was premature. Confucianism may have been a factor in Korea's development, but it may yet prove a hindrance to any further moves to modernity and equalisation of life chances amongst its citizens. Since the economic crisis of 1997, Korea has experienced a rapid expansion of social welfare provision following a series of reforms. These reforms have gone beyond the functional minima necessary to deal with social problems caused by the economic crisis. However, the government has tended to stress the greater role played by family members, particularly women, in providing care to their elderly relatives, and the desirability of multigenerational households over nuclear families. A similar emphasis on the caring roles of the family and community is also seen in the Korean state's renewed public emphasis on the country's Confucian cultural tradition. As a result of this, there has been a tension between the increased emphasis given to the role of the informal carer within mental health policy as the Korean government has introduced a community-based scheme which assumes that families want to care and those with mental health problems want to be cared for by their families. Accordingly, the main burden of care falls upon women. This still tends to be ignored by policy makers. Despite the country's rapid demographic, economic and social changes, there has been a widening gap between the population's expectations and needs and health and social service provision in the mental health arena. Neither long-term care services nor personal social services are well developed for those with long-term mental health problems. In addition there is a marked disparity between the acute services, which are predominantly provided by private sector organisations in a highly competitive market and broadly achieve high standards, and public primary care and rudimentary residential services in the mental health arena. In this context, it could be argued that Korean mental health policy is concerned with maintaining social order rather than care and treatment of those with mental health problems.

South Africa has one of the highest rates of alcohol consumption in the world. It is important to study public opinion of alcohol regulatory policies as it plays a crucial role in the success of policy measures. There is a dearth of research on public opinion of alcohol policies in developing countries. This study is the first to explore public opinion of older and young adults on alcohol policy in South Africa. In addition, the drinking behavior of young adults was also investigated along with its relationship with policy support. Methods: The study sample consisted of 1728 young (n=513) and older adults (n=1215). Demographic details and opinion on 15 policy measures (Yes/No) were recorded for both groups. The survey of young adults included additional questions on drinking patterns. Univariate analysis of opinion on policy measures was performed for each group and compared using chi-square tests. Logistic regression was used to find the relationship between policy support levels and demographic factors and drinking behavior of young adults. Results: Complete data were recorded for 567 older adults and 402 younger adults. The majority of the participants (75-80 percent) agreed on restricted availability, increased pricing and greater enforcement measures. In contrast, only 65% of the participants were in favor of increased restrictions on alcohol marketing. Older adults were more supportive of earlier closing times of bars, a raise in minimum purchasing age, as well as an increase in pricing and taxes of alcohol (p<0.001). Females and employed participants were found to be more likely to support alcohol policy measures. Drinking patterns and behavior of young adults significantly predicted most policy measures after controlling for demographic factors. For example, policies on restricted alcohol availability, increase in taxes, and raids were supported by participants who reported that they mostly drank at big events. In contrast, these policies were opposed by those who drink alcohol every day and almost every day along with those who drink during street bashes Support for restrictions on the purchase age of alcohol was not predicted by drinking patterns of young adults Conclusion: It is important to increase the understanding and support of vulnerable groups, especially males and young adults, for policy measures. The relationship between drinking patterns and policy support levels indicates that regular tracking of drinking behavior is necessary for the success of these policies. The results support previous findings indicating that young people are more likely to resist alcohol regulations.

Gay and bisexual men in the United States and South Korea have some of the highest HIV rates in their countries, and both have the fewest sex education programs and policies for gay and bisexual males in secondary and postsecondary school systems. Consequently, many South Koreans do not view HIV as a South Korean problem, and with American gay and bisexual men living in this type of environment, their HIV sexual protection knowledge and practices may be compromised. The purpose of this study was to gain more understanding and insight into the sex education experiences and sexual practices of gay and bisexual American men living in a large city in South Korea, to determine how they perceived their sex education experiences from the American school system. The theoretical framework was based on Husserl and Heidegger's theory of intentionality. A phenomenological method was employed, utilizing a purposeful and criterion sample of 6 gay and bisexual American men who experienced sex education in the American school system and reported testing HIV negative on their last HIV tests. Data were analyzed and coded to identify categories and themes. The findings revealed that the participants who experienced heterosexual-focused sex education did not find it useful to them as gay men. The implications of these findings for positive social change are to inform policy makers and education leaders of how gay and bisexual American men perceived their sex education experiences and of the value of providing diverse, comprehensive sex education in the school system as it relates to knowledge about HIV and HIV prevention, not only for gay and bisexual males but for all American students as a tool to reduce or prevent new HIV cases.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyse current public diplomacy and the specifics of public diplomacy in small and medium-sized states. As an example of such a state it studies South Korean public diplomacy and nation branding policies. The first part of the thesis focuses on theoretical frame of public diplomacy, its goals, actors, instruments, specifics of small and medium-sized states, difference between public diplomacy and nation branding and evaluation possibilites. The second part analyses the public diplomacy in South Korea, one of the representatives of small and medium-sized states. The third part focuses on nation branding, an important part of South Korean foreign policy.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A democratic political system grants unimpaired opportunities for all citizens to have their preferences weighted equally in the conduct of government regardless of content or source. However, governments in democratic political systems frequently disregard public preference. But all governments, not only popular governments, are dependent on the 'will of the people' if the system is to remain viable. This study investigates the relationship between public opinion and public policy in South Africa, using the 1996 Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act as case study, as it provides a practical example to illustrate this complex relationship. The study used a longitudinal approach to investigate shifts in public opinion over a period of five years, using secondary survey analysis. Attitudes towards abortion are cross-tabulated by demographic variables, religion, interest in politics and democratic norms. The study found that the most significant shifts in public opinion occurred within demographic groups previously discriminated against by the 1975 Abortion and Sterilisation Act. In 1994 South Africa emerged from a lengthy anti-apartheid struggle and human rights were of paramount importance to many South Africans. The restrictive abortion legislation of 1975 was vestige of discriminative apartheid legislation and was not in line with South Africa's exemplary 1996 Constitution. Consequently, progressive abortion legislation was ratified, amidst significant public indifference, in order to promote equal citizenship of women. It is argued that abortion constitutes a basic democratic right, in the context of reproductive health rights, and although South African citizens predominantly support a democratic political system, few made the ideological connection with abortion as a democratic right. Therefore, the study infers that the South African electorate is ill informed of the ideological norms surrounding democracy. The significance of this study is that it investigated abortion not as a legal or moral issue, but as a politicised issue in South Africa. The African National Congress (ANC) was strongly committed to advancing progressive abortion legislation in South Africa. The ANC elected to vote on a party platform on the proposed abortion bill. When a majority party, which holds 252 seats of 400 in the National Assembly, elects to vote as a block on proposed legislation, it is likely that the legislation will be passed into law. This conduct of the ANC raises fears that South Africa is a de facto one-party dominant state, where free and fair elections are held, but no rotation in office occurs. Both the 1994 and 1999 elections led to landslide victories for the ANC, and they are assured that the 2003 elections will yield the same result. It is extremely damaging to any democratic system when competition but no contestation occurs. Therefore, it becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish between state and party interests. The study concludes that in the case of progressive abortion legislation in South Africa, the people did not rule. It is the view of this study that the enactment of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act did not represent democratic conduct. It illustrates that the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act was, by implication, "bulldozed" into law by the ANC.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Demokratiese politieke stelsel vergun gelyke geleenthede aan elke burger sodat hul voorkeure gelyk opgeweeg word in die optrede van 'n regering, ongeag die bron of konteks daarvan. Nogtans minag regerings gereeld openbare voorkeur. Nie slegs populêre regerings nie, maar alle regerings is afhanklik van volkswil, as slegs dan die stelsel lewensvatbaar sal bly. Hierdie studie ondersoek die verhouding tussen openbare mening en openbare beleid in Suid-Afrika. Die Wet op Keuse oor Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 word gebruik, omdat dit 'n praktiese gevallestudie bied om hierdie komplekse verhouding te illustreer. Die studie maak gebruik van 'n langsdeursnee aanslag om die verandering van openbare mening oor vyf jaar te ondersoek en maak gebruik van sekondêre meningsopname vraelys analiese. Lewenshoudings oor aborsie is kruis getabuleer met demografiese veranderlikes, geloof, intriseerdheid in politiek en demokratiese grondregte. Daar is gevind dat die mees aanduidende veranderinge in openbare menings te vinde was in demografiese groepe waarteen gediskrimineer was deur die Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie van 1975. Suid-Afrika het in 1994 uit 'n wydlopende anti-apartheid stryd getree en mense-regte was van oorwegende belang vir die meeste Suid-Afrikaners. Die 1975 Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie was 'n bewys van diskriminerende apartheid wetgewing en was nie in lyn met Suid-Afrika se nuwe Grondwet nie. Dus is progressiewe aborsie wetgewing bekragtig, om vroue in Suid-Afrika gelyke burgerskap te gee, te midde van deurslaggewende openbare ontevredenheid. Die studie veronderstel dat aborsie 'n grondreg van demokrasie vorm, binne die konteks van reproduktiewe gesondheids-regte. Alhoewel Suid-Afrikaners 'n demokratiese politieke stelsel steun, het weinig die konneksie tussen aborsie en demokratiese ideologiese grondregte gemaak. Die studie maak dus die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrikaners swak ingelig is in verband met die ideologiese grondregte van demokrasie. Die inhoudsbelang van hierdie studie is dat aborsie ondersoek word as 'n politieke vraagstuk en nie as morele of wetregtige vraagstuk nie. Die African National Congress (ANC) was sterk verbind tot die totstandbringing van progresiewe aborsie wetgewing in Suid-Afrika en het besluit om op 'n party-platform te stem in Parlement aangaande voorgestelde progressiewe aborsie wetgewing. Wanneer 'n meerderheidsparty, wat 252 setels van 400 in die parlement beslaan, besluit om as 'n blok te stem oor voorgestelde wetgewing, dit redelik seker is dat dié wetgewing bekragtig sal word. Hierdie gedrag van die ANC gee aanleiding tot vrese dat Suid Afrika 'n de facto een party dominante staat is, waar vry en regverdige verkiesings voorkom, maar geen afwisseling in ampstermyn nie. Dit is skadelik vir enige demokratiese stelsel wanneer kompetisie maar geen betwisting paasvind nie. Gevolglik word dit al hoe moeiliker om te onderskei tussen party-en staatsbelange. Die studie sluit af dat die publiek nie regeer het in hierdie geval nie. Dit is die siening van hierdie studie dat die bekragtiging van die Wet op Keuse oor die Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 nie goeie demokratiese optrede weerspieël het nie en dat dit, by implikasie, deur die ANC deur middel van intimidasie bekragtig is.

