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1
Minkov, Zhivko. "Attitudes towards Democracy in Bulgaria: The Importance of Social Inequalities." English Studies at NBU 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/esnbu.19.2.8.
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This research is an attempt to examine the developmental relationship between democracy and the socioeconomic conditions in Bulgaria. The assumption is that one of the factors contributing to the negative attitude towards democracy in Bulgaria is the high level of social inequality. After discussing the relevance of studying democracy and socioeconomic conditions from a developmental perspective, the paper traces the socioeconomic development of Bulgaria from 1989 to date and examines public perceptions of social inequality in the country. The research has not revealed any overall negative public attitude towards democracy in Bulgaria. However, the findings have demonstrated a clear tendency for the public support for democracy to decline reflecting the growth of social inequality.
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PIETSCH, JULIET, and MARSHALL CLARK. "Critical Citizens: Attitudes towards Democracy in Indonesia and Malaysia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 2 (April 24, 2015): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000031.
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AbstractIn recent years much has been said about how new democracies are backsliding or have regressed since the turn of the century when hope and optimism about the future spread of democracy was widespread. However, ideas that democracy would spread were based on institutional and governance indicators rather than from the perspective of everyday citizens. When we look at public attitudes towards democracy during this period, we can see that such optimism was perhaps misplaced or premature. Drawing on findings from the AsiaBarometer and the World Values Survey, this research finds that public attitudes during this time were not overly convinced by democracy and certainly not yet satisfied with their government's performance in terms of providing basic democratic freedoms and independence.
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Kim, Haklin, and Sookyeong Hwang. "Who Are Willing to Participate in Public Deliberation?: Stealth Democracy vs Sunshine Democracy." Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 18, no. 7 (July 31, 2022): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/crisisonomy.2022.18.7.151.
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The public deliberation is emerging as a solution to social conflicts over policy issues in Korea. This study notes that the actual participation of citizens depends on the individual’s willingness to participate, and analyzes the factors that determine participation in public deliberation. In particular, we explore how citizens’ attitudes toward democracy (stealth democracy vs. sunshine democracy) affect their willingness to participate. As a result of the analysis, it is confirmed that individuals in Korea generally decide to participate in public deliberation based on a sunshine attitude rather than a stealth attitude, but that there is also a considerable mix of critical participation that can be viewed as a stealth attitude. This suggests that when designing public deliberation, it is necessary to secure the independence of public deliberation to secure the function of checks and criticism, which are the interests of citizens with stealth attitudes, and to satisfy the preferences of citizens with sunshine attitudes by securing the effectiveness of public deliberation results.
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Richards, John, Gary Mauser, and Richard Holmes. "What Do Workers Want? Attitudes Towards Collective Bargaining and Participation in Management." Articles 43, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050392ar.
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Sawani, Youssef Mohammad. "Arabs and democracy: an analysis of the findings of the survey of Arab public opinion towards democracy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.935597.
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A survey commissioned by the Center of Arab Unity Studies (CAUS), and carried out in late 2009 and early 2010, was the first Arab public opinion survey on democracy of its kind. This article presents its findings and contextualizes the analyses in the debate that has marked Arab political thinking on democracy as a system of good governance. The purpose of the survey was to shed light on the attitudes of ordinary Arabs with respect to democracy. Contrary to approaches that sought to explain the democratic deficit in the Arab world by virtue of its inherently ‘undemocratic’ culture and the Islamic religion, democratic elements are not absent from Arab culture and Arab people are yearning for democracy. The article analyses and compares the results with those of other surveys to conclude that contemporary Arabs are no exception and they have the same attitudes shared by humanity at large with respect to democracy as a solid political base for a fair system of governance.
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Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. "Public choice and foreign affairs: Democracy and international relations in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005215.
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AbstractIn a democracy it is through the process of voting that people find an opportunity to register their likes and dislikes of domestic and foreign policy decisions most effectively. In Turkey, the recent national elections on 22 July 2007 provided an opportunity to observe the nexus between voters’ choices and foreign policy issues. Questions pertaining to problems facing the country and the campaign issues fail to give any clue as to whether people paid attention to foreign policy in making their choices among the political parties of the country. However, a closer examination of the factors determining the vote indicates that, although party identification and satisfaction with the performance of the economy and the expectations of the government in managing the economy played major roles, attitudes towards the European Union (EU), nationalism, and globalization closely followed in magnitude those two factors in determining the voters’ party preferences across the left-right spectrum. While AKP supporters had the most favorable attitude towards the EU, MHP supporters appeared highly nationalistic, and CHP voters seemed most influenced by positive orientations to openness to the world.
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Tessler, Mark. "Religion, Religiosity and the Place of Islam in Political Life: Insights from the Arab Barometer Surveys." Middle East Law and Governance 2, no. 2 (2010): 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633710x500748.
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AbstractThis paper explores the nature and determinants of attitudes toward the political role of Islam held by ordinary citizens in the Arab world. Based on results from nationally representative surveys carried out in seven Arab states during 2006-2007, it engages the pervasive debate about Islam and democracy—showing that the significant divide is not between those who favor democracy and those who favor Islam, but between those who favor secular democracy and those who favor a political system that is both democratic and Islamic in some meaningful way. Furthermore, this analysis finds that the civic values and predispositions of individuals who favor a political role for Islam are overwhelmingly similar to those of individuals who favor a separation of religion and politics. The paper also finds little consistency in the factors that incline individuals towards support for political Islam in the different countries surveyed. Most importantly, this analysis concludes that there is little or no incompatibility between Islam and democracy in the public mind and that a proper understanding of the reasons and ways that Muslim Arab publics think about governance and the political role of Islam is possible only if attention is paid to the particular political and societal contexts within which attitudes are formed.
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Canache, Damarys. "Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 9 (January 24, 2012): 1132–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011434009.
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Empirical evidence of how citizens around the world understand democracy highlights the predominance of the liberal model of democracy. Yet the existence of a dominant view does not mean that all citizens in every nation exclusively endorse a liberal conceptualization. Hence, this article asks whether public beliefs about the meaning of democracy affect people’s political attitudes and behaviors. Using data from the 2006–2007 Latin American Public Opinion Project AmericasBarometer surveys, the author develops a taxonomy to categorize democratic conceptualizations in terms of structural complexity and substantive content. The author then examines the effects of the structure and substance of democratic conceptualizations on attitudes toward democracy and on patterns of political participation. Findings indicate that variance in the structure of citizens’ democratic conceptualizations brings several effects on political attitudes and behaviors. As to the substantive content of democratic conceptualizations, conceiving of democracy in terms other than liberty influences numerous aspects of citizens’ attitudes and behaviors.
