Journal articles on the topic 'Public opinion – germany (west)'
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1
Perry, Joe. "Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades*." German History 38, no. 3 (September 2020): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.
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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivities they measured were mutually constitutive of this reconfigured ‘public’, as exposure to survey results in countless media reports both reflected and shaped popular understandings of self and society. To make this argument, the article explores the US influence on German opinion research from the 1920s to the 1960s and the ‘modern’ language and techniques of survey research in the FRG. It offers an account of sex research as a case study of the same and concludes with a brief discussion of opinion research and its role in shaping contemporary understandings of the public sphere.
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Kruke, Anja. "Western Integration vs. Reunification? Analyzing the Polls of the 1950s." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250204.
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From the beginning of the West German state, a lot of public opinion polling was done on the German question. The findings have been scrutinized carefully from the 1950s onward, but polls have always been taken at face value, as a mirror of society. In this analysis, polls are treated rather as an observation technique of empirical social research that composes a certain image of society and its public opinion. The entanglement of domestic and international politics is analyzed with respect to the use of surveys that were done around the two topics of Western integration and reunification that pinpoint the “functional entanglement” of domestic and international politics. The net of polling questions spun around these two terms constituted a complex setting for political actors. During the 1950s, surveys probed and ranked the fears and anxieties that characterized West Germans and helped to construct a certain kind of atmosphere that can be described as “Cold War angst.” These findings were taken as the basis for dealing with the dilemma of Germany caught between reunification and Western integration. The data and interpretations were converted into “security” as the overarching frame for international and domestic politics by the conservative government that lasted until the early 1960s.
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Heinrich, Anselm. "West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in Media and Public Opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-1969." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 20, no. 4 (December 2012): 550–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2012.737675.
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Grunbacher, A. "West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in Media and Public Opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-68." German History 29, no. 4 (May 23, 2011): 675–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghr028.
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Hoskin, Marilyn. "Public Opinion and the Foreign Worker: Traditional and Nontraditional Bases in West Germany." Comparative Politics 17, no. 2 (January 1985): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421729.
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Baryshnikov, Vladimir N., Victor N. Borisenko, and Oleg Yu Plenkov. "The Student Riots in Germany and their Aftermath." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1212–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.411.
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This article deals with the peculiarities of the student protests of 1968 in Germany and their political and social consequences. Among the many protests in the West that year, they had particularly far-reaching consequences for German society. These consequences were related to the heavy legacy of the Nazis, who committed grave crimes against humanity during World War II. It is for this reason that the article places a special emphasis on overcoming the Nazi past, which played an extremely important role in the emergence and spread of youth protests in the FRG. Placing the German protests in the context of a generally rather homogeneous and synchronous protest movement in all Western countries against the old values of bourgeois society and its morals poses difficulty – it is no accident that one of the symbols of youth protest was John Lennon's single “Yesterday”. The past (“yesterday”) indeed came suddenly into the spotlight and was subjected to unrelenting criticism. But the changes in the political culture of society and its mentality were very significant. The mutation toward the triumph of leftist-liberal discourse in the West German public consciousness was so complete and total that it is possible to state, as German satirists joke, that the situation was similar to the way public opinion was controlled in the GDR. As a result, it can be rightly asserted that 1968 in the FRG was perhaps the most important reason for the triumph of left-liberal political discourse in Germany.
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SCHRAFSTETTER, SUSANNA. "‘Gentlemen, the Cheese Is All Gone!’ British POWs, the ‘Great Escape’ and the Anglo-German Agreement for Compensation to Victims of Nazism." Contemporary European History 17, no. 1 (February 2008): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004262.
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AbstractIn 1964 the West German government agreed to provide £1 million in financial compensation to British victims of National Socialism. The distribution of the money, organised by the British foreign office, turned into a major public scandal, as a number of British POWs, among them survivors of the ‘great escape’, had their claims rejected. By examining the refusal of several British POWs to accept their exclusion from the scheme, the article addresses the interplay of political pressure and public opinion that led to a parliamentary inquiry into what became known as ‘the Sachsenhausen affair’ in 1967. Given that provisions of the agreement with West Germany had precluded indemnification to mistreated POWs, the distribution of the money almost inevitably led to bitterness and discontent. From this perspective, the article explores the impact of the Great Escape on British memory of the war, the public reception of the film The Great Escape (1963), and the way in which public memory influenced the debate on compensation.
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Young, Christopher. ""Nicht mehr die herrlichste Nebensache der Welt": Sport, West Berlin and the Four Powers Agreement 1971." German Politics and Society 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250102.
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1972 saw the coming to fruition of two events of major importance to the Federal Republic of Germany under Willy Brandt's leadership: the normalization of relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites through the process of Ostpolitik, and the Munich Olympic Games, which were designed to present a new Germany on the world stage. Although recent scholarship has highlighted the intricacies of East-West diplomacy and the political machinations of Cold-War sports relations, there have been few attempts to investigate the latter's role in the former. This essay seeks to investigate sport in the context of politics, and more vitally vice versa. Focusing on events in the immediate run-up to the Four Powers Treaty on West Berlin in 1971, it shows how sport's appeal to broad sectors of public opinion in Eastern and Western Europe made it a prime candidate for the cultural warfare that accompanied political negotiations.