Over the past few decades, world population growth, economic development and rapid urbanisation have caused environmental degradation and have brought about many social problems. The concept of ‘sustainable development’ has emerged as an approach to dealing with these issues. ‘Collaborative governance’ is seen by many scholars as a means of implementing the goals of sustainable development and of integrating diverse interests and perspectives in contemporary society. This thesis examines the relationship between sustainable development and collaborative governance in urban planning in South Korea. There are four main research questions: What are the key elements of collaborative governance in urban planning? How does collaborative governance contribute to sustainable development? What role is played by government in working towards sustainable development in a collaborative governance era? What is needed for enhancing future collaborative governance? The questions are examined through two case studies of urban planning in South Korea: in the Si-hwa case study the emphasis is on the topic of conflict mediation; and in the Buk-Gu case study, it is on the topic of collaborative policy-making. Through a review of the relevant literature and the two case studies, the thesis shows that the characteristics of urban planning in South Korea correspond to the general features of collaborative governance identified in the literature, and that collaborative governance is an effective system for achieving the principles of sustainable development. It concludes that a collaborative governance system will evolve towards sustainable development, compensating for any initial weakness in the process, provided that all stakeholders, particularly residents and government, continue to develop their institutional capacity over time.

Suicide rates in South Korea (hereafter ‘Korea’) have seen a sharp upward trend over the past decade, and now stand amongst the highest in OECD countries. This raises urgent policy concerns about population mental health and its socioeconomic determinants, an area that is still poorly understood in Korea. This thesis sets out to investigate socio-economic inequalities in the domain of mental health, particularly for depression and suicidal behaviour, in contemporary Korea. The thesis first evaluates the extent of income-related inequality in the prevalence of depression, suicidal ideation and suicide attempts in Korea and tracks their changes over a 10-year period (1998-2007) in the aftermath of the 1997/98 economic crisis. Based on four waves of the Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (KHANES) data, concentration indices reveal a growing trend of pro-rich inequalities in all three outcomes over this period. To understand the potential impact of the observed widening income inequality, the next empirical investigation examines whether income inequality has a detrimental effect on mental health that is independent of a person’s absolute level of income. Due to the paucity of time series data, the analysis focuses on an association between regional-level income inequality and mental health, using the 2005 KHANES data. The results provide little evidence to support the link between the two at regional level. The thesis pays special attention to suicide mortality rates given their disconcerting trend in contemporary Korea. Using mortality data for 2004-2006, the third empirical investigation first elucidates the spatial patterns of suicide rates, highlighting substantial geographical variations across 250 districts. The results of a spatial lag model suggest that area deprivation has an important role in shaping the geographical distribution of suicide, particularly for men. The final empirical investigation sets out to understand the suicide trend in Korea in the context of other Asian countries (Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, and Taiwan), using both panel data and country-specific time-series analyses (1980-2009). Despite similarities in geography and culture, the suicide phenomenon is unique to Korea, particularly for the elderly. The overall findings suggest that low levels of social integration and economic adversity may in part explain the atypical suicide trend in Korea.

This study attempts to identify and explore the psychodynamics of Australian and Korean business encounters in Seoul, Republic of Korea, by describing and discussing 'Australian-ness' and 'Korean-ness' as representations of what I will call 'National character in-the-mind'. A guiding hypothesis is that in highly charged emotional settings, like those associated with foreign business encounters, National character in-the-mind acts as a psychological and emotional container, and a protective screen to hide more intricate institutional anxieties and defences. The data supporting the study is drawn from my interviews with 12 Australian and 6 Korean business people conducted between 3 and 14 June 1996 in Seoul, Republic of Korea. The study also reflects my experience and role as researcher in the research as a source, creator and interpreter of data through the exploration of my own introspection. The findings demonstrate how Australian-ness and Korean-ness appear to represent projections of the human imagination, willed within the bounds of individual experience and perception. A model for evaluating Cultural Misunderstanding and Defensive/Adaptive Behaviour is proposed with the aim of seeking improved understanding of the Australian and Korean National character. The model applies learning from the research experience which emphasises the need for Australian and Korean business people to take a more adaptive approach to the contrary behaviours they encounter. The model also acknowledges the value of investing time to establish and maintain cross-cultural business relationships based on access, whereby Australian and Korean business people see themselves as resources of mutual gain, reducing the potential for misunderstanding, fear and mistrust and the subsequent invocation of defensive responses.