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Hujran, Omar, Emad Abu-Shanab, and Ali Aljaafreh. "Predictors for the adoption of e-democracy: an empirical evaluation based on a citizen-centric approach." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 14, no. 3 (June 3, 2020): 523–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-03-2019-0016.
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Purpose This study aims to explore the factors influencing the intention to use e-democracy. The literature depicted conflicting results regarding such domain and especially in the Middle East, where the authors aim at establishing a solid view of the discipline. Design/methodology/approach A research model was developed based on the theory of planned behavior, technology acceptance model and unified theory for acceptance and use of technology-2. The model hypothesized that perceived public value (PPV), ease of use and enjoyment are major antecedents of attitudes, and subjective norms (SNs), perceived behavioral control (PBC) and attitudes are significant predictors of behavioral intentions. A quantitative cross-sectional design was used. A questionnaire was used to explore Jordanian citizens’ perceptions regarding the research model constructs. A sample of 302 Jordanian citizens filled the surveys based on their awareness of e-democracy concepts and their willingness to participate in the study. This study uses the structural equation modeling approach with partial least square as an analysis method. Findings Findings indicated that PPV, perceived ease of use and enjoyment jointly determine the attitudes of citizens toward e-democracy. Results also suggest that attitudes, PBC and SNs have a significant effect on citizen’s intention to use e-democracy. Finally, this research supported the role of enjoyment as the most significant determinant of citizen’s attitude toward using e-democracy. Research limitations/implications This study is limited by its small sample size and newly developed Arabic instrument. Still, results imply that more research is needed to replicate and validate the instrument and support the role of the selected research constructs. Public institutions are required to make e-democracy applications enjoyable and easy to use. They also need to demonstrate its value to the public. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is one of the few studies to explore e-democracy and the first to conduct an empirical study (survey-based) in Jordan. The foundation of the study depended on three robust theories in the technology adoption theories.
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Raimundo, Filipa, and José Santana-Pereira. "Do Successor Parties Influence Public Attitudes toward the Past? Evidence from Young Democracies." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.3.1.
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What explains how citizens living in young democracies feel about their authoritarian past? While the impact of autocratic legacies on support for democracy and left–right placement has been thoroughly studied, we know less about the determinants of attitudes toward the past in post-authoritarian democracies. This study relies on survey data collected in Southern and Central European countries ten years after their transitions to democracy in order to test context-dependent variance in the relevance of ideology and party identification on citizen attitudes toward the past. The results show that classical factors such as regime type and mode of transition are not the main determinants of the politicization of attitudes toward the past and that the existence of a strong authoritarian successor party is associated with stronger politicization of the past.
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Kono, Daniel Y. "Does Public Opinion Affect Trade Policy?" Business and Politics 10, no. 2 (August 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1224.
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Although scholars have begun to explore the determinants of public attitudes toward trade policy, we still do not know whether these attitudes have policy consequences. This paper presents the first systematic analysis of this question. I find that higher public support for free trade leads to lower tariffs, but only in democracies. I also find that democracy leads to lower tariffs only where public support for free trade is relatively high. Hence, although both public opinion and regime type are important, neither matters independently of the other. This finding suggests a need for further research on the conditional effects of both.
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Lewis, Daniel C., and Matthew L. Jacobsmeier. "Evaluating Policy Representation with Dynamic MRP Estimates: Direct Democracy and Same-Sex Relationship Policies in the United States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 17, no. 4 (November 8, 2017): 441–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440017739423.
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Does direct democracy strengthen popular control of public policy in the United States? A major challenge in evaluating policy representation is the measurement of state-level public opinion and public policy. Although recent studies of policy responsiveness and congruence have provided improved measures of public opinion using multilevel regression and poststratification (MRP) techniques, these analyses are limited by their static nature and cross-sectional design. Issue attitudes, unlike more general political orientations, often vary considerably over time. Unless the dynamics of issue-specific public opinion are appropriately incorporated into the analyses, tests of policy responsiveness and congruence may be misleading. Thus, we assess the degree of policy representation in direct democracy states regarding same-sex relationship recognition policies using dynamic models of policy adoption and congruence that employ dynamic MRP estimates of attitudes toward same-sex marriage. We find that direct democracy institutions increase both policy responsiveness and congruence with issue-specific public opinion.
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Ciftci, Sabri, F. Michael Wuthrich, and Ammar Shamaileh. "Islam, Religious Outlooks, and Support for Democracy." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 2 (August 22, 2018): 435–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918793233.
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Despite a wealth of studies examining Muslim religiosity and democracy, uncertainty regarding Islam and attitudes toward democracy remains. Although the claims concerning the incompatibility of Islam and democracy are generally discarded, public opinion scholarship has yet to build much further from this important first step or incorporate a strong theoretical framework for analysis beyond this basic foundation. This paper seeks to integrate literature in social theory on religious worldviews with novel conceptualizations and measurement of distinct religious outlooks among the religious faithful to explain patterns in attitudes toward democracy. We construct a theory with clear expectations regarding these relationships and use the largest and best available survey data (Arab Democracy Barometer, Wave III) to test our predictions using latent class analysis and a series of multivariate regression estimations. The results of our empirical analysis reveal that there are important differences among practicing Muslims regarding the role that religion should play in the social realm and that these differences are relevant to the analysis of how faith shapes preferences for regime type and democracy. The analysis makes a significant contribution to the study of religion and political attitudes.
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Orcés, Diana M. "Democratic Values and Public Opinion Toward Immigrants: The Case of Ecuador." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 4 (2009): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00066.x.
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AbstractScholars of support for democracy traditionally have been concerned with its causes, with the assumption that higher citizen support for democratic values will enhance democracy's chances of survival in a country. Beyond this fundamental proposition, however, the consequences of varying levels of support for democratic values remain largely unexplored. This article examines the relationship between support for democratic values and views toward immigration in Latin America, a region that is experiencing an unprecedented increase in the movement of people across borders. Through an analysis of Ecuadorian attitudes toward Colombian immigrants, this study finds strong evidence for the argument that support for democratic values has potential benefits not only for democratic sustainability in the region, but also for the reduction of social conflict and distrust that can stem from increasing immigration in a volatile economic context.
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Lupu, Noam, and Elizabeth J. Zechmeister. "The early COVID-19 pandemic and democratic attitudes." PLOS ONE 16, no. 6 (June 22, 2021): e0253485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253485.