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Andreyenkov, Vladimir. "Analysis and Questionnaire of the Survey "Public Opinion in the Soviet Union and West Germany"." Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/075910638902200102.
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Verovšek, Peter J. "“One Would at Least Like to Be Asked”." German Politics and Society 41, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410302.
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Abstract As the leading public intellectual of postwar West Germany, Jürgen Habermas was a prominent opponent of the unification of the two Germanies after 1989. While his fears regarding the identity, collective memory, Western orientation, and economic power of a united Germany are important, in contrast to the existing literature, I argue that Habermas's objections are primarily procedural, focusing on the normative deficiencies in Chancellor Helmut Kohl's executive-led, administrative approach to reunification. In Habermas's eyes this procedure short-circuited the democratic processes of public opinion- and will-formation necessary to fulfill the normative presuppositions of popular self-determination. Methodologically, I make this point by reading Habermas's “short political writings” alongside his theoretical writings, especially his early postwar readings of the German constitutional theory. In addition to reframing the debate over his opposition to unification, I also oppose realist critiques of his work by showing that Habermas's theoretical writings have direct implications for contemporary politics.
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Bergmann, Werner. "Antisemitism in (east and west) German public opinion, 1987–1992." Patterns of Prejudice 27, no. 2 (October 1993): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1993.9970107.
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Sokolov, S. V. "Applying Google Trends web-analytic tool to study the German legal deposit copy system." Bibliosphere, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20913/1815-3186-2019-1-11-17.
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The article «Applying Google Trends to study the German legal deposit copy system» discusses the use of web tools to investigate current library science problems. Using web-based statistical method the author searches the following issues: the dynamics of interest in the subject of a legal deposit copy from the date of adoption of the Law on the German National Library (2006) to nowadays; relations of the public interest peak changes in this topic to certain phenomena in the social and cultural life of Germany; the federal dimension of these issues when comparing interest to the topic in different regions of Germany; the public opinion on the popularity of legal copy among traditional and electronic sources. The article is divided into four parts. The first one sets the work objective and main tasks, gives a general description of the chosen research method. The second part deals with the process of creating a semantic dictionary; analyzes traditional and electronic sources of synonymic dictionaries. It describes the strengths of such an online language matching service as semager.de. The third part dissects a group of keywords related to the topic of a legal deposit copy along with the most interesting and problematic, from the point of the author’s view, additional keywords such as the German National Library, network publications, and dissertations. Using web statistical tools the paper shows that the most intense issues regarding the legal deposit, the problems of the German National Library and online publications were raised in the lands of West Germany. Developing the legal deposit copy system will go, first of all, through online publications, greater cooperation with academic and scholar libraries; open access of scientific data and publications related to dissertations and theses of West German lands’ universities. The fourth part presents main conclusions and substantiates the method significance for library and sociological research.
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Spicka, Mark E. "Selling the Economic Miracle: Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385462.
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Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.
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Peters, Hans Peter, Gabriele Albrecht, Leo Hennen, and Hans Ulrich Stegelmann. "‘Chernobyl’ and the nuclear power issue in West German public opinion." Journal of Environmental Psychology 10, no. 2 (June 1990): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0272-4944(05)80123-9.
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Boiko, Mykhailo. "Denazification of Germany in german historiographical and social discourse (1945–2021)." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.9-28.
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Based on the analysis of published works of German scholars (historians, political scientists, philosophers) and public opinion leaders, the author aims to identify the main stages, trends and assessments in the study and coverage of the process of denazifi cation of Germany over the past 60 years. Denazifi cation had its specifi city in the British and French zones of occupation before the creation of Bisone, and later Trizonia, because there was no generalizing practice of Western democracies regarding the denazifi cation of West Germany. Denazifi cation first became a topic of family and, consequently, social debate in the 1960s, thus removing the public taboo on scholars’ research. Th e problem of denazifi cation remains one of the relevant topics of German historical discourse today, but the Ukrainian scientifi c community has not yet presented a separate analysis of German historiography, which determines the novelty of the proposed article. Based on the methods of historiographical analysis, problem-chronological and retrospective approaches, it was found that among the German academic community there were different approaches to the perception and evaluation of denazification, which infl uenced on the formation of three waves in social and historiographical discourse. It has been established that the fi rst wave was formed during the 1960s and 1970s as a result of the internal demand of public opinion leaders and the younger generation, without the involvement of professional scholars, when denazifi cation remained a very sensitive topic for society. In the second stage, which lasted until the mid–1990s, denazifi cation became the subject of special historical research, which revealed the specifi cs of responsibility for Nazi crimes, the issue of political stability and overcoming the past. Since the early 2000s, a third wave of historiographical discourse has emerged, representing modern approaches and assessments of denazifi cation: in–depth study of its aspects and analysis in the context of related political and legal processes, including clarifying the role of justice in the occupation period, guilt and personal responsibility for both recent and current political processes in the context of intensifying radical movements in Germany. The change of generations, the growing role of the media, unifi cation with the GDR, the collapse of the USSR – is not an exhaustive list of factors that infl uenced not only the revision of approaches to assessing the implementation of denazifi cation, but also the possible application of German experience abroad. The practice of public dialogue in the format of public discussions and research on sensitive historical topics determines the level of individual and collective responsibility for the political situation in Germany. Representatives of German historiography agree that denazifi cation was a component of interethnic reconciliation, but diff er in views on the methods of its implementation.
