Journal articles on the topic 'Public contestation'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Public contestation.

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Public contestation.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Savenkov, Roman. "Public contestation practices in Russia in 2000–2020." Eastern Review 9 (December 30, 2020): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1427-9657.09.06.

Full text
Abstract:
The article analyzes the influence exerted by the limitation of legal opportunities for public contestation in the 2000s on the scope of mobilization and the repertoire of public contestation practices. The term ‘public contestation’ is used to describe forms of individual and collective political activity focused on criticizing, denying and resisting the current government project, including by introducing alternative projects. The public contestation includes constructive actions of political actors not related to causing damage or disposing of political opponents. The paper is based on political and legal analysis and on some elements of event analysis.In the 2000s, the scale of public contestation on discursive and protest platforms was smaller than over the next decade, which did not create any needs for detailed regulation of such activities. At the same time, changes in political and legal opportunities in the electoral and party field were quite intense throughout 2000–2020. The most popular forms of public contestation were public events (in 2011–2018), as well as discursive activity on the Internet and in mass media (after 2018). During the above mentioned period, we see the biggest changes in legal opportunities in this field and increasing penalties for respective violations. The electoral field shows the pendulum dynamics: decreasing and increasing opportunities in 2000–2011 and 2012–2019, respectively. A meaningful factor of narrowing legal opportunities for public contestation is the potential financial, organizational and information support of public contestation practices by foreign entities.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Muslehuddin, Muslehuddin muslehuddin. "CONTESTATION IN PUBLIC SPACES: LEGITIMACY IN EDUCATION IN MATARAM CITY." Jurnal Tatsqif 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/jtq.v20i2.6478.

Full text
Abstract:
The transformation of the movement in the new order period resulted the diverse variants and contestations in various lines of national and state life. These entities take on different roles in the several scopes such as political, social, cultural organizations and many other focuses in the field of education. This research uses a qualitative research approach carried out in Mataram City, Indonesia. The results of the study illustrate that Mataram City as a cultural locomotive with cultural, ethnic and tribal variations that is able to practice religious rituals and ideologies assisted by various elements of fertility dimension including the existence of various mass organizations such as Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah and Salafi which exist in Mataram City. The growing form of religious ideology is encompassed in the family of ahlussunnah waljamaah, between non-sunni subordinates and the same religious Minhaj. The formulation of contestation competes for the space of identity and the pluralization of sunni. In practice, the form of contestation is carried out by strengthening the community of Educational Institutions, prominence of symbols, mass media, as well as spreading the halaqoh and recitation.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Monsees, Linda. "Public relations: Theorizing the contestation of security technology." Security Dialogue 50, no. 6 (September 18, 2019): 531–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619870364.

Full text
Abstract:
This article contributes to the emerging literature on publics within critical security studies. Its particular focus is on contestation in the context of diffuse security technology. Contemporary security practices are characterized by diffusion and dispersion. As a result, contestation of security technology is also dispersed and diffuse and requires an account of publics that is sensitive to this aspect. The article conceptualizes ‘multiple publics’ as a mode of fundamental contestation of established political institutions. In order to do so, it discusses previous approaches to sociotechnical controversies and material participation. As a result of this discussion, it becomes apparent that we need a concept of publics that does not reduce political contestation to a pre-existing set of institutions. I develop a notion of publicness that emphasizes the way in which publics are embedded in societal struggles. This is achieved by reading John Dewey as a theorist to whom contestation is a vital part of democracy. It becomes possible to understand contestation against diffuse security practices – such as surveillance – as forms of emerging publics, even though they might not feed back into governmental decisionmaking.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Weale, Albert. "Between consensus and contestation." Journal of Health Organization and Management 30, no. 5 (August 15, 2016): 786–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhom-03-2016-0040.