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How does a public health crisis like a global pandemic affect political opinions in fragile democratic contexts? Research in political science suggests several possible public reactions to crisis, from retrospective anti-incumbency to rally ‘round the flag effects to democratic erosion and authoritarianism. Which of these obtains depends on the nature of the crisis. We examine whether and how the onset of the global pandemic shifted public opinion toward the president, elections, and democracy in Haiti. We embedded two experiments in a phone survey administered to a nationally representative sample of Haitians in April-June 2020. We find that the early pandemic boosted presidential approval and intentions to vote for the incumbent president, consistent with a rally effect. These results show that a rally effect occurs even in the most unlikely of places–an unstable context in which the incumbent president is struggling to maintain order and support. At the same time, we find scant evidence that the onset of the pandemic eroded democratic attitudes, even in a context in which democracy rests on uncertain grounds.
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GRAHAM, CAROL, and SANDIP SUKHTANKAR. "Does Economic Crisis Reduce Support for Markets and Democracy in Latin America? Some Evidence from Surveys of Public Opinion and Well Being." Journal of Latin American Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 349–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0400745x.
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The severe economic crisis facing several countries in the region over the last couple of years has led many observers to predict a backlash against market policies and even against democracy in the region. An economic crisis of such proportions should also, in theory, have negative effects on subjective well being. Our analysis, based on the Latinobarómetro surveys from 2000–2002, finds some unexpected positive trends, as well as notable differences between those countries that suffered from crises and those that did not. Satisfaction with market policies and with the way democracy is working has decreased among all groups except the very wealthy. In contrast, support for democracy as a system of government has increased, suggesting that respondents are increasingly distinguishing between democracy as a system of government, and the manner in which particular governments are performing. We also find evidence of changing attitudes towards redistributive taxation among the wealthy.JEL Codes. D63 (welfare economics, equity, justice, inequality); D84 (information and uncertainty, expectations); I31 (general welfare; basic needs; quality of life); J62 (mobility, unemployment, intergenerational mobility)
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Musiał-Karg, Magdalena, and Izabela Kapsa. "Polish Mass Media Coverage and Public Opinion on E-democracy." Medijske studije 12, no. 23 (July 23, 2021): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.12.23.1.
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The rapid development of new technologies and their impressive communication capacity has fundamentally changed modern democracy by providing easy and universal access to information, as well as increasing participation and accessibility of political involvement tools. One of the electoral participation tools is e-voting which has been used in only a few countries. The main aim of the paper is to explore whether and how e-voting has been presented in Polish mass media (1), as well as to investigate people’s opinions about e-voting against certain political factors (2). The research is based on a media content analysis (quantitative and qualitative), data collected via the Content Analysis System for Television (CAST) and a quantitative analysis of data from a survey conducted by the authors (2018, sample: 1717 Poles). The results of the analyses show that the debate on the implementation of e-voting is rather poor, but the support for e-voting among Poles remains considerable. The public media rhetoric is interlinked with attitudes towards political parties. To some extent, determinants are reflected in the public opinion on the implementation of e-voting since Poles declare both their support for the introduction of e-voting and willingness to vote online.
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Finifter, Ada W., and Ellen Mickiewicz. "Redefining the Political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change." American Political Science Review 86, no. 4 (December 1992): 857–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964340.
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Using data from a national public opinion survey carried out in the Soviet Union during November and December 1989, we explore two attitudes relevant to the revolutionary changes there: (1) attitudes toward change and political democracy and (2) attitudes toward a core component of socialist ideology, the locus of responsibility for social well-being (the state or individuals?). These variables are unrelated, with the sample relatively evenly divided among the intersecting cells of a cross tabulation. While social conflict may be mitigated by the small sizes of absolutely opposing groups, consensus may also be hard to reach. Ethnicity, education, income, age, party membership, and life satisfaction have important effects on these attitudes. We discuss how attitude patterns in our data may be related to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and to problems faced by the independent successor states as they develop new institutions and foster new values.
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Petkova, Kamelia. "ATTITUDES TOWARDS REFUGEES: CHALLENGES AND NO (TOLERANCE)." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 5 (October 4, 2019): 1465–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051465p.
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This report presents the author's attempt to analyze the attitude of Bulgarians towards refugees and the extent to which state institutions are prepared to adequately address the problem of integration of these persons into the country. Migration processes are not a new phenomenon for Bulgaria and for Europe, where long-standing traditions of co-existence with different immigrant communities exist, in countries such as Germany, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and others. In recent years, a number of European countries have been confronted with a number of challenges posed by the huge refugee wave. Issues related to the integration of these communities have proved to be a politically sensitive topic across Europe, highlighting the need to debate common European models of acceptance and inclusion. The underlying principles for an EU policy on the integration of immigrants argue that integration is a bilateral process that requires the participation of both immigrants and host societies. In this context, the report also examines the tolerance of the host Bulgarian society towards refugees. It is a well-known fact that migration flows can often lead to a change in the traditional labor market, on the one hand, and, on the other, to the accumulation of risks to the country's security, such as terrorism, human trafficking, etc. There is a wealth of research that registers the growing concern about preserving cultural identity, the stability of the economic order, preserving the values of democracy and legitimacy. In this context, studies have identified a number of areas that are perceived as problematic, most often of concern and generating public fear. It is fear that is the emotional motivating factor, provoked by the potential danger of job loss and social benefits, erosion of national identity, etc. It is also important to analyze the views of local authorities on issues related to the integration of these persons in the country. Although there has been a significant decline in refugee flows since 2018, the problem of their inclusion has not yet been resolved and no one can guarantee that the situation will not surprisingly escalate again in the near or distant future. Based on a secondary analysis of in-depth interviews and focus group discussions within the project "Refugees in the Ideas of Bulgarians: Fears, Understanding and Compassion", an attempt will be made to answer the questions raised above.
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DALTON, RUSSELL J., and NHU-NGOC T. ONG. "Authority Orientations and Democratic Attitudes: A Test of the ‘Asian Values’ Hypothesis." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 2 (August 2005): 211–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001842.
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The Singaporean patriarch Lee Kuan Yew popularized the argument that ‘Asian values’ derived from Confucian cultural traditions are inconsistent with the development of democracy in East Asia. There is an active scholarly debate over whether the hierarchic and deferential social authority relations of Confucian traditions are incompatible with support for democracy. Drawing upon the newest wave of the World Values Survey, we analyze public opinion in six East Asian nations and four Western democracies. We first assess orientations toward authority, and then link these sentiments to support for democracy. The results contradict the core tenets of the ‘culture is destiny’ argument in the Asian values literature, and offer a more positive view of the prospects for political development in the region.