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Елизавета Георгиевна, Медведева. "Comparative analysis of the social policy of the USSR and Germany in the Khrushchev period (1953–1964)." NORTH CAUCASUS LEGAL VESTNIK 1, no. 1 (March 29, 2024): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2074-7306-2024-1-1-52-60.
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The study of Soviet social policy is important on the basis of a number of aspects, the main one being the fact that social welfare in historical scholarship and public opinion is generally regarded as the most successful period of Soviet society. Moreover, the period under analysis is of particular interest, as it covers the period of reconstruction after World War II and the early stages of the Cold War. This comparative analysis considers the social policy pursued by the USSR, and in West Germany (Federal Republic of Germany), since East Germany was strongly influenced by Soviet policy during this period. The experience of the USSR and FRG during this period can be useful for research and development of modern approaches to social policy and its adaptation to current conditions.
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GREEN, ABIGAIL. "INTERVENING IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE: GERMAN GOVERNMENTS AND THE PRESS, 1815–1870." Historical Journal 44, no. 1 (March 2001): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001716.
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This article argues that the growth of a free press in nineteenth-century Germany went hand in hand with the growth of an official, government-sponsored, press. The collapse of pre-publication censorship in 1848 prompted the development of increasingly sophisticated (and relatively successful) press control strategies by German governments, in the shape of official newspapers, semi-official newspapers, and indirect government press influence. Government press policy was essentially reactive. Changes in press policy were usually prompted by political events. Furthermore, government press coverage was forced to reflect shifts in public opinion in order to maximize readership of official propaganda. Government press policy focused not just on the dissemination of pro-government opinion, but also on the dissemination of pro-government information, probably the most effective form of government press influence. News management was subtle, and targeted small circulation local newspapers, rather than high profile opposition newspapers. Consequently, historians have tended to overlook the scale of government news management.
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Boehmer-Christiansen, Sonja A. "Energy policy and public opinion Manipulation of environmental threats by vested interests in the UK and West Germany." Energy Policy 18, no. 9 (November 1990): 828–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0301-4215(90)90062-9.
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Schmidt, Gustav. "The Conduct of East–West Relations during the 1980s." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004446.
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More than 20 years ago, Philip Windsor proposed a succinct explanation of the East–West divide: ‘… the Cold War began with the deliberate Soviet decision to cut Europe in two and in reacting the Western powers took a deliberate decision to cut Germany in two.’ For the following two decades from 1969 to 1989, the formula ‘Peace and stability through partition” (U. Nerlich;J. Joffe) reflected widespread satisfaction with the territorial status quo in Europe. However, substantial disagreements (as L. Freedman observes p. 5) with established security policies, defence doctrines and armed forces' structures both in NATO and the Warsaw Pact (WP) might be taken as evidence that ‘Europe was on the verge of an historic change’. In respect of the state of public opinion, NATO ministers in early March 1988 declared the need gradually to overcome the unnatural division of Europe
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Madajczyk, Piotr. "Reakcja zachodnioniemieckich mediów na wydarzenia Marca i kampanię antysemicką w Polsce." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 20 (March 30, 2012): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2012.20.03.
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The article analyses the impact of the events of 1968 on West German public opinion and politics. Following the first comments in the press, published on 11th March, the events of that month in Poland were watched attentively in the FRG. West German observers connected with the power struggles in the PUWP, while West German politicians were of the opinion that the best solution in such a situation would be to wait and see, and sustain contacts with Warsaw cautiously.In view of the growing wave of anti-Semitic pronouncements, the PUWP leader, Mr Władysław Gomułka was judged relatively mildly, assuming that he wanted to restrain them but had to yield under pressure. These pronouncements, however, a racted the a ention of the opinion-forming media in the FRG, which reacted with exaggerated comparisons to anti-Semitism in the Third Reich. Polish diplomacy, on the other hand, was effective in using the argument that an ‘anti-Polish campaign’ in the media was harmful to the detente in Europe. This effective tool of diplomacy was unable, however, to prevent the negative consequences of references to the stereotype of Polish anti-Semitism.
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Capoccia, Giovanni, and Grigore Pop-Eleches. "Democracy and Retribution: Transitional Justice and Regime Support in Postwar West Germany." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 3-4 (June 13, 2019): 399–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019852704.
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How harshly should perpetrators of past abuses be punished, to reinforce the legitimacy of a new democracy? Drawing on sociopsychological theories, we hypothesize that prodemocratic mass attitudes are favored by the perception that defendants in transitional justice trials have been punished in a way that is morally proportional to their offenses. This perception is shaped by the social categorization of defendants and the opinions about the certainty of their guilt that predominate in the mass public. When defendants are largely seen as co-ethnics and their guilt is contested, like in the West German case, prodemocratic attitudes are likely to be strengthened by lighter punishments and undermined by harsher sanctions. The analysis of subnational variation in patterns of punishment in postwar West Germany confirms this hypothesis and shows that these attitudinal effects persist in the medium term. Our findings have implications for research on transitional justice and democratization.
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Weil, Frederick D., and Russell J. Dalton. "Citizen Politics in Western Democracies: Public Opinion and Political Parties in the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, and France." Contemporary Sociology 18, no. 6 (November 1989): 907. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074195.
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Bondarev, Vitaly. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016180-6.