Full text
Abstract:
Purpose – Noting that discussions of public participation and priority setting typically presuppose certain political theories of democracy, the purpose of this paper is to discuss two theories: the consensual and the agonistic. The distinction is illuminating when considering the difference between institutionalized public participation and contestatory participation. Design/methodology/approach – The approach is a theoretical reconstruction of two ways of thinking about public participation in relation to priority setting in health care, drawing on the work of Habermas, a deliberative theorist, and Mouffe, a theorist of agonism. Findings – The different theoretical approaches can be associated with different ways of understanding priority setting. In particular, agonistic democratic theory would understand priority setting as system of inclusions and exclusions rather than the determination of a consensus of social values, which is the typical deliberative way of thinking about the issues. Originality/value – The paper shows the value of drawing out explicitly the tacit assumptions of practices of political participation in order to reveal their scope and limitations. It suggests that making such theoretical presuppositions explicit has value for health services management in recognizing these implicit choices.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Alons, Gerry. "The advantage of paradigmatic contestation in shaping and selling public policies." Journal of Public Policy 40, no. 4 (March 28, 2019): 651–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x19000060.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractWhile contestation between competing policy paradigms is usually considered to hamper the policy-making process, this article develops an argument explaining how paradigmatic contestation can also help policymakers obtain their preferred policies. Based on a typology of three paradigm situations – paradigm dominance, paradigmatic contestation and paradigm mixes – this article introduces three different types of strategies (paradigm stretching, banking on inconsistencies and commensurability framing) and explains why more strategies become available when a policy field moves from a situation of paradigmatic dominance to one of contestation and paradigm mixes. An analysis of the introduction and development of direct income payments in the European Union’s Common Agricultural Policy, subsequently illustrates how a shift in paradigm situation affected the European Commission’s discursive strategies and shaped the development of direct payments through consecutive reforms. Reflecting on sectoral and institutional variations, the article also discusses the applicability of these findings to other institutional settings and policy fields.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Haque Khondker, Habibul. "Dhaka and the contestation over the public space." City 13, no. 1 (March 2009): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604810902726343.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Rahmadani, D., H. Setiadi, and T. Nurlambang. "Political contestation of public space on local community." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1089, no. 1 (November 1, 2022): 012056. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1089/1/012056.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract Contestation of public space is now used as further option due to the lack of land availability caused by the increasing demand for space. The presence of a public space provides various benefits for social, economic and political lives in society. Politics in this study is about power in the micro-scale formed by local actors. The space is used by local actors who have certain interest which cause a conflict of space or contestation for the existence of social identity. Banjir Kanal Timur (BKT) is one of the public space that is contested by several actors such as government, street vendor and ruler figures. The purpose of this research is to see how local actors use results from space contestation for their interests’, especially in maintaining social identity from existence, extending their territory, and exploiting available resources. This is a qualitative research which use field observations, in-depth interview, and description analysis. The results show that political space in Banjir Kanal Timur not only marked from the activities and matters but also communication. This condition gives birth to negotiation, space formation, and deals in it. Banjir Kanal Timur divided into several zones that have their rulers. These zones are marked by signs such as installing banners, pegging with community flags, and also establishing posts and large meeting place in the area
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Qodir, Zuly. "Public sphere contestation: configuration of political Islam in contemporary Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v1i1.123-149.

Full text
Abstract:
<p>Argument in this paper draws upon Habermasian understanding of the distinction<br />between private and public sphere. Public sphere is understood as open<br />space that various social and cultural forces seek to define and occupy by ways of<br />rational interests and public reason. Such attempts take place on daily basis and<br />taken by groups of different backgrounds and interests. Private sphere, in contrast,<br />is conceived of as having domestic or individual characteristics and, more<br />or less, non-political. It is within this framework that the continuing presence of<br />multiple variants of political Islam in Indonesia has been a manifestation of contestation<br />over public sphere. Diverse variants of Indonesian political Islam reveal<br />the difference between actors and issues in the dynamics of their contention.<br />However, evidence makes clear that variants of both political and popular Islam<br />have been more dominant than other Islamic variants such progressive and neotraditionalist<br />Islam. This study argues that mode of Islamic articulations in Indonesia<br />is now more diverse as the it has developed not only in the articulatory<br />forms of modernist, revivalist and traditionalist but also progressive, neo-traditionalist<br />and popular Islam.</p><p>Tulisan ini didasarkan pada kerangka ruang publik Jurgen Hubermas yang<br />membedakan ruang privat dan ruang politik (publik). Ruang publik merupakan<br />ruang yang terbuka untuk diperebutkan oleh siapa pun dan kapan pun. Sementara<br />ruang privat merupakan ruang yang bersifat domestic (individual) tidak berdimensi<br />politik secara dominan. Dalam persepktif semacam itu, hadirnya varian-varian<br />Islam Indonesia merupakan bentuk kontestasi atas ruang publik yang terbuka<br />untuk siapapun. Dari varian-varian Islam Indonesia, ada perbedaan aktor dan<br />isu yang dikembangkan dalam kontestasi publik. Hanya saja kontestasi varian<br />Islam politik dan popular mendapatkan ruang lebih dominan ketimbang varian<br />Islam lain seperti progresif atau neo-tradisionalisme. Kajian ini menunjukkan<br />bahwa Islam Indonesia tengah mengalami perkembangan format artikulasi yang<br />sangat beragam. Islam Indonesia tidak hanya berkembang dalam format<br />modernis, revivalis, tradisionalisme, tetapi sekaligus progresif, neo-tradisionalis<br />dan popular Islam.</p><p> </p>
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Sujoko, Anang. "Political Rhetoric of East Java’s Governor and Deputy Governor Candidates." Jurnal ASPIKOM 6, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/aspikom.v6i1.847.