The aim of this research project is to empirically unpack South African public opinion on government's performance in the area of school education. The descriptive analysis chapter shows that school education has not been as politically salient an issue amongst South Africans in post-apartheid South Africa. In addition, this chapter also shows that a vast majority of South Africans positively evaluate government's performance in the area of school education. Furthermore, the multivariate analysis chapter shows that the significant demographic variables collectively formed the strongest basis on which South Africans evaluated government's performance, followed by the significant general experiences with education variable and the significant heuristics variables respectively. Moreover, South Africans' perceptions of the present versus the past appear to be the strongest individual determinant of government's performance. The evidence therefore suggests that South Africans are making use of a schema that deals with their experiences of school education under apartheid to evaluate government's performance.

South Korea has long been touted as an outstanding model of economic development. Despite poor resource endowment and a large population, a colonial legacy, the devastation following a civil war, persistent political instability, and the lingering military confrontation with her northern neighbour, Korea's role in the international economic system has rapidly increased in importance since the 1950s. For nearly four decades, Korea has achieved a remarkable economic performance that transformed the country from a typical case of a developing nation trapped in a "vicious circle of underdevelopment", into one of the largest economies in the late 1990s. Several factors account for the Korean economic success, from high levels of domestic investment and savings and a growing volume of exports, to the improvement of the quality of life reflecting decreased poverty levels, longer life expectation and lower fertility rates. Beneath the economic success lays a system of "socialisation of private risk", a particular mode of organising the market, as the "visible hands" of a strong and developmental state was able to accelerate the pace of economic growth by identifying strategic industrial sectors, making discretionary allocation of resources to those sectors, and minimising the collective action dilemmas pervasive in most developing countries. Yet, how the developmental state's policy goals were designed, negotiated and implemented remains much of a "black box". This research argues that to understand the policy process in Korea, it is crucial to examine the central role played by Korean leaders and how their policy choices are shaped by the dynamic interaction of institutions, history, context, ideas and coalition politics.

Dissertation (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the late 1940s, South Africa and South Korea were ruled by authoritarian governments, which oppressed the people’s freedom and rights. The governments created the deeply divided societies that resulted in racism in South Africa and regionalism in South Korea. These similarities may have played a major role in allowing Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung to develop strong emotional bonds with their followers and to articulate their visions for the future. The two leaders, Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung, fought for freedom and human rights against the apartheid government in South Africa and military dictatorial government in South Korea. During these processes of democratisation, the two leaders displayed common transformational and social learning leadership styles and presented their visions of the end of the authoritarian regimes and the establishment of democracy; shared these visions with the people and encouraged and mobilised them in struggling together against authoritarian government. Subsequently, the two leaders’ transformational and social learning leadership styles provide a successful role model to countries in which there are conflicts between the constituents of the society, as in East Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa and Middle East; a desire for transformation towards democracy by the people, and where countries are confronted with new challenges.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Beide Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea was sedert die laat 1940’s onder die bewind van outoritêre regerings met gepaardgaande onderdrukking van die mense se vryhede en regte. Dié regerings het diep-verdeelde gemeenskappe daar gestel wat in Suid-Afrika op rassisme en in Suid-Korea op regionalisme uitgeloop het. Hierdie ooreenkomste mag grootliks daartoe bygedra het dat beide Nelosn Mandela en Kim Dae-jung sterk emosionele verbintenisse met hul volgelinge kon ontwikkel en hul toekomsvisies kon artikuleer. Die twee leiers, Nelson Mandela en Kim Dae-jung, het onderskeidelik teen die apartheidsregering in Suid-Afrika en die militêre diktatuur in Suid-Korea geveg vir vryheid en menseregte. Gedurende hierdie demokratiseringsprosesse het die twee leiers gemeenskaplike transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle openbaar, hulle visies oor die beëindiging van outoritêre regimes en die vestiging van demokrasie bekend gemaak en die mense aangemoedig tot en gemobiliseer vir strydvoering teen die outoritêre regerings. Gevolglik verskaf hierdie twee leiers se transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle ‘n geslaagde rolmodel vir alle lande waar daar konflik binne gemeenskappe bestaan, soos in Oos-Asië, Suid-Sahara Afrika asook die Midde-Ooste; lande waar die mense smag na transformasie tot demokrasie en lande wat hulleself met nuwe uitdagings gekonfronteer vind.

This thesis analyses the development of the Korean welfare system since the 1960s within the institutional dynamics of Korean politics. Its aim is to contribute to the understanding of Korean politics through the analysis of the Korean welfare state. The thesis argues that the making of social policy has been determined primarily by the politics of legitimation, in particular before democratisation. This thesis identifies the confined institutional circle responsible for crucial social policy decisions. In this institutional terrain, the President and his ministers and policy experts have played the dominant roles. The democratisation since 1987 brought about institutional changes and enabled institutions such as the National Assembly to exercise effective power in social policy-making. The political rationale of social policy is deeply embedded in the structure of social policy institutions, especially the way in which the state intervenes in the financing of welfare programmes. In the mix of welfare financing, the regulator type of state intervention emerges as the dominant feature in Korea. This thesis assesses the outcomes of social policy from two perspectives: the perspectives of redistribution and of social rights. Social policy intervention has so far had little redistributive effect mainly due to the immaturity of the welfare system. In terms of social rights, the universality of rights to health care was achieved in a relatively short period of time. Rights to protection against industrial accidents have made good progress in terms of compensation and protection for the last three decades, despite the limited coverage. However, the quality of social rights that have so far been implemented is low. In two important respects, the approach of the thesis is characterised by methodological broadness. In the policy analysis, the thesis moves beyond an institutional approach to including also the substantive outcomes of institutional changes. In the analysis of outcomes, the thesis covers both the perspective of redistribution and the perspective of social rights.

In order to eradicate the legacy of the past, the South African democratic government adopted a developmental approach to local government. The White Paper on Local Government (WPLG) (1998:17) defines developmental government as government committed to working with citizens and groups within the community to find sustainable ways of meeting their social, economic and material needs and of improving their quality of life. A developmental approach aims at enhancing the skills and capacity of community members by promoting their own development process (Theron, 2005a: 120). South Africa made provision for an Act of Parliament to authorise the establishment of a cross-boundary municipality. The Municipal Demarcation Board, after initial research, noted that there are a number of areas in South Africa where large tracts of land, including a number of different communities and settlements, straddle provincial boundaries. A cross-boundary municipality refers to a situation where parts of a local municipality are located within the borders of two different provinces. For example, in the case of Merafong, the smaller part in the south was located in North West Province and the larger part in the east was located in Gauteng Province. This in effect meant that the governance of these municipalities was a shared political and fiscal responsibility of two different provinces. The aim of the study was to determine the impact of public opinions on post-violent protest recovery processes in the Merafong Local Municipality. Both qualitative and quantitative approach was followed that included a review of documents from public administration and conflict theories literature; discourse analysis of interviews with municipal officials and councillors, and community members. The document review included a review of municipal documents that incorporated demarcation or describe development and use of public participation. It also included the legal frameworks and statutory requirements for community/citizen participation. The key findings of the study indicated contrasting views between the community and the municipality perspectives in particular with regard to the role of the community during the prioritisation of needs and the decision-making processes. The researcher concluded that in order for community participation to have maximum impact, local government is obliged to create an enabling environment for participation which includes amongst others addressing the institutional obstacles and the capacity gaps within the community. The researcher finally recommended that these roles be implemented, evaluated and integrated in the current performance management system of Merafong Local Municipality.