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The article examines one of the least studied aspects of the Soviet famine of 1932–33, namely the reaction of the international community and foreign governments to this tragedy. Facts are presented that prove that the Stalinist regime failed to conceal information about the famine in the collectivized village and prevent the outrage that broke out in the West over the mass death of Soviet citizens. The authors note that the negative reaction from the international community came in the form of both coverage of the plight of farmers in the press, and the organization of material assistance to those of them who were “blood brothers” and had relatives abroad. It was found that one of the results of the tragic events of 1932–1933 was the deterioration of the foreign policy positions of the USSR and the complication of its relations with Nazi Germany. The article’s main focus is on the characteristics of the situation and attitudes of the Soviet Germans, who were the largest Diaspora in the territory of the RSFSR. They were a kind of hostage to the complex dynamics of Soviet-German relations in 1933. The study is based on archival materials not previously introduced into scholarly circulation, in particular, letters from German citizens about food and monetary assistance addressed to their compatriots abroad. An important result of the research is the disclosure of the propaganda campaign “Response to fascist slanderers”, which not only created a favourable information background for the Stalinist leadership but also allowed to appeal to the opinion of Soviet Germans in the confrontation with the foreign public. The authors believe that the direct consequence of foreign policy complications caused by the famine of 1932–1933 was the strengthening of the Soviet government's distrust of the Soviet Germans, which affected their fate in the future.
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Rasmussen, Jorgen. "Citizen Politics in Western Democracies: Public Opinion and Political Parties in the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, and France.Russell J. Dalton." Journal of Politics 51, no. 2 (May 1989): 443–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131356.
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Lukin, Alexander. "The Initial Soviet Reaction to the Events in China in and the Prospects for Sino-Soviet Relations." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030332.
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The tragic events in China of June 1989 have had a considerable influence on the development of the international situation and have triggered a stormy reaction from public opinion in many countries. The stand on the Tiananmen tragedy has become a litmus test of the political position of governments, parties and groupings in a number of states. China's prime minister Li Peng declared in the wake of the events that they had demonstrated who was a true friend of China. A closer study of the issue would reveal that these events in fact led to a situation whereby “friends” and “enemies” (if we agree to identify China's “friends” and “enemies” with those of her premier) reversed roles. Whereas all governments and public and political groups in the west, including some orthodox communist parties, were united in their condemnation of Beijing, China's former opponents whom she used to label as “regional hegemonists,” such as Cuba and Vietnam, as well as East Germany and North Korea who have similar regimes, assured Beijing of their support for its actions.
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Madajczyk, Piotr. "Próby wznowienia Planu Rapackiego przez dyplomację polską w pierwszej połowie lat sześćdziesiątych." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 17 (April 28, 2009): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2009.17.01.
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The article describes the political context of the revival, in early 60s, of the Rapacki Plan. The tradition in Polish historiography holds its main objective to have been a disarmament. Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents, which are currently available make a much more balanced and differentiated approach to its appraisal possible. The article takes into account both a certain autonomy present in the Polish initiative and its dependence on Soviet policy. At the ministry in Warsaw, they were aware that a disarmament initiative as such had meagre chances of being implemented; nevertheless, it could provide an effective tool for the carrying out of foreign policy. What is particularly interesting is the use of the Rapacki Plan as an instrument aimed at restricting the political influences of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 60s, which can be seen in the documents. Minister Rapacki had elaborated upon an idea for focussing attention on West German opposition to the Polish proposals, for propaganda reasons. These efforts aimed at creating an atmosphere of isolation around the FRG and most of all, at persuading the Polish public opinion that it was the FRG which was most responsible for the rejection of the Polish initiative.
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Fernández, Elena Fernández, and Germans Savcisens. "A Sustainable West? Analyzing Clusters of Public Opinion in Sustainability Western Discourses in a Collection of Multilingual Newspapers (1999-2018)." Digital Humanities in the Nordic and Baltic Countries Publications 5, no. 1 (October 10, 2023): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/dhnbpub.10660.
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In this article, we analyze the temporal and geographic evolution of sustainability-related discourses over a time frame of twenty years (1999-2018). We use a collection of multilingual newspapers in English, French, German, Spanish, and Italian, as a proxy. We filter documents using four key terms: sustainable development, climate change, environment, and pollution, seeking to explore how different newspapers encode the same message, aiming to detect points of contact (agreement) and rupture (polarity). Our methodology includes Topic Modelling (Pachinko Allocation [1]), word embeddings [2], Ward’s hierarchical cluster analysis [3], and network analysis [4]. Our results show a progressive simplification of semantic fields over time, reflecting less polarizing views across countries and, therefore, showing an increasing agreement on sustainability-related discourses in our contemporary societies. Moreover, we also notice little variation of newspapers rhetorics over time. Therefore, this article also contributes with a meta-reflection about newspapers behaviour as information containers.
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Martynov, Mihail. "Conceptual problems of modern Russian symbolic policy in preserving the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 1 (March 27, 2020): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-14-24.