Full text
Abstract:
Public debate is one of the stages in a General Election determined by the Commission of Election (KPU) to present the vision, missions, ideas, and programs of prospective leaders to the public. Political rhetoric is a specific study on how political actors try to persuade or attract public voters’ sympathy. This study aimed to reveal Governor and Deputy Governor candidates’ rhetoric in the 2018 East Java Public Debate, using an interpretative qualitative research method with political rhetorical analysis from Finlayson. This study used documentation techniques of the broadcasted recording of Public Debate I, II, and III by TVRI Surabaya and JTV Surabaya for the data collection. The study results indicated that the two candidates for Governor and Deputy Governor of East Java in 2018 had their respective political rhetoric strategies in persuading prospective voters when the Public Debate took place, started from the context contestation; candidate character in rhetoric; contestation perception; and ideological contestation.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Spicer, Michael W. "What Do We Mean by Democracy? Reflections on an Essentially Contested Concept and Its Relationship to Politics and Public Administration." Administration & Society 51, no. 5 (July 24, 2018): 724–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399718786881.

Full text
Abstract:
This article argues that democracy is an essentially contested concept in that its meaning and applications appear to be subject to endless contestation, but that the origins of such contestation are to be found in our political practices rather than in the concept per se. It is also argued that the idea of contestation itself is an important part of our own historically situated understanding of democracy. The implications of these arguments for how public administration scholars should think about democracy and constitutionalism are examined.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
11

Cassegård, Carl. "Contestation and Bracketing: The Relation between Public Space and the Public Sphere." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 32, no. 4 (January 2014): 689–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d13011p.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
12

Jelinčić, Daniela Angelina, and James K. Reap. "Contested Heritage or Cancel Culture? The Case of Ivan Meštrović’s Public Sculptures in Chicago." Heritage 5, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 2732–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage5030142.

Full text
Abstract:
Social conflicts and political pressures represent a specific man-made hazard for heritage protection and result in contested heritage. One of the recent cases, Equestrian Indians publicly displayed in Chicago, was the subject of contestation following the Black Lives Matter protests. The aim of this paper was to critically assess heritage contestation in this case study, also demonstrating other factors influencing heritage contestation than those so far detected in theory, and to find possible coping strategies. Qualitative mixed methods were applied: desk research, critical instance case study, and unstructured interviews. Analysis was completed in line with four theories (international relations theory, collective memory theory, social movement theory and cancel culture) and the results showed: (a) that the case had no greater effect on international relations of the USA and Croatia; (b) a new type of dissonance: a reversed contestation based on a distorted narrative; (c) illusory resistance in the social movement theory; (d) a new theory termed “cancel heritage”, denoting the cancel culture features a spill-over to a collective memory. Possible coping strategies for heritage protection point to the need for a more nuanced participatory approach while forgetting, but possibly the most effective method leading to a collective psychological liberation is hardly achievable.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
13

Savenkov, Roman V. "The Changes of Forms of Public Contestation in PostDemocracy." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-1-134-143.

Full text
Abstract:
The paper discusses the main trends in changing forms of political contestation of citizens in contemporary competitive and non-competitive political regimes. Social transformations led to the destruction of traditional social groups capable of joint political action. Along with social changes in the political sphere, the nature of the basic institution of political contestation - political parties - has changed, acting as political opposition. Contemporary political party reduces the scale of citizen involvement in political action, increasing the cost of political advertising, thereby becoming dependent on influential economic interest groups and state funding. The weakening of the political pressure of society through institutionalized channels led to the disappointment of the democratic system as a whole. Citizens in the contemporary world increasingly prefer noninstitutionalized and illegitimate forms of political action. However, observations of dispute practices in North Africa, the Middle East, Spain, the United States, France, and Russia in the 2010s demonstrate that the dominant position of institutional channels of influence on political and public decisions has been maintained. New opportunities of the Internet for organizing collective actions of citizens have not led to the formation of a new identity of dissatisfied people and the consolidation of effective online deliberation practices.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
14

Flock, Ryanne. "Panhandling and the Contestation of Public Space in Guangzhou." China Perspectives 2014, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.6449.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
15

Majastre, Christophe. "The Struggle for EU Legitimacy. Public Contestation, 1950-2005." Politique européenne 42, no. 4 (2013): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.042.0160.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
16

Seal, Lizzie. "Ruth Ellis and Public Contestation of the Death Penalty." Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 50, no. 5 (November 11, 2011): 492–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2311.2011.00691.x.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
17

Power, Emma R., Dallas Rogers, and Justin Kadi. "Public housing and COVID-19: contestation, challenge and change." International Journal of Housing Policy 20, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19491247.2020.1797991.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
18