According to Millar (1996), the gulf between science and society is growing. Technologies are tools cultures develop to solve society's problems. The rapid dispersion of science and technology across cultural borders through trade, technology transfer and exchange, increasingly requires people in different cultures to make choices about accepting or rejecting artifacts of science and technology such as genetically modified (GM) foods, which originate primarily from the United States. These issues challenge policy makers and scientists to account for the affects of different cultural perspectives on controversial scientific issues. Given the controversy across cultures over acceptance or rejection of genetically modified (GM) foods, GM foods are an excellent example with which to begin to reveal how culture impacts public perceptions of the risk and benefits of science and technology in different societies. This research will: 1. Define public awareness and understanding of science, specifically GM foods; 2. Examine culture's impact on knowledge, including different cultural approaches to research; and 3. Compare recent findings of a bi-national public opinion survey on GM comparing in South Korea and the United States. The proposed research outlines two research questions: 1) How and in what ways do South Koreans and Americans differ in their opinions about GMOs? This question is important for gathering current points of contrast about how the two cultures may differ; and 2) What role does culture play on opinion formation about GM foods? Through grounded theory, the researcher will investigate how cultural differences help explain opinion on public perceptions of GM foods. Is it possible to identify common cultural factors that impact public perceptions of GM foods between South Koreans and Americans? The study will utilize both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Higher education is a major producer of new science and technology. The study is significant for higher education administrators who must understand cultural factors impacting science internationally and globalization of the academic enterprise.

In contrast to the decline of New Public Management (NPM) in many countries, reports on executive agency policy in Korea point to its success. To explore why it has been successful, this study investigates the relationship between multi-level culture and work motivation (i.e., job satisfaction and organizational commitment). This study develops a multi-level framework and examines direct, moderating, and varying contextual effects in the relationships among organizational cultures (clan, adhocracy, market, and hierarchy), individual perceptions of organizational culture, and work motivation, using survey data from 1,535 public employees in 46 executive agencies in Korea and hierarchical linear modeling (HLM). Key findings include, first, clan, adhocracy, market, and hierarchy organizational cultures all have positive associations with organizational commitment; however, individual perceptions of organizational market and hierarchy cultures are negatively related to organizational commitment and job satisfaction. Second, market and hierarchy cultures have positive varying contextual effects in relationships with organizational commitment. Third, organizational culture has more explanatory power than individual perceptions of organizational culture. Finally, efforts to develop and sustain balanced organizational culture evidently led to the success of the executive agency system in Korea. The findings support the argument that NPM reforms need to be examined through the lens of a multi-level culture and balanced culture perspective.
Ph. D.

Plus de 130 millions de femmes sont portées disparues dans le monde pour cause de sélection en fonction du genre. La plupart d'entre elles ont été avortées de manière sélective, ont été l'objet de négligence fatale durant l'enfance ou ont été tuées après la naissance parce qu'elles étaient des femmes. La sélection sexuelle - pratiquée avant tout en Asie, dans le Caucase et en Europe de l'Est - a suscité de vives inquiétudes globalement en raison de ses implications en matière de droits humains, de santé et de conséquences démographiques. Depuis les années 1980, plusieurs pays asiatiques ont adopté des politiques pour contrer cette forme de discrimination. Bien que les politiques publiques soient souvent promues comme une solution, on sait peu de choses sur ces politiques et leur influence sur les déséquilibres de sexe à la naissance. De plus, seules quelques études relient ces politiques aux tendances des rapports de masculinité. Compte tenu de l'hétérogénéité des pays affectés par la sélection sexuelle, cette recherche vise à comprendre le déroulement des politiques publiques en divers contextes socioculturels. Quels sont les intentions, les instruments et les impacts des politiques publiques contre la sélection sexuelle dans différents pays asiatiques ? L'Inde, le Vietnam et la Corée du Sud ont été choisis dans le cadre du Most Different Systems Design pour représenter la diversité des pays dans leur réponse à la masculinisation démographique. La comparaison de politiques similaires en différents pays fournit une expérience naturelle pour évaluer leur influence sur la sélection prénatale du sexe. Nous présentons de nouvelles recherches empiriques, menées en Corée du Sud, en Inde et au Vietnam entre 2014 et 2015 et basées sur des entretiens d'experts, ainsi que des analyses statistiques pour comparer les zones avant et après l'intervention politique. Cette thèse montre que les trois pays partagent des instruments politiques similaires, notamment des interdictions légales, des campagnes de sensibilisation, des plaidoyers, des incitations et des lois sur l'égalité des sexes pour renforcer le rôle des femmes dans la société. Cependant, les intentions politiques variaient d'un pays à l'autre : renforcer les droits des femmes en Inde, promouvoir une structure de population équilibrée au Vietnam, protéger les droits du fœtus en Corée du Sud. En termes d'impact, les politiques eurent une efficacité limitée. En Corée du Sud, les changements sociaux et familiaux plutôt que les politiques expliquent le déclin de la sélection du sexe. En Inde, les interventions politiques ont montré un impact positif de la réduction des déséquilibres sexuels à l'échelle locale en raison d'un leadership fort et d'un effet bottom-up, mais avec des effets indésirables. Au Vietnam, l'interdiction légale de la sélection du sexe a probablement déclenché le début de la masculinisation à la naissance. Les autorités vietnamiennes ont opté pour une stratégie top-down et à long terme. Les interventions régionales ont été intensifiées malgré l'absence de preuves de l'efficacité des politiques. La collaboration internationale pour lutter contre la sélection du sexe a facilité le transfert de politiques et de connaissances transnationales, où les enseignements tirés des expériences sont partagés entre les pays. Cette atmosphère a contribué à une convergence croissante des politiques. Néanmoins, les gouvernements interprètent ces politiques en fonction de leurs propres intentions et stratégies de mise en œuvre. Nos résultats apportent ainsi une contribution à un domaine peu étudié. Bien plus, ils permettent une meilleure compréhension de l'interaction complexe entre dynamiques locale et mondiale dans la lutte contre la sélection sexuelle. Le cadre théorique élaboré pour conceptualiser les différents niveaux d'influence peut également servir à évaluer d'autres questions de santé publique et de genre au 21e siècle
Worldwide over 130 million women are missing due to gender-biased sex selection. Most of these "missing females" were selectively aborted, fatally neglected or killed after birth because they were female. Sex selection - predominantly practiced in Asia, Caucasus and Eastern Europe - has caused wide concern among government, non-government and international stakeholders because of the human rights, health, and demographic implications associated with the practice. Since the late 1980s, several Asian countries have introduced laws, policies and programs to counter this fundamental form of gender discrimination. Although public policies are often promoted as a solution to sex selection, little is known about these policies and their influence on skewed sex ratio at birth. Moreover, only a few studies provide a comparative analysis of sex ratio trends and policy interventions. Given the heterogeneity of countries affected by sex selection, this research seeks to understand how public policies unfold in diverse socio-cultural contexts. What are the intentions, instruments and impacts of public policies against sex selection in selected Asian countries? India, Vietnam and South Korea were chosen in a Most Different Systems Design to represent largely diverse countries that have tried to address the growing demographic masculinization of their population. Comparing similar policies in different countries offers a natural experiment for assessing their influence on prenatal sex selection. We present new empirical research, carried out in South Korea, India and Vietnam between 2014 and 2015, based on qualitative expert interviews with governmental, non-governmental, international and medical personnel, as well as statistical analysis comparing pre- and post-intervention areas. This thesis finds that the three countries share similar policy instruments including legal bans on sex selection and determination, awareness-raising campaigns, advocacy, incentives and gender equity laws to strengthen the role of women in society. However, policy intentions varied across countries from strengthening women's rights in India, to promoting a balanced population structure in Vietnam, to protecting fetal rights in South Korea. Regarding the policy impact, anti-sex selection policies have had limited efficacy in curbing sex imbalances. In South Korea, social and family changes rather than policy interventions explain the decline of sex selection. In India, policy efforts showed a positive impact of reducing sex imbalances at the local level due to strong leadership and bottom-up action, which yet came with unintended side effects of infringing reproductive and privacy rights. In Vietnam, the legal ban on sex selection is likely to have triggered the onset of birth masculinization. Vietnamese authorities have opted for a top-down, long-term strategy of changing mindsets. Regional interventions are scaled up despite inconclusive evidence of policy efficacy. International collaboration to tackle sex selection has facilitated transnational policy and knowledge transfer, where lessons learned are shared between the countries. This atmosphere has contributed to a growing trend of policy convergence. Nevertheless, governments interpret these policies to fit their own policy intentions and implementation strategies. Our findings thus not only contribute to an under-researched field of public policies against sex selection, but also allow for a better understanding of the complex interplay between local and global dynamics in anti-sex selection efforts. The theoretical framework developed to conceptualize the diverse levels of influence can also serve to assess other global public health and gender issues of the 21st century
Weltweit fehlen über 130 Millionen Frauen aufgrund von Geschlechterselektion. Die meisten dieser Frauen wurden selektiv abgetrieben, tödlich vernachlässigt oder nach der Geburt getötet, weil sie weiblich waren. Die vorwiegend in Asien, im Kaukasus und in Osteuropa praktizierte Geschlechterselektion hat aufgrund der einhergehenden Menschenrechts-, Gesundheits- und demografischen Implikationen weltweit große Besorgnis hervorgerufen. Seit den 1980ern haben mehrere asiatische Länder Politiken eingeführt, um dieser Form der Geschlechterdiskriminierung entgegenzuwirken. Obwohl öffentliche Politiken oft als Lösung propagiert werden, ist wenig über sie und deren Einfluss auf das vorgeburtliche Geschlechterverhältnis bekannt. Zudem liefern nur wenige Studien eine vergleichende Analyse von demographischen Trends und politischen Interventionen. Angesichts der Heterogenität der Länder, die von Geschlechtsselektion betroffen sind, untersuchen wir, wie sich öffentliche Politiken in verschiedenen soziokulturellen Kontexten entfalten. Was sind die Absichten, Instrumente und Auswirkungen öffentlicher Maßnahmen gegen Geschlechtsselektion in ausgewählten Ländern Asiens? Indien, Vietnam und Südkorea wurden nach dem 'Most Different Systems Design' ausgewählt, um die unterschiedlichsten Länder zu repräsentieren, die versucht haben, der wachsende Vermännlichung ihrer Bevölkerung Herr zu werden. Der Vergleich ähnlicher Instrumente in verschiedenen Ländern bietet ein natürliches Experiment um den politischen Einfluss auf Geschlechtsselektion zu untersuchen. Wir präsentieren neue empirische Studien, die zwischen 2014 und 2015 in Südkorea, Indien und Vietnam durchgeführt wurden, basierend auf qualitativen Experteninterviews sowie statistischer Analyse von Prä- und Post-Interventionen. Diese Arbeit zeigt auf, dass die drei Länder ähnliche politische Instrumente eingeführt haben, wie gesetzliche Verbote, Sensibilisierungskampagnen, Anreize und Gleichstellungsgesetze, um die Rolle von Frauen in der Gesellschaft zu stärken. Die politischen Absichten waren jedoch von Land zu Land unterschiedlich, und variierten von der Stärkung der Frauenrechte in Indien über die Förderung einer ausgewogenen Bevölkerungsstruktur in Vietnam bis hin zum Schutz fetaler Rechte in Südkorea. Was die politischen Auswirkungen anbelangt, so waren die durchgeführten Maßnahmen nur begrenzt wirksam. In Südkorea erklären soziale und familiäre Veränderungen und nicht politische Maßnahmen den Rückgang der Geschlechterselektion. In Indien zeigten politische Interventionen positive Auswirkungen auf das Geschlechterverhältnis auf lokaler Ebene aufgrund von ehrgeizigem, bottom-up Engagement, das jedoch mit unbeabsichtigten Nebenwirkungen einherging. In Vietnam scheint das gesetzliche Verbot den Beginn der Maskulinisierung der Geburten ausgelöst zu haben. Die vietnamesischen Behörden haben sich für eine langfristige, top-down gerichtete Strategie entschieden. Regionale Interventionen werden ausgeweitet, obwohl deren Wirksamkeit noch nicht bewiesen ist. Die internationale Zusammenarbeit zur Bekämpfung von Geschlechterselektion hat den transnationalen Politik- und Wissenstransfer erleichtert. Gewonnenen Erfahrungen werden zwischen den Ländern ausgetauscht. Diese Atmosphäre hat zu einem zunehmenden Trend politischer Konvergenz beigetragen. Dennoch interpretieren die Regierungen diese Politiken in unterschiedlicher Weise, sodass sie ihren eigenen politischen Absichten und Umsetzungsstrategien entsprechen. Diese Ergebnisse tragen nicht nur zu einem wenig erforschten Politikfeld bei, sondern ermöglichen auch ein besseres Verständnis des komplexen Zusammenspiels zwischen lokaler und globaler Dynamiken im Kampf gegen Geschlechtsselektion. Der theoretische Rahmen, der entwickelt wurde, um diese verschiedenen Einflussebenen zu konzeptualisieren, kann auch dazu dienen, andere globale Gesundheits- und Geschlechterfragen im 21. Jahrhundert zu analysieren