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The article attempts to explain the problems faced by modern Russian politics of memory in connection with falsifications of the history of World War II. Attention is drawn to the reasons for the spread in the public mind of the opinion of the equal responsibility of Germany and the USSR in starting a war. It is shown that the reason for the difficulties of the Russian symbolic policy is the lack of a coherent theoretical construct that allows a logically consistent interpretation of the events of the political history of the first half of the twentieth century. It points to the uncritical acceptance by the Russian political science of the theory of totalitarianism and insufficient attention to the laws of the formation of fascist regimes in Western Europe. It is concluded that inclusion in the world economic system under the conditions of the A historical and comparative approach, comparing the features of using various conceptual foundations of events at the beginning of World War II, depending on the interests and goals of political actors. West inevitably turns out to be supplemented by the loss of sovereignty in the scientific and theoretical sphere.
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Mittermeier, Sabrina. "'These Are Not New Bigots' – Queer TV, <em>Erinnerungskultur</em> and the Potential of Unproduction Studies." TMG Journal for Media History 27, no. 1 (June 26, 2024): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/tmg.870.
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The article discusses queer television using US and West-German prime-time soaps Dallas, Dynasty, Lindenstraße and drama series thirtysomething, outlining how they are in dialogue with each other through an entangled Cold War history. It places special focus on the depiction of gay and bisexual men during the HIV/AIDS crisis, as this chapter of queer history remains both decisive for public opinion on queer issues across borders, and its history is often obscured in collective memory. While the case studies consider actually produced/‘made’ work, they open up ways to engage with how systemic discrimination both on the level of production companies and audiences disrupt queer content, thus placing this in a framework of ‘unproduction studies’.
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Martin, Barbara. "The Sakharov-Medvedev Debate on Détente and Human Rights." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 3 (2021): 138–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01009.
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Abstract This article examines the debate between Soviet dissidents Andrei Sakharov and Roy Medvedev in the 1970s concerning the Jackson-Vanik Amendment and détente. Although both dissidents stood for East-West détente and democratization of the Soviet system and believed in the possibility of a dialogue with Soviet leaders until 1970, they later diverged in their views about methods of action. As Sakharov lost faith in the possibility of influencing the Soviet regime headed by Leonid Brezhnev, he shifted to a more radical position, adopting the language of human rights and turning to Western politicians and public opinion as an audience for his calls. Sakharov's public embrace of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment was in line with his advocacy of freedom of emigration and his belief that the West should extract concessions in the field of human rights before granting trade benefits to the Soviet Union. Medvedev, by contrast, argued that the amendment was counterproductive insofar as it risked alienating Soviet leaders and triggering adverse results. He considered that détente should be encouraged for its own sake, with the hope that over time it would spur democratization in the country. Medvedev's argument had much in common with the West German leader Willy Brandt's notion of “change through rapprochement,” a concept invoked as a rationale for Brandt's Ostpolitik. Although Sakharov's position earned him the Nobel Peace Prize, the Helsinki Accords showed how détente could serve the cause of human rights even with the Cold War under way.
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Nathans, Eli. "West Germans Against the West: Anti-Americanism in the Media and Public Opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–68. By Christoph Hendrik Müller. Chippenham and Eastbourne: Palgrave Macmillan. 2010. Pp. x + 258. Cloth $95.00. ISBN 978-0-230-23155-9." Central European History 45, no. 2 (June 2012): 365–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891200026x.
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Турыгин, А. А., and Е. В. Зимина. "The British Jingo and the German Viking: the Emergence and Reception of the Colonial Hero Image of Cecil Rhodes and Carl Peters." Диалог со временем, no. 77(77) (November 29, 2021): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.77.77.017.
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Литература, наряду с официальными источниками, может дать представление о формировании культа двух одиозных деятелей колониальной эпохи – Сесила Родса и Карла Петерса. Их деятельность на африканском континенте, получившая неоднозначную оценку при жизни, впоследствии была переосмыслена официальной пропагандой, привела к изменению общественного мнения о колониализме и имперских ценностях. Африканское прошлое Империи в Великобритании вылилось в одну из форм протеста 2020 г., в то время как в Германии его пересмотр был связан с оценками национал-социализма, реанимировавшего идеи колониализма. The paper considers the colonial policy of Kaiser Germany and the British Empire in Africa via periodicals and fiction. Alongside with official sources, fiction can provide an insight into the way the cult of the two most notorious colonialists – Cecil John Rhodes and Carl Peters – emerged. Their activities in the African continent, cautiously assessed even in their lifetime, was reconsidered in official propaganda and by writers of the 19th-20th centuries, which led to the change in public opinion regarding colonialism and imperial values. The process of reconsidering went in different ways, however. The imperial past of the British Empire was shown in the protests of 2020 in the UK, whereas in Germany this reconsideration is closely connected with the reassessment of the Nazi period that attempted to revive colonial ideas of the first quarter of the 20th century.
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Heinemann, Winfried. "Traitors or Allies. German Right-Wing Movements and the Memorialization of the National Conservative Resistance to Hitler." Rubrica Contemporanea 12, no. 24 (September 28, 2023): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.283.
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After the Second World War, most former Nazis were certain that they (and their Führer) would have won the war if there had not been a national-conservative opposition among the traditional elites, i. e. diplomats, bureaucrats, and the officer corps.It took the West German political mainstream years to adopt the notion of resistance to Hitler as part of a positive tradition. By 1990, however, it had become received wisdom that men like Colonel Claus Graf Stauffenberg were positive examples of how some, albeit very few, had stood up against injustice and repression. Only on the extreme right fringe could authors still defame the resisters as traitors.The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), started in 2013 as a Eurosceptic party, was soon hijacked by elements of the far Right. One example is the New Right’s discussion of the resistance. While some proclaim that “Stauffenberg was a traitor”, others claim the 1944 opposition for their own heritage. By harnessing it for their cause, the memory of the conspiracy and its generally positive connotations in German public opinion, the German New Right is attempting to attract centre or centre-right voters who are disappointed with Angela Merkel’s pro-European policies.