Davies, Bill. "The Struggle for EU Legitimacy: Public Contestation, 1950–2005." West European Politics 38, no. 1 (October 22, 2014): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.962826.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
19

Cottle, Simon. "The production of news formats: determinants of mediated public contestation." Media, Culture & Society 17, no. 2 (April 1995): 275–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344395017002007.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
20

Sun, Wanning. "Public intimacy: Contestation over young Chinese rural migrants’ love life." Communication and the Public 1, no. 2 (May 4, 2016): 263–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047316648663.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
21

Moschella, Manuela, Luca Pinto, and Nicola Martocchia Diodati. "Let's speak more? How the ECB responds to public contestation." Journal of European Public Policy 27, no. 3 (February 25, 2020): 400–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2020.1712457.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
22

Girard, Charles. "Making democratic contestation possible: public deliberation and mass media regulation." Policy Studies 36, no. 3 (May 4, 2015): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2015.1065968.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
23

Girard, Charles. "Instituer l’espace de la contestation : la compétence du peuple et la régulation des médias." Articles 40, no. 2 (March 10, 2014): 399–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1023703ar.

Full text
Abstract:
Si la démocratie doit être comprise comme le gouvernement du peuple par et pour le peuple, il faut que le jugement populaire soit compétent : les procédures décisionnelles doivent pouvoir être à la fois inclusives et efficaces. Cet article considère l’une des conditions de la compétence du peuple : l’existence d’un espace public propice à la contestation publique des décisions politiques. En confrontant les paradigmes contestataire (Pettit) et épistémique (Cohen, Estlund) de la démocratie, il montre d’abord que la contestabilité ne peut fonder la légitimité démocratique des décisions que si la contestation populaire passe notamment par l’espace public médiatisé. Il établit ensuite qu’il est irréaliste d’attendre que les actions des agents médiatiques produisent spontanément un contexte adéquat à la délibération pour peu que la liberté d’expression et le pluralisme des médias soient protégés juridiquement, comme le suggèrent certaines approches (Page). Il conclut enfin que l’espace public de la contestation doit être institué, ce qui suppose une régulation adéquate des médias, qui peut puiser dans les ressources offertes par l’éthique journalistique, la critique sociale et le droit de la communication.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
24

Hobolt, Sara B., and Toni Rodon. "Domestic contestation of the European Union." Journal of European Public Policy 27, no. 2 (January 30, 2020): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2019.1701066.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
25

Ringel, Leopold. "Challenging Valuations: How Rankings Navigate Contestation." Zeitschrift für Soziologie 50, no. 5 (November 26, 2021): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfsoz-2021-0020.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract Accounts of why rankings are pervasive features of the modern world focus mostly on their properties as valuation devices that, upon entering the public sphere, exert pressure on the ranked. In doing so, however, research tends to overlook the important role played by the different types of organizations that produce rankings. To remedy this, the article draws from a qualitative study consisting of semi-structured interviews with members of these organizations to show that they put a great deal of effort into addressing and responding to different kinds of criticism. Working towards building and maintaining the credibility of rankings is thus revealed to require constant attention by their producers, who devise multiple procedures and rhetorical strategies to this end.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
26

Kumm, Mattias. "The Idea of Socratic Contestation and the Right to Justification: The Point of Rights-Based Proportionality Review." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 4, no. 2 (September 30, 2010): 142–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1047.

Full text
Abstract:
The institutionalization of a rights-based proportionality review shares a number of salient features and puzzles with the practice of contestation that the Socrates of the early Platonic dialogues became famous for. Understanding the point of Socratic contestation, and its role in a democratic polity, is also the key to understanding the point of proportionality based rights review. To begin with, when judges decide cases within the proportionality framework they do not primarily interpret authority. They assess reasons. Not surprisingly, they, like Socrates, have been prone to the charge that they offend the values and traditions of the community.The article discusses four types of pathologies that occasionally infect democratic decision-making that rights-based proportionality review is particularly suited to identify. But more basic and equally important is a second kind of justification: Proportionality-based judicial review institutionalizes a right to contest the acts of public authorities and demand a public reasons-based justification. Having a legal remedy that allows for the contestation of acts by public authorities before an impartial and independent court and demanding its justification in terms of public reason is as basic a commitment of liberal democracy as the right to vote. The real question is not whether judicial review is democratically legitimate, but how judicial institutions ought to be structured to best serve their democracy-enhancing and rights protecting purpose. If Socrates was right to insist that the practice of contestation he engaged in deserves the highest praise in a democratic polity, it is equally true that a well structured and appropriately embedded court engaged in rights based proportionality review deserves to be embraced as a vital element of liberal constitutional democracy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
27

Heidelberg, Roy L. "Political Accountability and Spaces of Contestation." Administration & Society 49, no. 10 (April 14, 2015): 1379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715581033.