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.

Community participation is relevant to every sector of development, for example, education, health, housing, water and sanitation, agricultural development and conservation. The assumption is that public participation is positive in that it can contribute to making programmes more sustainable. Public participation in local government processes, especially in the Integrated Development Plan, is imperative to the promotion of institutional democracy. The Integrated Development Plan as a development tool promotes participatory democracy. This public participation study of the Integrated Development Plan in the City of Cape Town was conducted in four sub-council areas of the city to determine whether public participation was successful and whether the objectives of local government are being met.

Includes bibliographical references.
While no one impact is identical to the next, the case of the University of Cape Town's purchase and take-over of two local flat complexes; Forest Hills and Liesbeek Gardens; represented a unique opportunity to compare two impacts analogous in all respects but time. Because one impact had already occurred and the other had not yet begun, the accuracy of social impact predictions could thereby be assessed. Through the use of self-administered questionnaires, the local perceptions of Forest Hills and local cognitions of Liesbeek Gardens were drawn out and compared. So doing, this study concludes that perceptions of potential impact show little correspondence to the actuality of such an impact should it occur without intervening mitigatory initiatives. Since pro-active planning procedures rely to a large degree on the accuracy of impact prediction, such findings suggest strategic flaws within the analytical framework of Social Impact Assessment. Included within the qualitative findings of this report are recommendations as to how the conflict stemming from these impacts might be resolved.

Bibliography: leave 85-90.
Health care systems play an important role in maintaining good health in communities. In South Africa, Africans are continually faced with the dilemma of choosing western or traditional values. The literature has shown that African people use both western and traditional systems simultaneously. The South African government is also considering to include traditional healers in the national health policy .This study examines the opinions of African parents or caretakers of children at Red Cross War Memorial Children' s Hospital regarding their use of western and traditional health systems and their opinion regarding their linkage. The research method for this exploratory study was a focus group and structured interview. The results indicated that in the communities from which the respondents were drawn there are many Africans who consult traditional healers. The results further indicated that many Africans consult both western doctors and traditional healers for the same medical problem. The results also indicated that the respondents considered it necessary to link traditional healers to western health settings. Recommendations for future research are included.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.