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Vaišnys, Andrius. "Transformation of Communist Media Content and Public Space According to the Discourse ‘39Pact: Exiting the “Labyrinth” as an Act of Communication." Informacijos mokslai 90 (December 28, 2020): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2020.90.50.
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This text is about one of the longest processes of political communication, which, decades on, influences politicians of various generations of the Central, Eastern and Western Europe, contents of media and self-awareness of the audience. The process isn’t over yet, this is obvious not only from the document adopted by the EP but also from an international political rhetoric. Analysis of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 1939 in media (D’39Pact) and related national and international decisions is the axis of information conflict between the East and the West concerning thousands of fates. Those thousands of people had and still have different historical narratives – some people justified the Pact and implemented it, others were fighting for the elimination of its consequences, yet others fell victims to it, with a death toll estimated in the millions. But not everybody’s narratives are based on true arguments.Let’s look at the way the system of propaganda collapsed and the public opinion was transformed in countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 1988-1989. Moving from a lie to (hopefully) the historical truth. Review of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the main axis of such transformation (protection of environmental and cultural valuables, choice of one’s viewpoint, legislative requirements and other rights were contextual aspects of this axis). During this period in the previously mentioned region the control of public space was on the decline.This view will be based on a single thematic discourse: the provision of consequences of the 1939 Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and criticism in communist model media of Lithuania and neighbouring countries. It may be called D’39Pact.D‘39Pact in general has several narratives (it may also be seen from the EP Resolution), but taking into consideration the interpretation of Jurgen Habermas’s Communicative Action, the analysis of transformation of 1988-1989 two of them would suffice, one of which is that of the authorities of the USSR and the other one – that of its opponents. Let’s call opponents USSR dissidents, protestors, underground press (samizdat) and press of public movements which was published legally.Narrative of the USSR authorities: the treaty was the inevitable and no annexes (secret protocols) exist.Narrative of the opponents: based on secret protocols of the treaty, the USSR and Nazi Germany divided the countries and destroyed their political, military, cultural elite and finally – their population of various social layers.Medias, as the main participant of the public space, most clearly disclose the collision of such narratives and transformation in D‘39Pact. The purpose of the article is to discuss the circumstances of transformation of MMPT from the historical perspective and of the public space and come across the factors, which influenced the strongest role of MMPT interpretative accomplishments. Considering the way out of the “labyrinth” regarding the D’39 Pact, we see some similarities with the situation that now exists in Russia.
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Shatalov, Denys. "On German Orders. The Volhynian Massacre in Soviet Partisans’ Memoirs." Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 5 (October 23, 2020): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2019.e253.
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This paper is devoted to the analysis of the narrative displayed to the mass Soviet reader of the anti-Polish ethnic cleansing conducted by Ukrainian nationalists in 1943 in Volhynia. The sources used in this paper include the most widely published books of partisan commanders who were active in the region. These texts are examined as sources aimed to shape public opinion about the Ukrainian nationalists after the war. For the Soviet public, the memoirs of Soviet partisans operating in North-West Ukraine in 1943–1944 along with propagandist anti-nationalist literature were the main source of information about the Volhynian Massacre. In these books, the stories about the massacre appear, above all, to be a propaganda tool. The comparison of the depictions of the Volhynian Massacre provided by partisan authors with modern scholarly works shows us intentional distortions by the former. It may perhaps seem paradoxical to note that the partisan memoirists, who tended to discredit the Ukrainian nationalists, preferred to blame them only as perpetrators, but not as the initiators of the anti-Polish massacres in Volhynia. The anti-Polish “actions” were described primarily as a direct initiative of German occupational authorities, whereas the detachments of nationalists’ organisations were portrayed as its faithful executors. The memoirists stressed the disinterestedness and unwillingness of ordinary Ukrainian peasants to participate in the massacres and the alienation of its organizers from the broad masses of working people. In this light, the Soviet partisan memoirs give us little help in understanding the Volhynian massacre itself but serve as an excellent example of Soviet propaganda efforts aimed at modelling representations of the past.
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Dobrescu, Paul, and Flavia Durach. "Euroscepticism – a sign of a Europe in distress." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 16, no. 1 (May 7, 2016): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2014.1.186.
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<p>Euroscepticism is explicitly or implicitly considered a product of the crisis, a result of Europe’s recent difficult moments. The secondary data analysis of official Eurobarometer results between 2009 (EB71) and the end of 2013 (the latest data available – EB80) in 17 member states, grouped around the axis North – South – East, leads us to the conclusion that Euroscepticism has amplified during the years of economic crisis following a particular pattern. We witness the rise of inequalities in a Union of equals, with significant differences in terms of public opinion in the North and in the South. The great disappointment, the gloom mood of the citizens from Greece, Cyprus, Spain, Portugal and, surprisingly, France, in contrast with the self-confident attitude of Germans and the mild enthusiasm of Eastern European countries suggest that the EU did not emerge stronger as a whole. Multiple divergences have already started to occur between the rich and the poor member states, between competitive regions and regions that lag behind, between debtors and creditors, between the North and the South and, we dare to anticipate, between the West and the East. The game is changing and Euroscepticism is now the expression of confusion and fear, more than of righteous opposition against particular issues or concerns.</p>
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Wunschik, Tobias. "The Political Penal System in the Honecker Era Prison system, detention conditions, political prisoners and the Ministry of State Security in the GDR (1970–1989)." Securitas Imperii: Journal for the Study of Modern Dictatorships 38, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 266–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.53096/jgpn6552.