Full text
Abstract:
The concept of accountability is defined based on a technical apparatus of rules. The prevailing conception, as described by Dubnick and Frederickson, focuses on control and consequence. They divide the concept into pre factum and post factum arenas, the former encompassing rules of control and the latter, consequences for the violation of rules. This two-dimensional view of accountability neglects the moment of decision and action, which might be referred to as the per factum dimension. Introducing this added dimension to accountability highlights the political quality of the concept by drawing attention to practices and opportunities for contestation.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
28

Charalambous, Giorgos, Nicolò Conti, and Andrea Pedrazzani. "The political contestation of European integration in Southern Europe." Party Politics 24, no. 1 (January 2018): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817740756.

Full text
Abstract:
The ways in which political actors form positions on European integration in the face of exogenous shocks, such as the financial crisis that spilled over to the Eurozone countries, have become a key question in studies of politics in Europe. In the article, we show that party system polarization over European integration has increased during the crisis, but only with respect to the parties’ public stance. Instead, the crisis does not appear to pose a real threat to the consensus on the European Union among party elites serving in public office, which remains almost as strong as before. Hence, a so far unconsidered consequence of the crisis may concern a mounting tension inside political parties, between a leadership that is more sensitive to popular pressures and to Euroscepticism and public office holders that reiterate the traditional elite consensus on Europe.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
29

C. Ihejirika, Walter. "AUTORITA’ AND AUTOREVOLEZZA: EXPLAINING CONTESTATIONS BETWEEN POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS LEADERS IN THE AGE OF THE NEW MEDIA." RELIGION, MEDIA AND POLITICS IN AFRICA 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0501017i.

Full text
Abstract:
In many African countries, since the nineties, there is a subtle contest going on between religious and political leaders. At the heart of this contest is what Rosalind Hackett described as the redefinition of the categories of power and status, which cease to be primarily tied to material wealth or political connection, but rather to spiritual authority and revelation. This is a struggle for the hegemonic control of the society in the Gramscian sense of the term. While political leaders may use the coercive arms of the state – military might as well as their control of the financial resources of the state to impose their authority, religious leaders on the other hand assume the posture of moral icons, personalities endowed with superior knowledge based on divine revelation. As these contestations are played out in the public sphere, the way the leaders are able to portray themselves to their public will determine their followership. This explains the importance of mediation in the process of politico-religious contestations. In the eyes of the public, political leaders have the physical or raw power - the Italian concept of autorita; while the religious leaders have the moral power - autorevolezza. This paper uses these concepts as metaphors to present a general explanation of how the contestation between religious and political leaders plays out in the public sphere of the new media
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
30

Valiverronen, Esa, Salla-Maaria Laaksonen, Mikko Jauho, and Piia Jallinoja. "Liberalists and data-solutionists: redefining expertise in Twitter debates on coronavirus in Finland." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 05 (September 30, 2020): A10. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19050210.

Full text
Abstract:
Based on recent accounts of the sociology of expertise, we analyse the public contestation and expansion of expertise in the context of COVID-19. During the epidemic, the expertise of the Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare (THL), became increasingly contested. By exploring Twitter discussions concerning the actions of THL during the first months of the epidemic from January to mid-June 2020, we analyse the main motivations and arguments in this public contestation as well as the alternative forms of expertise proposed by the critics. We focus particularly on two forms of criticism arguing for what we call networked expertise: liberal crowdsourcing supporters and data-solutionists presenting alternative epidemiological models.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
31

Herdi Sahrasad. "Perang Wacana Islam Liberal Versus Islam Fundamental." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 3, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v3i1.67.

Full text
Abstract:
One of the new phenomenon in religious discourse in Indonesia is the discourse war between liberal Islam versus fundamental Islam. The birth of Liberal Islam has attracted response from fundamental Islam in which the latter use oftenly a hard, crude and rouge language to corner the liberal muslim. This article try to trace back the wrestle and contestation between liberal and fundamental muslim in public sphere to snatch away structure of political opportunity. Whether or not this contestation continues, to some extent this depend on the liberal and fundamental muslim themselves in spreading their influence and teaching in the grassroot level and public sphere.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
32

Gunn, Geoffrey C. "Cambodia's Neoliberal Order: Violence, Authoritarianism, and the Contestation of Public Space." Journal of Contemporary Asia 43, no. 1 (February 2013): 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2012.722815.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
33