The main purpose of this study is to analyze the effects of social capital on organizational performance of local government and whether the effect varies across national cultures. The study hypothesized that organizational level social capital in a public sector organization has a positive influence on organizational performance. To investigate the relationship, surveys were sent to public officials of local government organizations in the city of Omaha in the United States and Wonju city in South Korea. Based on Hofstede’s definition of national culture, these two countries contrast strongly on important cultural characteristics. The two cities were selected as typical representatives of each country. Social capital was operationalized as structural, relational, and cognitive, and organizational performance was measured in terms of efficiency, effectiveness, responsiveness, and equity. The surveys were distributed to public officials working in various city departments. The departments were chosen to represent the three main policy types (as defined by Lowi): regulatory policies, distributive policies, and redistributive policies. Out of 407 surveys sent, 294 usable and valid responses were received. The data were analyzed using SPSS computer software and included descriptive statistics, ANOVA, Pearson’s simple correlation, t-test, factor analysis, linear regression analysis, dummy regression analysis, and moderator regression. The results showed that organizations with higher levels of structural, relational, and cognitive social capital achieve higher levels of organizational performance. However, the effect of social capital in a public sector organization on organizational performance did not differ across cultures. Rather, within a given culture, the relationship varied by policy type. The findings provide some practical guidelines to government leaders on how to increase social capital to enhance organizational performance. By integrating public organizational theories with social capital literature, this study suggests the determinants of public sector performance.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The debate about the validity of evolution versus creationism started long ago when Charles Darwin published The Origin of Species. Yet today the debate about this issue still engenders a lot of controversy – not only in South Africa, but also, and especially, in the United States. This study investigates articles and letters to the editor in an Afrikaans daily newspaper, Die Burger, over a certain period, and will look at the arguments for and against evolution and creationism. The fact that creationists – despite so much evidence to the contrary – pursue a form of pseudoscience by (sometimes) interpreting the Bible literally, and, amongst other things, deny the real age of the earth. There has never been an in-depth look at the public debate about evolution versus creationism in a South African newspaper. The purpose of this study is to conduct an in-depth investigation into this particular debate in the media, with specific reference to correspondence in the letters pages of Die Burger, with regard to the possible influence which the debate about evolution and creationism in an Afrikaans daily newspaper might have on people’s consciousness regarding modern science. It will also explore how some individuals, often conservative believers, still cling to ancient viewpoints and which have repeatedly been disproved by science.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die debat oor die geldigheid van evolusie teenoor kreasionisme het lank gelede begin toe Charles Darwin sy werk The Origin of Species gepubliseer het. Tog ontlok die debat hieroor steeds groot kontroversie – nie net in Suid-Afrika nie, maar veral ook in Amerika. Hierdie studie kyk na beriggewing en briefwisseling in Die Burger oor ’n bepaalde tydperk en die argumente vir én teen evolusie en kreasionisme. Daar sal veral klem gelê word op die feit dat die kreasioniste – soveel bewyse ten spyt – ’n vorm van pseudowetenskap beoefen deur in sommige gevalle die Bybel letterlik te interpreteer, en onder meer die werklike ouderdom van die aarde ontken. Daar is nog nie voorheen indringend gekyk na die openbare debat oor evolusie versus kreasionisme in ’n koerant in Suid-Afrika nie. Die doel met hierdie studie is om ’n omvattende ondersoek te doen oor die debat in die media, met spesifieke verwysing na briefwisseling in Die Burger, ten opsigte van die moontlike invloed wat die debat oor evolusie en kreasionisme in ’n Afrikaanse dagblad op mense se bewussyn oor die moderne wetenskap kan hê. Daar word ook gekyk na hoe sommige mense, dikwels konserwatiewe gelowiges, steeds bly vasklou aan beskouinge wat lank reeds verouderd is en wat herhaaldelik deur die wetenskap verkeerd bewys is.

Thesis (MPhil (Rehabilitation))--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A qualitative study was utilised as it was appropriate for the study of attitudes of non-disabled people of Sakhisizwe towards people with disabilities (PWDs). This case study set out to: investigate the perceptions of people with disabilities with regard to attitudes towards them; examine the nature of attitudes toward people with disabilities; determine the impact and influence of attitudes on the integration of people with disabilities; and determine facilitators and barriers with regard to the integration of people with disabilities. This instrumental case study explored the attitudes of non-disabled people towards disabled people of Sakhisizwe Local Service Area in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. The researcher used convenience sampling to select a group of disabled participants from a meeting of the disabled structure held at one of the clinics of Sakhisizwe, to form a focus group. In the focus group of disabled people, two participants were identified as information-rich and were selected using purposive sampling for further interrogation. A convenience sample was used to select mostly three diverse groups of non-disabled participants from youth (seven participants), clergy (seven participants), community members (10participants) and one group of disabled people consisting of six participants making a total of four groups to conduct focus groups interviews. Furthermore, three key informants (traditional healer, social worker and local councilor) from the community at large were also purposively selected. Data was collected by means of semi-structured interviews guided by interview schedules for focus groups, disabled individuals‘ interviews, as well as for the three key informants‘ interviews. To supplement the data, observation was done to study the behaviours of people with disabilities in the service centre towards non-disabled people, and vice versa. Data was analysed by the process of inductive thematic analysis in which four themes emerged. These were: attitudes of non-disabled people towards people with disabilities; determinants of different disabilities; challenges facing young people with disabilities; and confidence and self-esteem of people with disabilities. In conclusion, it is recommended that the community identify the general public education and awareness in order to change the negative attitudes that lead to social exclusion and marginalisation of people with disabilities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die houdings van nie-gestremde persone teenoor persone met gestremdhede in Sakhisizwe is deur middel van ʼn kwalitatiewe studie ondersoek. Hierdie gevalstudie het ook nagevors hoe persone met gestremdhede hierdie houdings ervaar; die aard van die hierdie houdings; asook die impak en gevolg hiervan op die integrasie van persone met gestremdhede in die samelewing met spesifieke verwysing na fasilitators ('facilitators') of hindernisse. Hierdie waardevolle gevalstudie is in die Sakhisizwe Plaaslike Dienste Area in die Oos Kaap provinsie van Suid Afrika gedoen. 'n Fokusgroep is gekies deur middel van 'n gerieflikheidsteekproef ('convenience sample') uit ʼn groep persone met gestremdhede wat 'n vergadering oor gestremde bestuurstrukture by een van die plaaslike klinieke in Sakhisizwe bygewoon het. Uit die fokusgroep is twee deelnemers met ryk ervarings geïdentifiseer as doelbewuste streekproef ('purposive sampling') vir verdere onderhoude. Benewens die fokusgroep van 10 persone met gestremdhede, is drie verdere fokusgroepe vanuit die geledere van nie-gestremde persone gekies. Die groeperings was uiteenlopend en het deelnemers vanuit die volgende groepe ingesluit, naamlik: die jeug (sewe deelnemers), geestelike leiers (sewe deelnemers), en gemeenskapslede (10 deelnemers). 'n Verdere drie persone is doelbewus ('purposive sampling') as sleutel informante van die groter gemeenskap gekies (tradisionele geneser, maatskaplike werker en plaaslike raadslid). Data was deur middel van semi gestruktureerde onderhoude vir elk van die vier fokus groepe ingesamel. Hierdie data is aangevul deur die wedersydse gedrag van persone met gestremdhede en nie – gestremde persone waar te neem en te bestudeer. Deur middel van induktiewe tematiese ontleding ('inductive thematic analysis') van die data is vier temas geidientifiseer. Houdings van nie – gestremde persone teenoor persone met gestremdhede; bepalende faktore van verskillende tipes gestremdheid; uitdagings wat alle persone met gestremdhede in die gesig staar; asook selfvertroue en self-beeld van persone met gestremdhede. Ten slotte word aanbeveel dat die gemeenskap self die algemene opvoeding en bewusmaking ten opsigte van gestremde persone aanspreek sodat die negatiewe houdings wat lei tot sosiale uitsluiting en gemarginaliseerdheid ('marginalization') aangespreek kan word.