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Forsé, Michel, and Caroline Guibet Lafaye. "La démocratie participative et les devoirs du citoyen." European Journal of Sociology 49, no. 2 (August 2008): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975608000076.
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AbstractThe analysis of the 2004 ISSP survey, limited to nine of the countries participating in this programme of representative opinion polls, shows that the way people consider the duties of a citizen are divided into four types, depending on whether the emphasis is placed on norms or on others, and whether the morality governing normative judgements about the “good” citizen is conventional or post-conventional. These different axiological directions are linked with attitudes towards participative democracy. The duty of civility, which can be associated with democratic public ethics, is approved quite widely. But a much more active participation, closed in some regards to a deliberative democracy, seems to require post-conventional morality, especially when it is founded on liberal or reasonable pluralism.
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Isani, Mujtaba. "Ultimate Sovereignty and the Flexibility of the Islamic Caliphate/Democracy." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 313–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10019.
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Abstract March’s exceptional book profoundly deals with the ideas of popular sovereignty and the Caliphate in modern Islamic political thought. While this book covers the concept of popular sovereignty in quite detail, March’s portrayal fails to convince the reader whether or not Islamic democracies are possible as a result. Based on previous work on medieval Islamic political thought and public attitudes towards the Caliphate, I argue that conceptions of Islamic government have differed according to context, place and time, and in the modern era the public views the Caliphate as a vehicle for justice and welfare. This implies that Islamic government can still be broadly based on the principles of modern Islamic political thought while the exact institutional configurations may still be able to differ according to place, time and context. In conclusion, while March’s book carefully synthesizes the theoretical debates, it might not have far-reaching practical implications for Islamic democracy.
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Hiskey, Jonathan, Mary Fran T. Malone, and Alejandro Diaz-Dominguez. "Authoritarian Recall: Mexico’s Drug War and Subnational Patterns of Opposition to Democracy." Journal of Politics in Latin America 12, no. 1 (April 2020): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x20913287.
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In times of crisis, citizens’ support for democracy can depend on how well they think their democracy can address that crisis compared to authoritarian alternatives. Mexico is in the midst of just such a crisis, as its war on drug trafficking organisations has brought an unprecedented rise in violence and, in some areas, posed a direct challenge to the state’s capacity to govern. At the same time, its subnational political landscape ranges from vibrant, multi-party states to those with continued connections to a dominant one-party past. We leverage these variations in subnational political context and levels of drug-related violence to examine how the subnational political context mediates the relationship between a crisis and support for non-democratic alternatives. When faced with a violent shock to the system, public attitudes towards democracy depend in part on one’s experiences with non-democratic alternatives and whether these authoritarian options appear to solve the crisis at hand more effectively.
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Ruostetsaari, Ilkka. "From consumers to energy citizens: Finns’ readiness for demand response and prosumerism in energy policy making." International Journal of Energy Sector Management 14, no. 6 (April 17, 2020): 1157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijesm-11-2019-0001.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to test the effects of citizens’ support for two rival and opposing conceptions of political involvement, political consumerism and stealth democracy, on their attitudes about demand response (flexible consumption) and prosumerism (self-production) in the context of making of Finnish energy policy. Stealth democracy represents an established view on the role of citizens in energy policy making: the energy sector has traditionally been presented as a technocratic domain reserved for experts and businessmen. By contrast, political consumerism can be seen as an expression of “energy democracy”. Design/methodology/approach The data is based on a postal survey and an internet survey that were conducted in 2016 among a random sample representing Finns who were between 18 and 75 years. The dependence of the support for demand response and prosumerism on the endorsement of political consumerism and stealth democracy will be tested statistically (Pearson chi-square). Findings The endorsement of demand response mainly depended statistically on citizens’ attitudes towards political consumerism and stealth democracy. However, comparing electricity prices and changing electricity suppliers did not depend on adherence to political consumerism and stealth democracy. Nevertheless, in these cases, support was higher among the supporters of political consumerism than among supporters of stealth democracy. By contrast, the endorsement of prosumerism, for instance, in terms of factors that influence citizens’ decisions to invest in electricity generation in their households, depended statistically on citizens’ attitudes on political consumerism and stealth democracy. Research limitations/implications It might be that the variables used in this study to measure stealth democracy are not specific enough. More generally, Finns’ willingness to support for stealth democracy may be based on or at least encouraged by the misunderstandings of democratic politics: more information is needed on the level of knowledge that citizens have about normative principles of democratic decision-making processes. Practical implications The implication of this study for energy policy making is that there are (at least in Finland) good preconditions for developing a decentralized energy system: citizens are ready to adopt a more active role as energy citizens in terms of demand response and prosumerism – irrespective of their attitudes on macro-level attitudes on governmental institutions. Democratization of the energy system could strengthen the legitimacy of energy policy making. Social implications Citizens’ attitudes indicate that their potential for involvement needs to be strengthened in the spirit of energy democracy: the idea of energy democracy needs to be seen in terms of the demand for increased accountability and democratization of the energy sector that was previously not seen as requiring public involvement and was most often depoliticized and dominated by technocrats. However, strengthening energy democracy through demand response and prosumerism is not without its problems: utilization of these devices requires a relatively large amount of resources which depend on the individuals’ socio-economic position. Thus, energy democracy cannot replace but complement electoral participation as a form of energy policy involvement. Originality/value The contribution of this study is to fill a part of the research gap linking to ongoing energy transitions. As a socio-technical transition can take place only if citizens support and participate in it, we need to better understand citizens’ attitudes on energy consumption and production and energy policy involvement. Citizens’ attitudes on energy production and consumption are becoming more and more critical for managing the energy sector as a result of that the share of wind power and solar power is increasing in the energy system. In a decentralized energy system, citizens have to be prepared to change their modes of operation. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the originality of this study is to test the impact of citizens’ political attitudes on the endorsement of demand response and prosumerism.
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Gimpelson, V., and G. Monusova. "Trust in the Police: Cross-country Comparisons." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 11 (November 20, 2012): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2012-11-24-47.