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In the German Democratic Republic (GDR), both political and criminal prisoners after their conviction were kept together in prisons under the authority of the Ministry of the Interior. Formally, the same rules applied to them, but opponents of the regime (as in many dictatorships) were often treated more strictly. Supervision by the public prosecutor’s office was mostly limited to formal questions. Compared to the 1950s, detention conditions improved until the era of Erich Honecker: assaults by the guards became less frequent and contacts with family were more often tolerated. However, after phases of liberalisation, the conditions of detention also tightened time and time again. Basically nothing changed in the degrading treatment and omnipresent regimentation. Compared to the early years, work assignments were even better organised, which led to an increased workload for the inmates. The surveillance measures of the State Security (Stasi), which employed many informers among the prison staff as well as among the inmates, were also perfected in the later years. As a form of “disruptive measures”, the secret police occasionally saw to it that the very persons who did not cooperate but appeared to be particularly “dangerous” to the secret police were thought of as informers. Concealing political persecution in this way was the result of a subtle regard for public opinion in the West, which had a comparatively strong impact on the penal system of the GDR. Another peculiarity was the ransom of political prisoners, which from 1963 led to the early release of an average of 1200 prisoners per year.
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Weber, William. "The 1784 Handel Commemoration as Political Ritual." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 1 (January 1989): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385925.
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Between May 26 and June 5, 1784, five concerts were given in Westminster Abbey and a West End entertainment palace to mark the death of George Frideric Handel twenty-five years before. The event became a legend in its own time. The scale of the commemoration festival of 1784 was unparalleled among musical events: 4,500 people gathered in the abbey to hear 525 performers render Handel's Messiah, and, as European Magazine put it, “so extraordinary a spectacle, we believe, never before solicited the public notice.” This novel festival to a German-born composer captured public attention all around the Western world but in Britain made Handel's music into a national tradition. The commemoration was indeed a political event. It came on the heels of constitutional crisis—the dispute over the authority of crown and Parliament, the Fox-North ministry of 1783, and the turbulent election of 1784. Nobody planned the commemoration for political reasons, but that is what it became, willy-nilly, celebrating the end of the crisis and the hope for a harmonious new order.The commemoration put in ritual form the culmination of the country's political development over the previous three decades. The new harmony seen in the grand event suggested the reunion of Tories with Whigs in government and the growth of a new political community—a kind of establishment—that, despite the conflict over the war and the constitution, was broad-bottomed in its inclusion of faction and opinion. Yet that does not mean that the commemoration was unanimously supported or was truly nonpartisan, any more than was this establishment itself.
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Kant, Neelam. "The changing nature of coalition governments." RESEARCH HUB International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 10, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53573/rhimrj.2023.v10n01.004.
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The way the public opinion is today, it has brought the direction of the coalition government. Earlier there was some kind of government in the states. Earlier Congress was the only important party. In the first election, alliance starts only in Kerala. Till 1970, the Congress alone was able to form governments in the states. The coalition government at the center comes in the form of Janata Party in 1977. Origin of coalition government: When a party wants to form a government, it participates. But when the rest of the political parties think that the party is not capable of forming the government, they form an alliance. They join when a political party does not get votes. The basic goal of a coalition is to come to power. Sometimes a party has to be thrown out of power. The beginning of coalition government starts in France, Italy, West Germany, Switzerland. The government there runs on this model, but the history of the joint government in the state and the center has not been very good. The history of the states in India has been different.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
जिस तरह से आज जनमत है वह गठबन्धन सरकार की दिशा लाया है। पहले राज्यों में कुछ इस तरह की ही सरकार थी। पहले कांग्रेस ही एक महत्वपूर्ण दल था। प्रथम चुनाव में सिर्फ केरल में ही गठबन्धन की शुरूआत होती है। 1970 तक राज्यों में कांग्रेस अकेले ही सरकार बनाने में सक्षम थी। केन्द्र में गठबन्धन सरकार 1977 में जनता पार्टी के रूप में आती है। सम्मिलित सरकार की उत्पत्ति एक पार्टी सरकार बनाना चाहती है तो वह सम्मिलित होती है। लेकिन जब बाकी राजनीतिक दल सोचते हैं कि पार्टी सरकार बनाने मंे सक्षम नहीं है तो वह गठबन्धन करते है। जब एक राजनीतिक दल को मत नहीं मिला तो वे सम्मिलित होते हैं। गठबन्धन का मूल लक्ष्य सत्ता में आना होता है। कभी-कभी किसी दल को सत्ता से बाहर करना भी होता है। गठबन्धन सरकार की शुरूआत फ्रांस, इटली, पश्चिमी जर्मनी, स्विट्जरलैण्ड में शुरू होती है। इसी माॅडल पर वहाँ सरकार चलती है लेकिन राज्य एवं केन्द्र में सम्मिलित सरकार का इतिहास ज्यादा अच्छा नहीं रहा है। भारत में राज्यों का इतिहास अलग रहा है।
Keywords: ए0पी0ए0, स्विटरजलैण्ड, मुख्यमंत्री, चै0 चरण सिंह, भाज़पा आदि।
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Dalton, Russell J. "Germany Transformed: Public Opinion and German Studies." German Studies Review 13 (1990): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431048.