During the past few years, Deaf culture has emerged as an important philosophy that could lead to a radical restructuring of Deaf education methods. The purpose of this study was to determine attitudes concerning Deaf culture from teachers of residential based schools for the Deaf who are Deaf and Hearing.Prior to initiating direct contact with the teachers, the superintendents or principals of the selected residential schools were contacted via mail, and their permission secured. In the United States, 279 teachers (69 teachers who are Deaf, 210 teachers who are Hearing) from seven midwest residential based schools for the Deaf and in South Korea 310 teachers (26 teachers who are Deaf, 284 teachers who are Hearing) from all eleven residential based schools for the Deaf participated.Two-factor ANOVA procedures with repeated measures on one factor were utilized to analyze the teachers' attitudes toward Deaf culture in America and South Korea from a 30-question survey using a five-point Likert scale.This study concluded that: (a) Deaf culture was a subculture in mainstream society whether it was a multi- or singular cultural society--although attitudes toward Deaf culture were accepted more negatively in a singular society than those in a multi-cultural society; (b) Deaf culture was accepted by teachers of schools for the Deaf who are Deaf more readily than those who are Hearing in both multi- or singular cultural societies; and (c) there was no significant correlation between attitudes of teachers who were employed at different levels of instruction, such as elementary and middle or secondary school.
Department of Special Education

This thesis presents the voices of older workers in South Korea through their life stories and experiences in order to interpret how employed older people understand age discrimination in employment, by studying the following four areas: how older workers understand the value of work; theories and concepts of ageing; age discrimination; and South Korea’s policies and programmes for employing older people. In order to interpret in depth the understanding of age discrimination in employment amongst a sample of eighteen employed older Koreans, a biographical method was adopted which generated experiences of age discrimination within each person’s life story. These were analysed using biographical narrative analysis. These employed older people enjoyed working and chose to work both because they wanted to and because this was the only way of meeting their various needs. Others believed that they were people who liked to work and be active and yet others believed that it was their destiny to work, even though they felt more tired as they grew older. They strongly believed that their work performance was still good enough to be competitive. In terms of age discrimination, they revealed the dilemma between their hope of working and the consideration that younger people were currently unemployed. Nevertheless, they did not accept the effect on their working lives of age discrimination which disregarded their capacity to work. In this sense, some interviewees hope that the government will provide an environment and opportunity for older workers to show their ability to work.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
This thesis aims to assess what perceptions a sample population of Dutch students in Amsterdam have of South Africa from a broad range of social, political and cultural indicators. Until now, research into the existent perceptions regarding South Africa in the international community has been limited, which has implications for the formulation of its branding strategies and the possibility of their successful implementation at a crucial stage in the development of the country’s international reputation. Based on a theoretical framework which assumes the potential of nation branding for developing states, this thesis aims to provide an assessment of several historical and contemporary challenges faced by Brand South Africa, the most salient of which are linked to the fundamental need for consistency in the promotion of the nation’s identity. This analysis introduces the empirical research upon which the study is based and thereby explains the ambiguous nature of South Africa’s post-Apartheid brand identity.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Many different categories of people move into South Africa daily. Each category has its defined purposes for coming here such as seeking opportunities, a better life and in some cases a safe haven. Many South Africans have become intolerant towards immigrants entering the country. In some cases immigrants have to endure name calling, harassment and in more extreme circumstances violent attacks. This study proposes to focus on intolerance in South Africa from 1990 to 2001 and describes whether South Africans have become more intolerant towards immigrants over this period. It therefore focuses on certain groups in the South African society based on ethnicity, level of education and category of employment. A quantitative method is used by means of utilising already existing statistics from the World Value Surveys conducted in 1990, 1995 and 200l. It also takes the form of a longitudinal study by describing xenophobic and intolerant attitudes over an elevenyear period.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Elke dag kom verskillende groepe mense na Suid-Afrika. Hulle het ook verskeie redes waarom hulle hierheen kom. Sommige mag gelok word deur die geleenthede wat die land hulle mag bied en ander vlug hierheen op soek na 'n veilige blyplek. Alhoewel hulle hierheen kom vir definitiewe redes, word hulle nie deur alle Suid-Afrikaners verwelkom nie. Hulle word dikwels die slagoffers van aanvalle en word ook gereeld geteister. Die doel van hierdie studie is om verdraagsaamheid in Suid-Afrika te analiseer deur om na vreemdelingsvrees van Suid-Afrikaners teenoor immigrante te kyk. Die studie wil die vlak van verdraagsaamheid tenoor immigrante vanaf 1990 tot 2001 beskryf. Klem word op spesifieke groepe van Suid-Afrikaners geplaas naamlik rasse groep, die vlak van geletterdheid so wel as werkskategorie. Die studie gebruik dus 'n kwantitatiwe navorsingrnetode en statistieke van die World Value Surveys wat in 1990, 1995 en 2001 gedoen is. Dit beoog om die veranderinge in verdraagsaamheid oor 'n periode van elf jaar te beskryf.

In recent decades the Public Private Partnership (PPP) has been widely regarded as an innovative way to construct transport infrastructures and to improve the quality of service. As the number of PPP cases has increased, many countries have tried to standardise PPP models to minimise the costs of trial and error. South Korea, where 426 PPP projects have been undertaken since 1994, usually preferred the BTO (Build-Transfer-Operate) model for transport. In the BTO model, the private sector recoups its investment by charging end users directly and hence should bear the traffic demand risk. However, the Korean Government shared the demand risk through a minimum revenue guarantee to induce private sector involvement, and this led to many criticisms of the BTO model. Tariffs in the BTO case were much higher than those of public operators, but the Government still had to pay large amounts of guaranteed revenue. Thus, BTL (Build-Transfer-Lease), where the demand risk is on the public sector, has become an alternative model. The BTL is the “service sold to the public sector” model which is similar to the DBFO (Design-Build-Finance-Operate) in the UK. This thesis examines which of the BTO and the BTL PPP models is optimal to save governmental expenditure for transport infrastructures such as road and rail. Appropriate traffic demand risk sharing, which a particularly controversial issue in South Korea, is explored. These research objectives are examined through five case studies: the Incheon Airport Expressway and the Oksan-Ochang Expressway cases for road PPP; the Incheon Airport Railway, the Daegok-Sosa Railway and the Seoul Metro 9 cases for rail PPP. Through a detailed literature review and five case studies, the thesis shows that the optimal PPP model, which is measured by the VFM (Value for Money) assessment, needs to satisfy the interests of public sector, private sector, and end users. Based on these assessments and including these three viewpoints, it is concluded that the optimal PPP model for road can be the BTL where the public sector can save expenditure or reduce the level of tariff. Traffic demand risk for roads is relatively low, so the public sector does not have to transfer it to the private sector with high profit rate. In the case of rail, the limited revenue and high cost make a project difficult to be financially free standing by the BTO model. However, the BTO can be a better option in urban rail if traffic demand risk is shared appropriately.