Khamis, Sahar. "The Online Public Sphere in the Gulf: Contestation, Creativity, and Change." Review of Middle East Studies 53, no. 2 (November 26, 2019): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.41.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractThis introductory essay sets the stage for this special issue, which explores how online media has changed the Arabian Gulf region's politics, economies, and social norms.2 It provides an overview of the most important themes, arguments, and findings tackled in the four essays in this issue, as well as the intersections, overlaps, and divergences emerging from, and between, them. In doing so, it explains how the similarities and differences, as well as the most significant underlying themes, emerging from these four essays further our understanding of the online public sphere in the Gulf region as a space for contestation, creativity, and change. This introductory essay identifies three important, and overlapping, themes found in this special issue: techno-euphoria, cyberwars, and the public sphere. It concludes by proposing possible next steps and future research on the important, yet understudied, links between the online public sphere and the sociopolitical environment of the Gulf.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
34

Nguyen Long, Le Anh, Megan Foster, and Gwen Arnold. "The impact of stakeholder engagement on local policy decision making." Policy Sciences 52, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11077-019-09357-z.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract We investigate how grassroots stakeholder engagement in municipal meetings shapes the decision making of local elected officials (LEOs) by examining the choices LEOs in New York State made on how to regulate high-volume hydraulic fracturing (HVHF) or fracking. We analyzed the content of 216 meeting minutes and 18 policy documents for 13 municipalities in New York. Our observations suggest that government responsiveness to local activism is shaped by the level of contestation between grassroots stakeholders. They reveal that contestation among grassroots stakeholders encourages LEOs to try to deflect responsibility for regulating fracking. When this contestation is high, LEOs tend to pursue actions which may limit but not prohibit HVHF within their jurisdiction. In contrast, when there is no contestation, LEOs more actively pursue substantive policy actions that prohibit HVHF. Generally, we find that that the level of contestation among grassroots stakeholders about HVHF impacts the political actions LEOs take.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
35

Hobolt, Sara B., and Christopher Wratil. "Contestation and responsiveness in EU Council deliberations." Journal of European Public Policy 27, no. 3 (February 25, 2020): 362–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2020.1712454.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
36

Fredette, Jennifer. "Becoming a Threat: The Burqa and the Contestation Over Public Morality Law in France." Law & Social Inquiry 40, no. 03 (2015): 585–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12101.

Full text
Abstract:
Through an examination of legislative debate and court opinions, this article illustrates that the French understanding of public order policing as a bulwark of freedom and national sovereignty deeply informed the development of (and contestation surrounding) the 2010 ban on all facial coverings in public. This ban notably includes the burqa or niqab, garments worn by a small minority of Muslim women in France. This article has two aims. The first is to expand on the sociolegal argument about the contested nature of rights protections and constitutional constraints on legislative authority by highlighting how a nation's legal culture can profoundly shape that contestation. The second aim of this article is to show, through a technique called legal archaeology, how longstanding French views on rights confront current European‐inspired alternative views that would give more weight to individualistic protections against state action than has traditionally been the case in France.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
37

Jubba, Hasse, Irwan Abdullah, Mustaqim Pabbajah, Suparto Iribaram, Saifuddin Zuhri, and Zuly Qodir. "THE DISPLAY OF RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS IN PUBLIC SPACE: THE CONTESTATION OF MUSLIM AND CHRISTIAN IDENTITIES IN JAYAPURA, PAPUA." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 1 (February 11, 2020): 642–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8177.

Full text
Abstract:
Purpose of the study: This study seeks to show that religious contestation in Jayapura, as apparent through the widespread use of religious symbols in the city, is not only a form of resistance against other faiths but also reflective of historical apprehensiveness. Studies on Muslim-Christian relations tend to deny the historical perspective by giving more attention to economic and political factors. Methodology: As the basis of its analysis, this study uses visual data in the form of photographs. Further data was collected from informants through unstructured interviews. Using a phenomenological approach, data were analyzed to ascertain the meaning of the studied phenomenon. Main Findings: This study shows that religious contestation in Papua, as manifested in public religious symbols, is not only a form of resistance against other faiths but also a continuation of unresolved interfaith tensions. Applications of this study: Knowledge of the interfaith contestation, as manifested through the public display of religious symbols, is of paramount importance in creating a spatial planning policy that accommodates a multiethnic and multireligious society. Novelty/Originality of this study: While previous studies have tended to show the causes of interfaith conflict, often by emphasizing religious differences, this study finds a shared space that offers an opportunity for religious accommodation and the resolution of interfaith tensions.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
38

Rosenberg, Jonathan. "Transnational Advocacy and the Politics of Sustainable Development in a Small Island Developing State: An Uncertain Future for the Grenada Dove." Journal of Environment & Development 27, no. 2 (February 8, 2018): 236–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496518756163.