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Using different cross-country data sets and simple econometric techniques we study public attitudes towards the police. More positive attitudes are more likely to emerge in the countries that have better functioning democratic institutions, less prone to corruption but enjoy more transparent and accountable police activity. This has a stronger impact on the public opinion (trust and attitudes) than objective crime rates or density of policemen. Citizens tend to trust more in those (policemen) with whom they share common values and can have some control over. The latter is a function of democracy. In authoritarian countries — “police states” — this tendency may not work directly. When we move from semi-authoritarian countries to openly authoritarian ones the trust in the police measured by surveys can also rise. As a result, the trust appears to be U-shaped along the quality of government axis. This phenomenon can be explained with two simple facts. First, publicly spread information concerning police activity in authoritarian countries is strongly controlled; second, the police itself is better controlled by authoritarian regimes which are afraid of dangerous (for them) erosion of this institution.
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Delibašić, Esad. "Neoliberal Culture Policy and Public Goods in Culture." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 1(18) (March 4, 2022): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.1.299.
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The subject of this paper is the analysis of the position of culture as a public good in transition and post-transition social and economic context conditioned by neoliberal paradigm strengthening. Models and concepts of the culture policy which depict the relationship towards public good in culture will be presented as well. Individual culture policy models present opposite attitudes towards the principle that states that the culture is a public good. Special attention was addressed to the analysis of the transition from socialist culture policy to Neoliberal culture policy, i.e., analysis of the state’s changed relationship towards public goods in culture. In socialist Yugoslavia, the principle of culture as a public good was introduced by the socialist culture policy. The nordic model of cultural policy is based on the idea of cultural democracy which includes equal access to culture for all citizens. The neoliberal model of culture policy denies the principle of culture as public good due to its primary market orientation. It rests on the Neoliberal economic paradigm and commercialization of cultural goods. In the majority of transition and post-transition countries, the culture sector cannot exist based on market business. Culture cannot exist without government support but it does not mean that culture funding should rely only on budget. One of the primary tasks for state culture policy in post-transition societies is the protection and promotion of the public function of culture. State culture policy via legal, financial, value and organizational instruments must guarantee access to cultural goods to the greatest number of citizens possible.
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Słodkowska, Irena Anna. "Główni aktorzy polskiej sceny politycznej wobec zjednoczenia Niemiec (1989–1991)." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 28 (December 17, 2020): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2020.28.09.
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This article examines the attitudes and opinions of major Polish political actors about the impact of German reunification on Polish-German relations between 1989 and 1991. These are outlined against the background of public opinion polls and themes underpinning Polish foreign policy as reflected in the programmes of the main political parties represented in the Polish parliament. There were strong similarities in their programmes and policies. They broadly reflected the approach of Solidarity’s electoral manifesto of 4 June 1989, subsequently adopted by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. In consequence, all political parties represented in the parliament supported the government’s policies towards Germany. The author also considers various forms of Polish-German cooperation outside the realm of intergovernmental relations. Finally, she examines the impact on public opinion of intergovernmental relations between Warsaw and Bonn. It is interesting that the policies of compromise and reconciliation were supported not only by the political class but also by the general public. This factor strongly contributed to the stability of the political and economic transition towards democracy and a market economy in Poland.
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Proda, Anisa. "THE CAUSES OF LOSING TRUST IN THE GOVERNMENT IN RECENT YEARS IN ALBANIA." CBU International Conference Proceedings 4 (September 22, 2016): 378–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v4.783.
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As the last country in Europe to overthrow the communist regime, Albania has much to achieve in the legal system to build a full democracy. A government should be relied upon to create the necessary reforms to move a country out of transition. The governmental structure can either accelerate or prevent the country’s transition towards a market economy. The other pillar of society that reflects institutional performance is the country’s citizens. Trust is a factor that connects citizens with institutions. The main purpose of this research is to identify causes for citizens to lose their confidence in public institutions. The analysis, supported by quantitative data, aims to show the level of trust that citizens bestow to the most important Albanian public institutions. An Institution for Democracy and Mediation poll and this study’s results of meetings with focus groups were used to illustrate the public’s confidence in the governmental institutions, and to explore the causes of the citizen’s attitude towards the public institutions and their service in Albania.
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Musiał-Karg, Magdalena. "E-Democracy and E-Tools of citizen participation on local level in Poland." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 335 (March 17, 2022): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v335.17.
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The development of information and communication technologies (ICT) brought many changes in various areas of human life. Also, democracy is being influenced by the use of electronic communication technologies, such as the Internet. ICT’s impact on democracy and participation has led to the emergence of specific tools that allow citizens to use electronic tools of political participation. The use of technology in politics is a fascinating example of interaction between technology, public policy and also public opinion. How the law and society respond to advanced technology is worthy of study, particularly in countries, where e-tools of people’s participation are becoming more and more popular among certain groups of political actors. The application of information and communication technologies in political decision-making processes in Poland is relatively new phenomenon – we may say that it has been observed for not more than 15 years. This paper will analyze Polish local practices and also attitudes of the Poles towards selected etools of civic participation on local level. Findings presented in the article prove that it is worth to consider the implementation of new participation solutions, since the society is interested in new convenient forms of participation in public life – not only on the local level but certainly also on the state level as well.
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Żammit, Jacqueline. "Maltese Educators’ Perceptions of Democracy, Equality and Justice in Multicultural Education." IAFOR Journal of Education 9, no. 1 (February 19, 2021): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ije.9.1.09.
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The perceptions and attitudes of educators towards multicultural education are strongly correlated to the manner in which multicultural education is applied. Previous research indicates that culture undeniably has an effect on education, nonetheless, education administrators may not have enough knowledge about multicultural education practices. The aim of the study was to identify the perceptions and interpretations of multicultural teaching from seventeen respondents employed as educators. These educators were all Maltese, teaching Maltese as a second language to adult learners who originated from diverse cultural backgrounds and were living in Malta. The researcher used a qualitative case study design of online interviews to identify the practices that educators perceive to be the best in promoting effective multicultural education. Based on content analysis, the key concepts and activities defined as effective in maintaining multicultural education performance include equality, democracy and justice. Multi-ethnic teaching offers the opportunity to equitably consider and accept divergent viewpoints, which in turn allows proper cohesion not only among students but also educators. Indeed, multi-ethnic education is essential; individuals with varying backgrounds and experiences deserve equality, and community groups need proper representation. This research thus concludes that the majority of teachers agree that practices such as ensuring equality, democracy and justice for all learners regardless of their ethnic, gender, or religious context are of high significance in encouraging inclusion, multicultural education, and student success.
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Lelkes, Yphtach, Ariel Malka, and Penelope Sheets. "Democratic Like Us? Political Orientation and the Effect of Making Democracy Salient on Anti-Israel Attitude." Journal of Experimental Political Science 3, no. 1 (October 28, 2015): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2015.13.
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AbstractIsrael is viewed unfavorably among wide segments of the public within several European democracies, despite being regarded itself as a Western democracy. Does drawing attention to Israel's democratic attributes improve views toward Israel? In two surveys with Dutch national samples, anti-Semitic affect, low anti-Arab/Muslim affect, and left-wing political orientation independently predicted anti-Israel sentiment. However, in experiments embedded within the surveys, making salient Israel's democratic attributes had opposite effects on Israel attitude across those on the right and the left – slightly decreasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a right-wing orientation but slightly increasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a left-wing orientation. We discuss potential explanations grounded in social psychological theory as well as implications for the strategic communication efforts of groups seeking to influence attitudes toward Israel.
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STEIN, RACHEL M. "War and Revenge: Explaining Conflict Initiation by Democracies." American Political Science Review 109, no. 3 (July 24, 2015): 556–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000301.
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While we know much about what differentiates the conflict behavior of democracies from autocracies, we know relatively little about why some democracies are more belligerent than others. In contrast to existing studies, I argue that it is public opinion and not institutions that drives these differences. All democratic leaders have an incentive to take public opinion into account, but public opinion is not the same everywhere. Individuals’ attitudes towards war are shaped by core beliefs about revenge, which vary across countries. Leaders with more vengeful populations will be more likely to initiate conflicts because they generate popular support for war more effectively. Using retention of capital punishment as a proxy for broad endorsement of revenge, I find that democracies that have retained the death penalty for longer periods of time are significantly more likely to initiate conflicts. This research has important implications for existing theories of democracy and war.
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Rojon, Sebastien, and Jean-Benoit Pilet. "Engaged, Indifferent, Skeptical or Critical? Disentangling Attitudes towards Local Deliberative Mini-Publics in Four Western European Democracies." Sustainability 13, no. 19 (September 22, 2021): 10518. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131910518.
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Democratic innovations, such as deliberative mini-publics, are designed to encourage public engagement in policymaking. They are increasingly being used to inform decision-making on the environment, climate change, and other sustainability issues. Research on support for democratic innovations has focused on identifying citizens in favor and understanding whether they are “enraged” or “engaged” with politics. However, this approach ignores potential differences between citizens expressing more (or less) positive attitudes towards democratic innovations. In an online vignette study, respondents from four Western European countries rated varying descriptions of a local mini-public, indicating both their support for the decision-making process and their willingness to get involved. Four distinct groups were identified based on a latent profile analysis: (1) those who are truly engaged, in that their support for mini-publics is reinforced by intentions to participate, correspond to one-third of citizens. Engaged deliberative democrats stand out as being more concerned about the environment than any other issue on the agenda; (2) the majority of citizens are indifferent, expressing neither positive nor negative inclinations towards mini-publics; (3) a group of “elitists” is skeptical of integrating citizens into policymaking despite intending to participate themselves; and finally (4), a small share of citizens was identified as critics, scoring low on both support and willingness to participate in a mini-public. The diversity of profiles points to the challenges of using deliberative mini-publics to address sustainability issues.
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RODGER, JOHN J. "Social Solidarity, Welfare and Post-Emotionalism." Journal of Social Policy 32, no. 3 (July 2003): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007050.
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The article critically examines the assumption implicit in the research on social solidarity and popular attitudes that institutional solidarity equates with mutual care in society. Following a review of a selection of recent empirical research on social solidarity and popular attitudes to welfare it is concluded that the evidence points to general support for welfare based on self-interest and the principle of mutual insurance rather than social altruism. The analysis proceeds by arguing that social and economic changes which have resulted in social polarisation have weakened ‘functional democracy’ (the reciprocal dependency of one social group or class on another) leading to possible ‘decivilising tendencies’ and a decline in mutual empathy. The article argues that post-emotionalism may be the result of these processes: the breakdown in mutual knowledge across the class divide; the intellectualisation of feelings; interaction based on false ‘niceness’; the manipulation of emotions. The paper concludes by suggesting that post-emotional attitudes are the by-product of government social steering towards amoral familism in social policy through the provision of a ‘vocabulary of motives’ which are negative to state welfare.
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ATKINSON, MICHAEL M., and WILLIAM D. COLEMAN. "Bureaucrats and Politicians in Canada." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 1 (April 1985): 58–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018001003.
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This article examines the characteristics of the “political administration” in Canada and compares these characteristics with those found in other liberal democratic systems. The findings are based on interviews conducted with 82 federal public officials interviewed in 1982 and 1983. The contact patterns of these public officials and their attitudes toward the personnel and institutions of liberal democracy are studied within the structural context of the bureaucracy. Three communications networks are identified: a departmental policy, a policy integration, and a private sector network. The former two networks are shown to intervene in a developmental model between structural location in the bureaucracy and attitudes consistent with a “tolerance for politics.” Conclusions are drawn with respect to relations between bureaucrats and politicians in Canada and the implications of these relations for the autonomy of the democratic state.
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Clements, Ben, and Nick Spencer. "Public Opinion in Britain towards the Disestablishment of the Church of England." Journal of Anglican Studies 13, no. 1 (January 17, 2014): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355313000399.
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AbstractThis article provides a detailed empirical assessment of British public opinion on the issue of the disestablishment of the Church of England, one of the most important questions concerning relations between church and state. It uses a nationally representative survey conducted in 2011. It finds that, in socio-structural terms, those more supportive of disestablishment are men, those living in Scotland and those with a degree-level education. In political and ideological terms, Liberal Democrat party identifiers and those with left-wing and liberal policy preferences are more supportive of disestablishment. There are also significant differences on the basis of newspaper readership, with Guardian readers most supportive. The findings contribute to existing empirical research on this topic and demonstrate the need for further analysis of how religious orientations shape public attitudes on this debate.
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Tomkiv, Yevgeniya, Astrid Liland, Deborah H. Oughton, and Brian Wynne. "Assessing Quality of Stakeholder Engagement: From Bureaucracy to Democracy." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 37, no. 3 (October 2017): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0270467618824027.
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The idea of public or stakeholder engagement in governance of science and technology is widely accepted in many policy and academic research settings. However, this enthusiasm for stakeholder engagement has not necessarily resulted in changes of attitudes toward the role of stakeholders in the dialogue nor to the value of public knowledge, practical experience, and other inputs (like salient questions) vis-à-vis expert knowledge. The formal systems of evaluation of the stakeholder engagement activities are often focused on showing that the method is efficient and works. In this article, we argue that every stakeholder engagement process should be evaluated beyond a simple assessment of the methodology and that the wider context of the stakeholder engagement activity should also be addressed. We evaluate two different stakeholder engagement activities against the existing method evaluation criteria and demonstrate their limitations for assessing the quality of a stakeholder engagement. We argue that these criteria need to be extended so that engagement processes will have a chance to improve not only policies but also their democratic legitimacy.
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Trembicka, Krystyna. "Lewica parlamentarna wobec polityki historycznej w debacie publicznej w III Rzeczypospolitej." Przegląd Sejmowy 3(170) (2022): 175–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.116.
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The article examines the participation of the political milieu of the left, represented primarily by the Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland and the Democratic Left Alliance, in public debate in Poland on historical politics. The evolution of the left’s attitude towards the past was taken into account, starting from its weak interest in history in the first decade of the Third Republic of Poland, to the recognition of its importance in subsequent years including the attempt to search for one’s own vision of the national past, events and figures worth commemorating, as well as, to a lesser extent, the attitude towards selected issues that were present in the public space and important for competing political circles: the significance of the Warsaw Uprising or the enrichment of the existing pantheon of national heroes with the Cursed Soldiers.
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Shin, Doh Chull, and Peter McDonough. "The Dynamics of Popular Reactions to Democratization in Korea." Journal of Public Policy 19, no. 1 (April 1999): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x99000161.
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The central argument of this paper is that, rather than simply absorbing democratic values diffusely, Koreans have acquired their support for democratization incrementally through experience with the consequences of regime change. In order to account for this pattern, we develop an empirical model that distinguishes between democracy as an ideal (desirability) and democracy understood as a viable political system (suitability). We draw on a survey of the Korean public to demonstrate that changes in these dimensions follow distinct trajectories, according to the recollections of our respondents, during the course of democratization. While beliefs about democracy-in-principle appear to be fairly impervious to political events and socioeconomic conditions, attitudes toward democracy-in-practice reflect a learning curve as the transition unfolds. We estimate the relative impact of evaluations of the economy, of the quality of life, and of governmental performance and political experience on support for democracy in practice. On the whole, democratic commitment is ‘earned’ through increasingly favorable perceptions of improvements in the quality of life, in economic growth, and especially in the performance of successive democratic governments, as contrasted with the workings of the previous authoritarian regime.
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Vaughan, Kenneth R., Paul Froese, and Chase Lonas. "Was the Arab Spring a Post-Islamist Moment?" Comparative Sociology 21, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10052.
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Abstract Scholars continue to debate political motives behind the Arab Spring – a debate that centers on the compatibility of democratic and Islamist preferences. Some frame the protests as a boon for democracy and prudential needs of citizens. Others report an Islamist turn against secular autocracies. Here, the authors argue that this framing relies on outdated civilizational narratives and that democratic, Islamist, and prudential concerns present concurrently in the Arab Spring. Using the Arab Democracy Barometer, the authors investigate public opinion in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, to estimate evaluations of the Arab Spring. Democratically oriented Egyptians and Libyans were more favorable toward the events, while Tunisians with Islamists preferences were more optimistic. The authors find little evidence of tensions between Islamism and democracy. This is particularly salient when evaluating attitudes about the Arab Spring. The authors argue that the Arab Spring constitutes a “post-Islamist” movement, one which integrates democratic and Islamist preferences into a revolutionary framework.
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Alonso, Daniela, and Silvina Brussino. "Political Culture and the Crisis of Democracy. An Analysis of Citizenship Motivations to Justify a Coup D’état in Argentina." Universitas Psychologica 20 (December 15, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.11144/javeriana.upsy20.pccd.
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Latin American democracies are experiencing high instability, signed by economic and political crises and increasing social conflict. In this scenario, the continuity and further development of democracies are far from being granted. From a political psychology perspective, we are interested in understanding public motivations for justifying an authoritarian interruption of the democratic order. On a 454 Cordoba citizens sample (mean age= 37.3, SD=14.22; 52.7% women, 47.3% men), we conducted a Discriminant Analysis to identify the more relevant dimensions for classifying people according to their attitudes towards a coup d’état. Six variables constituted the linear discriminant function resulting from a stepwise procedure (λ = 0.67, X2 = 151.5, gl = 6, p = 0) and enabled to classify 77.3% of the cases correctly. Conservative, normative, and ideological orientations were the more relevant dimensions to predict the justification of a state coup. Additionally, we identified two different attitudinal profiles among the people who are willing to justify a coup, mainly differentiated by their ideological orientations through a two-step cluster analysis. We accounted for a small group of people who justify a non-democratic exit to the socio-political conflict based on progressive ideological attitudes more than conservative or authoritarian orientations. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.
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Zajc, Marko. "Slovenian Press and Russia in the late XIX — early XX centuries: attitude to K.P. Pobedonostsev." Russian-Slovenian relations in the twentieth century, no. IV (2018): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8562.2018.4.2.1.
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Life and work of K.P. Pobedonostsev were known to the Slovenian public, primarily thanks to the German press. The liberal public looked sympathetically at the understanding of the Orthodox Church as a people`s Church and on Pobedonostsev’s faith in the “strong” Russian people. Also, the Catholic Slovenian public emphasized that Russia needed to be understood, and also sympathized to Pobedonostsev’s ideas about the place of faith in society. But on the other hand, especially the Catholic press condemned him for caesaropapism and for persecutions against Catholics. For both liberal and Catholic critics, it was problematic to assess his attitude towards democracy and parliamentarism, although both of them agreed that Pobedonostsev’s criticism was fair.
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Matić, Jovanka. "(Too) High Expectations of Democracy in Serbia? Interpretation of Empirical Research Results." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 3 (2012): 304–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03603002.
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The paper presents the findings of a public opinion survey and a focus group study on the attitude of Serbian citizens towards democracy, which were conducted in 2010 within the project “Democracy in unstable social spaces – Serbia,” jointly done by the University of Vienna, the Vienna-based Institute for the Danube Area and Central Europe and the Institute of Social Sciences in Belgrade. The opinion survey identified deep dissatisfaction of citizens with the general situation in their society, their negative assessments of the actual performance of democracy in Serbia, low confidence in key political institutions, and diminishing willingness for activism and participation in political activities. The focus group study revealed that citizens have high expectations of democracy but remain passive in building the young democratic system of Serbia because neither the political, work nor social environments stimulate them for civic engagement. The paper concludes that a majority of citizens do not expect incentives for progress from within the system but rather expect them from outside, though they differ in views on where these incentives should come from.