Why do parties other than major parties survive or even flourish under plurality rule electoral systems, when according to Duverger's law we should expect them to disappear. Why should rational voters support third parties, even though their chances of being successful are often low . Using an institutional public choice approach, this study analyses third party voting as one amongst a continuum of choices faced by electors who pay attention both to the ideological proximity of parties, and to their perceived efficacy measured against a community-wide level of minimum efficacy. The approach is applied in detailed case study chapters examining four different third parties. Two of the cases cover long-established and relatively successful third parties - the British Liberal Democrats; the Canadian NDP. The other two cases cover shorter-lived third parties - the New Zealand Social Credit; and the UNP in South Korea. In each case the study examines the party's specific history and dynamics, looks at the social base of its support and its ideological positioning, explores the party's perceived efficacy, and analyses the articulation of the third party's strategy. Two key themes emerge. First, plurality rule electoral systems impose severe constraints on third parties, but also create niches (such as one-party safe seats or regions, or unoccupied ideological space) within which a long-term third party can become established, flourish and develop strategies to partially overcome its lower perceived efficacy. Second, third party voting under plurality rule is not an isolated behaviour, but part of an integrated spectrum of choices (encompassing abstention, protest voting, tactical voting, and positive party support) which citizens make. People respond both to the ideological positioning and to the perceived efficacy of the competing political parties, within a specific voting context and using a collectively defined sense of what constitutes efficacious political behaviour.

Since the 1980s, areas of public rental housing in South Korea have emerged as one of the targets of housing policy. The Korean government has developed public rental housing policy with the goal of contributing to social integration through providing the poor with decent and affordable accommodations. However, since the 2000s, there has been a growing concern that public rental housing estates have become stigmatised and isolated from the outside at a local level. The phenomenon of 'conflict' between public rental housing estates and local people not living on public rental housing estates has been debated under the term 'social exclusion' not only by Korean academia but also the government. This research maintains that a specific type of public rental housing estate is labelled as the neighbourhood for the undeserving poor by non-residents of the estates, who refuse to socialise with the estate residents. Drawing on available models to explain the social downgrading of neighbourhoods, this study concludes that social exclusion on public rental housing estates in South Korea is caused by a combination of the 'concentration effect' on the estates and the Korean welfare state oriented towards the principle of selectivity through 'targeting' in social provisioning.

Thesis (MComm)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While the current trend among a number of organisations is to integrate performance appraisal with performance management systems or even 'replace' it with performance management systems, it is still an extremely highly utilised process. The probable reason for this, is that the major use of performance appraisal is as a management tool whereby the quality of personnel decisions can be enhanced when an effective system is in place. Ideally the use of a formal process, focused on objective, job orientated criteria, will empower management to make meaningful decisions which will not only be to the benefit of individual workers but will contribute to the overall effectiveness and efficiency of the organisation. Apart from the fact that it is used as a management tool, other major objectives of performance appraisal are to determine the administrative and developmental needs of individuals in the interests of their own progress and development as well as that of the organisation. There are therefore, two fundamental parties involved in appraisal, being the appraisee and the appraiser and it is inevitable that the approach to, or the perception of the subject should be different in some, or many ways. Aspects such as utility, fairness, ethics, motivation, accuracy, validity, rating errors, effectiveness and feedback, should therefore be examined in more detail in order to determine where specific problem areas may lie. Serious perceptual differences concerning the process will surely create obstacles and eventually lead to an inefficient system. The aim of this study was to determine the extent to which differing perceptions playa role in the acceptance or rejection of the appraisal system in general terms and specifically in terms of the aspects mentioned above, from the point of view of subordinates and supervisors. The diagnostic instrument used in this study was adapted from those of Mount (1983) (named the Leadership Analysis Questionnaire) and Ie Roux (1989) to include aspects which are more in line with features of the performance appraisal system unique to the participating organisation. Two different forms of questionnaires were used in this study. One was designed for completion by subordinates and the other by supervisors. These two groups were further subdivided into two groups referred to as achievers and nonachievers. The overall response to the questionnaires was very satisfactory in that 431 of the 600 questionnaires were returned (almost 72%) of which 44 were not usable. Of the 186 supervisors' responses which could be used for statistical analysis, 80 were categorised as achievers and of the 201 subordinates' responses which could be used for statistical analysis, 38 were categorised as achievers. The research revealed statistically significant differences in perception between different computations of all groups in respect of fairness, ethics, accuracy, rater error and administrative aspects. It is recommended that future research should be directed at the underlying reasons for perceptual differences between supervisors and subordinates, regarding the factors mentioned above, with the aim of improving communication and relationships. Another area would be to investigate the feasibility of organisations incorporating performance appraisal into a more integrated performance management system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoewel talle organisasies tans daartoe neig om prestasie-beoordeling by prestasiebestuur in te skakel of om dit selfs daardeur te vervang, is dit steeds 'n hoogs aangeskrewe proses. Die waarskynlikste rede hiervoor is dat prestasie-beoordeling hoofsaaklik dien as bestuurshulp ten opsigte van die verbetering van personeelbesluite waar 'n doeltreffende stelsel reeds bestaan. Die ideaal is dat die gebruik van 'n formele proses met objektiewe, werkgeoriënteerde kriteria as uitgangspunt, bestuur bemagtig om sinvolle besluite te neem wat nie net tot voordeel van die werker as individu strek nie, maar ook tot die algehele doeltreffendheid van die organisasie. Benewens prestasie-beoordeling se bestuurshulpfunksie, is 'n ander belangrike mikpunt daarvan om die administratiewe en ontwikkelingsbehoeftes van individue te help bepaal - nie net in die belang van hul eie vordering en ontwikkeling nie, maar ook in die belang van die organisasie s'n. Daarom is daar basies twee partye betrokke by prestasie-beoordeling, naamlik die beoordelaar en diegene wat beoordeel word. Dit is dus onvermydelik dat die benadering tot of waarneming van die onderwerp in 'n paar en dikwels selfs in talle opsigte sal verskil. Dit is dus belangrik dat aspekte soos bruikbaarheid, regverdigheid, etiek, motivering, akkuraatheid, geldigheid, beoordelingsfoute, doeltreffendheid en terugvoering in groter besonderhede ondersoek word om vas te stel waar probleemareas moontlik mag voorkom. Ernstige perseptuele verskille wat die proses betref, kan stuikelblokke veroorsaak en aanleiding gee tot 'n ondoeltreffende stelsel. Die doel van hierdie studie was om vas te stel in watter mate verskillende persepsies kan bydra tot die aanvaarding of verwerping van die beoordelingstelseloor die algemeen en in die besonder ten opsigte van bogenoemde aspekte soos beskou vanuit beide die toesighouer en die ondergeskikte se oogpunt. Die diagnostiese meetinstrument wat gebruik is, is 'n aanpassing van Mount (1983) se "Leadership Analysis Questionnaire" en dié van Le Roux (1989) en sluit aspekte in wat in 'n groter mate tred hou met die eienskappe van die beoordelingstelsel eie aan die deelnemende organisasie s'n. Twee verskillende vraelyste is gebruik vir toesighouers en onder-geskiktes. 'n Bykomende verdeling is gemaak tussen presteerders en niepresteerders. Die reaksie op die vraelyste was, op die keper beskou, baie bevredigend, aangesien 431 van die 600 vraelyste terugontvang is - bykans 72%. Hiervan was 44 onbruikbaar. Van die 186 toesighouersvraelyste wat gebruik kon word vir statistiese ontleding, is 80 as dié van presteerdes geklassifiseer, en van die 2010ndergeskiktes se vraelyste 38. Die ondersoek het in sy berekeninge statistiese beduidende verskille uitgewys ten opsigte van die verskillende groepe se persepsies van regverdigheid, etiek, akkuraatheid, beoordelingsfoute en administratiewe aspekte. Daar word aanbeveel dat toekomstige navorsing gerig word op die onderliggende,redes vir die perseptuele verskille tussen toesighouers en ondergeskiktes, met inagneming van bogenoemde faktore en met die mikpunt die verbetering van kommunikasie en verhoudinge. Nog navorsing sou ook gedoen kon word om te bepaal hoe uitvoerbaar dit vir 'n organisasie sou wees om prestasie-beoordeling in te skakel by 'n stelsel wat prestasiebestuurgerig is.