Full text
Abstract:
This article presents a qualitative case study of a transnational activist network (TAN) to protect the endangered Grenada Dove that achieved measurable success in the 1990s and then reformed in the 2000s when a planned resort complex and new law allowing the privatization of public lands renewed threats to the dove habitat. Unlike many of the success stories of TAN influence, this case questions the long-term efficacy of TANs engaged in political contestation over biodiversity conservation in small, economically dependent democracies. Findings suggest that when TANs participate directly in political contestation over national development policy, they do amplify the voices of local activists but lose influence and cohesion when engaged in domestic-level political contestation against alliances of elected officials and transnational corporations, especially when powerful and popular politicians, responding to exogenous economic shocks, link their “sustainable” development priorities to foreign direct investment and competitiveness in global markets.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
39

Akmaliah, Wahyudi. "The Demise of Moderate Islam: new media, contestation, and reclaiming religious authorities." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 10, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v10i1.1-24.

Full text
Abstract:
The landscape of the Indonesian public sphere amidst the rise of new media has opened both opportunities and threats dealing with Islamic teaching. This condition shapes a danger for the two largest of moderate Muslim Organisations (Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama/NU), in which they do not engage a lot of this development of the digital platform. Consequently, dealing with religious issues, their voices become voiceless. By employing desk research through some relevant references and collecting information from social media, specifically Instagram and Youtube, this article examines the role of the Islamic organization of moderate Islam in the rapid of the digital platform as the new of the public sphere. The article finds that they have difference respond to dealing with the presence of the new religious authorities. In comparison, while Muhammadiyah is more accepting of them calmly, NU is more reactively in responding.Lanskap ruang publik Indonesia di tengah muncunya media sosial membuka kesempatan sekaligus ancaman terkait dengan dakwah Islam. Hal itu merupakan ancaman bagi dua organisasi besar Moderat Islam di Indonesia (Muhammadiyah dan NU), di mana mereka menjadi kelompok minoritas dalam aktivitas dakwah online. Akibatnya, berkaitan dengan issu-isu keagamaan, suara mereka menjadi tidak terdengar/didengarkan. Dengan melakukan riset studi literatur yang relevan dan informasi yang didapatkan dari akun media sosial, khususnya Instagram dan Youtube, artikel ini menjelaskan peranan organisasi Islam moderat di tengah cepatnya platform digital di ruang publik. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Muhammadiyah dan NU memiliki respon yang berbeda terkait dengan kehadiran otoritas keagamaan baru. Sebagai perbandingan, penerimaan Muhammadiyah terhadap kehadiran mereka terlebih lebih biasa ketimbang dengan NU yang reactif.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
40

Yadav, Stacey Philbrick. "Understanding “What Islamists Want:” Public Debate and Contestation in Lebanon and Yemen." Middle East Journal 64, no. 2 (April 15, 2010): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/64.2.12.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
41

Boskovic, Olivera. "Précisions sur la contestation par le ministère public d’une déclaration de nationalité." Revue critique de droit international privé N° 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rcdip.162.0331.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
42

Sen, Sarbani. "The ‘Public Interest’ in India: Contestation and Confrontation before the Supreme Court." Diogenes 60, no. 3-4 (November 2013): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0392192115589509.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
43

Gough, Paul, and Sally J. Morgan. "‘A Faux Cenotaph’: Guerilla Interventions and the Contestation of Rhetorical Public Space." Journal of War & Culture Studies 6, no. 1 (February 2013): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1752627212z.0000000007.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
44

Osterberg-Kaufmann, Norma. "Book Review: Europe: The Struggle for EU Legitimacy: Public Contestation, 1950–2005." Political Studies Review 13, no. 3 (July 7, 2015): 453–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12100_98.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
45

Fraser, Neil. "The contestation for, and management of, public places in Johannesburg, South Africa." Journal of Place Management and Development 1, no. 2 (July 25, 2008): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17538330810890004.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
46

Marcant, Olivier. "Le débat public Charlas : scène dramatique entre concertation institutionnelle et contestation associative." Sud-Ouest européen 20, no. 1 (2005): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rgpso.2005.2902.

Full text
Abstract:
El debate publico Charlas : dramática oposición entre la concertación institucional y protesta asociativa. A fines de 2003, un proyecto de embalse en la cuenca del Garona dio lugar a un primer debate público organizado por la Comisión Nacional del Debate Público sobre el tema de la gestión del agua. Este nuevo proceso no ha logrado mejores resultados que las concertaciones ya llevadas a cabo con los diferentes actores con el fin de reducir las oposiciones a dicho proyecto. Un análisis de los debates - de los participantes y de sus intervenciones- evidencia que lo determinante, más que la inserción en la política del agua a escala local, es lo que cada actor aporta y sus objetivos repectivos. Tal instrumentalización del debate es el precio a pagar para construir una « democracia del agua ».
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
47

Budiyanti, Syamsu, Hotman M. Siahaan, and Kris Nugroho. "Contesting space and power: Rethinking Habermas’s public sphere on the Madurese paternalistic ideology." Simulacra 5, no. 1 (June 24, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v5i1.12218.