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Munzert, Simon, and Paul C. Bauer. "Political Depolarization in German Public Opinion, 1980–2010." Political Science Research and Methods 1, no. 1 (June 2013): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.7.
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Little is known about political polarization in German public opinion. This article offers an issue-based perspective and explores trends of opinion polarization in Germany. Public opinion polarization is conceptualized and measured as alignment of attitudes. Data from the German General Social Survey (1980 to 2010) comprise attitudes towards manifold issues, which are classified into several dimensions. This study estimates multilevel models that reveal general and issue- as well as dimension-specific levels and trends in attitude alignment for both the whole German population and sub-groups. It finds that public opinion polarization has decreased over the last three decades in Germany. In particular, highly educated and more politically interested people have become less polarized over time. However, polarization seems to have increased in attitudes regarding gender issues. These findings provide interesting contrasts to existing research on the American public.
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Neumann, Hans L. "Popularizing Astronomy at Public Observatories in West Germany." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 105 (1990): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100087133.
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Based on the pedagogical ideas of A. Diesterweg, a number of science associations have been founded since about 1880 under the name of URANIA; astronomy has been one of their subjects. In the 1920–1930’s, the works of Bruno H. Bürgel and Robert Henseling initiated the founding of many more local and regional associations and of public observatories all over the country. But most of the currently active associations were founded to answer the sharp increase of general interest that followed the early successes and spectacular results of space science.- Aims of the associations always have been manyfold:- to share a fine hobby with like-minded people;- to participate theoretically or practically in scientific research as far as technical and local circumstances allow;- to offer to the public means and advice for celestial observations, and to share the joy of deep-sky wonders with guests;- to mediate the progress, and the results of astronomical research to the public.
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Welch, David. "Citizenship and Politics: The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction." Contemporary European History 6, no. 2 (July 1997): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.
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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opinion that it was German initiative and German financial contribution which helped to preserve it in its present form when a niggardly Treasury and a disastrously unimaginative Foreign Secretary threatened to abolish it. Its impact on German life and on the political elites of West Germany has been incalculable.
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Helmert, Uwe, Andreas Mielck, and Steven Shea. "Poverty and health in West Germany." Sozial- und Präventivmedizin SPM 42, no. 5 (September 1997): 276–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01592324.
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Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.
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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.
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Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.
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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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Franczak, Karol. "“Germany in ruins”. Framing new political movements in Germany in the Polish opinion-forming press." Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 15, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lpp-2019-0006.
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Abstract One of the main goals of contemporary media, along with the experts and professionals, who speak in them, has been to explain complex issues and provide the audience with clear descriptions of social reality. This is mostly achieved by the production of ideologically useful interpretative schemes that facilitate understanding of the issues present on the media agenda. An important strategy of shaping the public opinion in the way in which public affairs and the activity of social life participants is framed. Analyses of such practices have been conducted for over thirty years within various research approaches collectively referred to as framing analysis. This research provides several arguments helping one to develop a more critical perspective on the representations of social phenomena dominant in the media and discourses of symbolic elites (e.g. opinion writers, academics, experts, journalists, politicians), along with the analyses of the origin of such phenomena, moral judgements and preferred "corrective policies". One of the phenomena defined by the media in Europe as the most important one for the past several years, is the so-called "New Right". The aim of the paper is to analyse the interpretative schemes used by the journalists of four Polish opinion-forming weeklies and to describe the activity of its German manifestation – the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the Occident (Pegida) social movement and the Alternative for Germany party (AfD).
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Klar, R�diger, Udo M�ller, and J�rgen Schulte M�nting. "Medically inappropriate inpatient care in West Germany." Sozial- und Pr�ventivmedizin SPM 35, no. 6 (November 1990): 209–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01369088.
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Schumacher, Frank. "The Symbolic Confrontation : Visual Power and American Opinion management in West-Germany, 1949-1955." Cahiers Charles V 28, no. 1 (2000): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchav.2000.1257.
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Robel, Yvonne. "“Protest? Bollocks!” On Public Perceptions of Punk in West Germany." Moving the Social 66 (October 31, 2021): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.89-110.
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The article thematizes the phenomenon of punk as an example of “unconventional” and “unwelcomed” protest. It focuses on the public perception of West German punks from the late 1970s into the 1980s. In this early phase, punks caused confusion especially because of their alleged passivity. Their seeming rejection of a concept of being (politically) active was regarded as provocative, as the idea of “activity” largely dominated notions of legitimate political protest at that time. Punk was considered destructive and contentless, but non-political and as such “non-real” as a form of protest. Moreover, “experts” from the social sciences and pedagogy, politicians, and journalists interpreted the behaviour of the youth in social terms and responded to the “problem” with attempts to “understanding” and “help.” From their point of view too, Punks seemed to be unable to detect any political issues of their own or to fulfil notions of meaningful forms of protest. Using the example of punk perceptions, the article examines how collective knowledge about legitimate and proper forms of protest is negotiated through demarcations.