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VON HODENBERG, CHRISTINA. "Mass Media and the Generation of Conflict: West Germany's Long Sixties and the Formation of a Critical Public Sphere." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 367–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003377.
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From the 1950s to 1970s the West German public sphere underwent a rapid politicisation which was part of the ongoing socio-cultural democratisation of the Federal Republic. This article examines the role of the mass media and journalistic elites in bringing about this change. It analyses how and when political coverage in the media evolved from an instrument of consensus to a forum of conflict. Arguing that generational shifts in journalism were crucial to this process, two generations, termed the ‘45ers’ and the ‘68ers’, are described in regard to their professional ethos and their attitudes toward democracy, mass culture, German traditions and Western models.
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Capano, Fabio. "Cold-War Trieste: metamorphosing ideas of Italian nationhood, 1945-1975." Modern Italy 21, no. 1 (February 2016): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2015.4.
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This article explores the Italian government’s attitude towards Trieste and its territory in public discourse and the unique role of the disputed area as a means of reinforcing, challenging or disrupting nationalist rhetoric of Italian nationhood after 1945. It argues that the central government’s projected image of the disputed border vacillated between that of a wall and a bridge at the southern tip of the Iron Curtain and was utilised to either strengthen or weaken past nationalist conceptualisations of Italian identity or ‘italianità’ within and outside the Adriatic city. While producing significant resistance within the Triestine community and its émigrés, this political process also succeeded in transforming this disputed territory from a stronghold of Western democracy into a bridge toward the socialist world within public discourse. This close reading of both political and public views of Italy’s eastern border ultimately reveals the inherent fluidity and constructed meaning of ideas of nationhood in Cold War Italy.
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Duch, Raymond M. "Tolerating Economic Reform: Popular Support for Transition to a Free Market in the Former Soviet Union." American Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (September 1993): 590–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938738.
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The mass public in the Soviet Union is not enthusiastic about free-market reform. How, then, do citizens in a former communist regime develop an appreciation for free-market reforms? Different explanations for attitudes toward free market reforms are tested using data from a survey of the European USSR conducted in May 1990. First, negative assessments of recent economic performance is a catalyst for popular support for the market economy. Although very underdeveloped, there is a nascent free-market culture in the Soviet Union that makes a modest contribution to support for free-market reforms. The free-market culture that is developing in the former Soviet Union resembles that of social democracy, rather than laissez-faire capitalism. Democratic values and support for free markets are mutually reinforcing, suggesting that support for democracy makes a very important contribution to support for free-market reform.
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SELIGSON, MITCHELL A. "Popular Support for Regional Economic Integration in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1999): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x98005239.
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Regional economic integration schemes abound in Latin America, yet very little is known about the degree of popular support for such programmes. Now that democratic regimes rule in almost all of Latin America, public opinion can have an important impact on national policies. This paper examines the attitudes toward economic integration in 17 mainland Latin American countries with interview data from over 18,000 people. Bi-variate and multivariate analyses are conducted on the factors related to support for regional integration. Perceived benefits of integration and perceptions of personal and national economic situation prove to be important factors, as are higher levels of education, support for democracy and gender (males favour integration more than females). Two novel findings are that a positive opinion of the European Union along with satisfaction with the functioning of democracy are both linked to greater support for integration.
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Moroz, Volodymyr. "Church and people's power: UGCC approach to defining democracy criteria." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 66 (February 26, 2013): 327–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2013.66.280.
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By sanctifying the rights and responsibilities of man as authorized by God, emphasizing the ontological justification for ensuring freedom of choice, the value of each person and its social character, the Catholic Church, including the UGCC, could not but express its position on specific forms of social order. The Second Vatican Council gave a significant incentive for the development of theological thought in this direction and for the implementation of its constructions into public practice. Since the Church is an institution to which, according to the results of sociological research, Ukrainians have been most trusted for many years, and the UGCC is one of the most active Churches in Ukraine, the study of its attitude towards democracy is one of the topical scientific topics.
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Benedicto, Jorge, and María Ramos. "Young People’s Critical Politicization in Spain in the Great Recession: A Generational Reconfiguration?" Societies 8, no. 3 (September 18, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030089.
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During the last decade, Spain has experienced, like other surrounding countries, a deep economic crisis accompanied by an unprecedented political and institutional crisis. This has led to a growing mistrust in institutions and a dissatisfaction with democracy, but also an increase in interest in politics, which implies an interesting change regarding other situations. Young people of the so-called ‘crisis generation’, who have socialized in a new and changing context, also participate in this process of change, and have moreover played a leading role in the public space. In order to analyze young people’s politicization process, in this article we use data from the European Social Survey (rounds 1–7, from 2000 to 2014) and the Young People in Spain Survey (2016). We developed a typology of attitudes towards politics and identified, using discrete choice models, the demographic and socioeconomic profile of young people particularly dissatisfied with politics. Our results show that, although young people socialized in the context of the crisis are very critical of politics, instead of moving further away from democratic politics or rejecting it openly, in most cases they politicize their discontent. Even those most critical of the way in which democracy works in the country have a very participatory political behavior, both in forms of nonelectoral and electoral participation.
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Broszkiewicz, Roman, Halina Szejnwald Brown, and Zofia Hibner. "The Occupational and Environmental Status of Polish Industry: A Comparative Study of the Private and Public Sectors." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 12, no. 3 (November 2002): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/681d-k4wv-579n-908f.
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During the last decade, Poland has made a successful transition toward democracy and market economy. Since the mid-1990s, we have studied the reforms in the environmental and occupational protection system in Poland, focusing on the privately owned firms. We found that considerable progress has taken place, especially in increasing the accountability of private employers and in improved enforcement. The fundamental legitimacy of regulators and the regulatory process, and the capacity for case-specific decision-making, are among the key explanatory factors. The case-specific implementation in Poland is consistent with models advocated by several authors in relation to other industrialized European economies. We attribute these developments in Poland to the continuity of institutions, and the generally good “fit” between the policies and institutions on one hand, and their social context on the other, including a wide sharing of certain values and norms. The outstanding question from our previous work has been the fate of state-owned firms, which may be facing different issues than the privatized ones, both in terms of economics, organizational culture, and relationships with the regulatory authorities. In this article, we report the results of a comparison between the private and state-owned firms, based on the questionnaire surveys of the two sectors. We find a striking similarity in performance of both sectors and in the authorities' attitudes toward both. These findings support our earlier proposition that Poland's success in instituting an effective occupational protection system is deeply embedded in the attitudes toward protecting workers' health and safety and toward balancing competing societal objectives. These attitudes have not changed during the transition to the market economy.