Full text
Abstract:
The public sphere is not always what Jürgen Habermas imagines, which is inclusive, egalitarian and pressure-free. In the Madurese paternalistic constellation, the dominations of power over the contestation of public opinion and action become prominent in the relationship between participants/actors. A meeting between different interests causes this contestation. The struggle for influence is also shown by the dominance of ‘capital’ or resources. In Madura, Kiai are considered to have ‘charismatic’ symbolic capital related to the historical and cultural aspects of the Madurese ethnicity. This makes the figure of Kiai (along with Blater as a twin regime) become the center of consensus-making in a paternalistic public discussion. This phenomenological qualitative research becomes interesting when the world view of the local community is connected with Habermas’ perspective through the idea of European version of the bourgeois public sphere, which is considered not applicable to the local genius Madurese realm. The arena of public sphere in the Tanean Lanjhang pattern and the existence of ‘langgar’ (mosque) in the social community rejects the characterization of Habermas and brings a new definition of Madurese paternalistic public sphere, which is hegemony-mutualistic, as one of the richness of Indonesian cultural patterns.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
48

Samsul, Samsul, and Zuli Qodir. "Politics of the Nobility: The Study of Growing Capital Andi in the Mayor`s Election of Palopo 2013-2018." JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 9, no. 1 (June 17, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v9i1.3412.

Full text
Abstract:
The purpose of this research is to find out what causes the weakening of the capital of Andi's nobility in Palopo City in the selection of candidates for mayor and what is the role of Andi's nobility in political contestation. This type of research is descriptive qualitative. The results showed that the capital owned by Andi's aristocracy in Palopo City was. First, the social capital built by Andi's nobility had not been carried out in a structured way from relations with the general public, community leaders, with community organizations, to officials in the bureaucracy and most importantly, Political parties. Second, economic capital is an important thing that used in the Mayor Election contestation in the City of Palopo, Bangsawan Andi figure who escaped as a candidate for mayor does not yet have sufficient capital in terms of funds. Third, the cultural capital owned by Bangsawan Andi, who escaped as a candidate for mayor, still lacked a high bargaining value in political contestation in Palopo City. Fourth, the Symbolic Capital is a capital that sufficiently calculated in the mayor election dispute in Palopo City, namely the title of nobility obtained from the blood of the descendants of the Luwu kings, only it must be accompanied by other capital to elected in political contestation.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
49

Kerta Adhi, Made. "The Cultural Ideological Contestation in National Examination." SHS Web of Conferences 42 (2018): 00053. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20184200053.

Full text
Abstract:
The purpose of this research was to find out the forms and the factors leading to the contestation of cultural ideology in National Examination. This research utilized Qualitative Research method and the approach of Cultural Studies. Based on the analysis, it was found that the forms of ideological contestation, specifically, centralistic, prioritizing on the result of cognitive domain, and imaging. The factors which caused consisted of political of education, state policies, and socio-cultural. The implications of this research were (1) There was shifting of educational values into capitalism, (2) The meaning of learning became limited in which it was just purposed at facing National Examination, (3) Educational services have shifted from humanist public services to commodification of education, with the result that honesty was marginalized. Eventhough the government has developed sophisticated system and very tight supervision, if the character of the subjects are not formed and cultured, accordingly, the National Examination stated honest and achievement oriented will be just a slogan. Therefore, the education system needs to be improved. The education paradigm which is more emphasized on the increasing of intellectual intelligence by multiple choice tests and scores needs to be deconstructed by adjusting with Indonesian cultural values based on “Pancasila” as ideological foundation and developing character education to the children from early age.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
50

Chamberlain, Lisa, and Gina Snyman. "Lawyering protest - critique and creativity: Where to from here in the public interest legal sector?" South African Crime Quarterly, no. 62 (December 13, 2017): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2017/v0n62a3059.

Full text
Abstract:
Frequent protests, arising from a diversity of motivations, are a feature of the South African landscape. Despite the right to protest being entrenched in section 17 of the Constitution, it is under threat, and communities seeking to protest increasingly risk criminalisation. This article identifies some of the emerging themes in the protest landscape and the way the right to protest is being suppressed. Four dominant themes are highlighted through the lens of the experiences of the public interest legal sector: the conflation of notification and permission; heavy-handed state responses to protests; the abuse of bail procedures; and the use of interdicts. Law has become at least one of the sites of contestation in the protest arena. The political space held open by the existence of the right to protest is thus closing as a result of violations of this right. It is therefore both useful and necessary to interrogate the role of lawyers in such contestation. This article also examines the context and nature of the public interest legal sector’s response to these emerging themes.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography