Academic literature on the topic 'Public attitudes towards democracy'

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Journal articles on the topic "Public attitudes towards democracy"

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Minkov, Zhivko. "Attitudes towards Democracy in Bulgaria: The Importance of Social Inequalities." English Studies at NBU 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/esnbu.19.2.8.

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This research is an attempt to examine the developmental relationship between democracy and the socioeconomic conditions in Bulgaria. The assumption is that one of the factors contributing to the negative attitude towards democracy in Bulgaria is the high level of social inequality. After discussing the relevance of studying democracy and socioeconomic conditions from a developmental perspective, the paper traces the socioeconomic development of Bulgaria from 1989 to date and examines public perceptions of social inequality in the country. The research has not revealed any overall negative public attitude towards democracy in Bulgaria. However, the findings have demonstrated a clear tendency for the public support for democracy to decline reflecting the growth of social inequality.
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PIETSCH, JULIET, and MARSHALL CLARK. "Critical Citizens: Attitudes towards Democracy in Indonesia and Malaysia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 2 (April 24, 2015): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000031.

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AbstractIn recent years much has been said about how new democracies are backsliding or have regressed since the turn of the century when hope and optimism about the future spread of democracy was widespread. However, ideas that democracy would spread were based on institutional and governance indicators rather than from the perspective of everyday citizens. When we look at public attitudes towards democracy during this period, we can see that such optimism was perhaps misplaced or premature. Drawing on findings from the AsiaBarometer and the World Values Survey, this research finds that public attitudes during this time were not overly convinced by democracy and certainly not yet satisfied with their government's performance in terms of providing basic democratic freedoms and independence.
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Kim, Haklin, and Sookyeong Hwang. "Who Are Willing to Participate in Public Deliberation?: Stealth Democracy vs Sunshine Democracy." Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 18, no. 7 (July 31, 2022): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/crisisonomy.2022.18.7.151.

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The public deliberation is emerging as a solution to social conflicts over policy issues in Korea. This study notes that the actual participation of citizens depends on the individual’s willingness to participate, and analyzes the factors that determine participation in public deliberation. In particular, we explore how citizens’ attitudes toward democracy (stealth democracy vs. sunshine democracy) affect their willingness to participate. As a result of the analysis, it is confirmed that individuals in Korea generally decide to participate in public deliberation based on a sunshine attitude rather than a stealth attitude, but that there is also a considerable mix of critical participation that can be viewed as a stealth attitude. This suggests that when designing public deliberation, it is necessary to secure the independence of public deliberation to secure the function of checks and criticism, which are the interests of citizens with stealth attitudes, and to satisfy the preferences of citizens with sunshine attitudes by securing the effectiveness of public deliberation results.
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Richards, John, Gary Mauser, and Richard Holmes. "What Do Workers Want? Attitudes Towards Collective Bargaining and Participation in Management." Articles 43, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050392ar.

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Sawani, Youssef Mohammad. "Arabs and democracy: an analysis of the findings of the survey of Arab public opinion towards democracy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.935597.

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A survey commissioned by the Center of Arab Unity Studies (CAUS), and carried out in late 2009 and early 2010, was the first Arab public opinion survey on democracy of its kind. This article presents its findings and contextualizes the analyses in the debate that has marked Arab political thinking on democracy as a system of good governance. The purpose of the survey was to shed light on the attitudes of ordinary Arabs with respect to democracy. Contrary to approaches that sought to explain the democratic deficit in the Arab world by virtue of its inherently ‘undemocratic’ culture and the Islamic religion, democratic elements are not absent from Arab culture and Arab people are yearning for democracy. The article analyses and compares the results with those of other surveys to conclude that contemporary Arabs are no exception and they have the same attitudes shared by humanity at large with respect to democracy as a solid political base for a fair system of governance.
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Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. "Public choice and foreign affairs: Democracy and international relations in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005215.

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AbstractIn a democracy it is through the process of voting that people find an opportunity to register their likes and dislikes of domestic and foreign policy decisions most effectively. In Turkey, the recent national elections on 22 July 2007 provided an opportunity to observe the nexus between voters’ choices and foreign policy issues. Questions pertaining to problems facing the country and the campaign issues fail to give any clue as to whether people paid attention to foreign policy in making their choices among the political parties of the country. However, a closer examination of the factors determining the vote indicates that, although party identification and satisfaction with the performance of the economy and the expectations of the government in managing the economy played major roles, attitudes towards the European Union (EU), nationalism, and globalization closely followed in magnitude those two factors in determining the voters’ party preferences across the left-right spectrum. While AKP supporters had the most favorable attitude towards the EU, MHP supporters appeared highly nationalistic, and CHP voters seemed most influenced by positive orientations to openness to the world.
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Tessler, Mark. "Religion, Religiosity and the Place of Islam in Political Life: Insights from the Arab Barometer Surveys." Middle East Law and Governance 2, no. 2 (2010): 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633710x500748.

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AbstractThis paper explores the nature and determinants of attitudes toward the political role of Islam held by ordinary citizens in the Arab world. Based on results from nationally representative surveys carried out in seven Arab states during 2006-2007, it engages the pervasive debate about Islam and democracy—showing that the significant divide is not between those who favor democracy and those who favor Islam, but between those who favor secular democracy and those who favor a political system that is both democratic and Islamic in some meaningful way. Furthermore, this analysis finds that the civic values and predispositions of individuals who favor a political role for Islam are overwhelmingly similar to those of individuals who favor a separation of religion and politics. The paper also finds little consistency in the factors that incline individuals towards support for political Islam in the different countries surveyed. Most importantly, this analysis concludes that there is little or no incompatibility between Islam and democracy in the public mind and that a proper understanding of the reasons and ways that Muslim Arab publics think about governance and the political role of Islam is possible only if attention is paid to the particular political and societal contexts within which attitudes are formed.
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Canache, Damarys. "Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 9 (January 24, 2012): 1132–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011434009.

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Empirical evidence of how citizens around the world understand democracy highlights the predominance of the liberal model of democracy. Yet the existence of a dominant view does not mean that all citizens in every nation exclusively endorse a liberal conceptualization. Hence, this article asks whether public beliefs about the meaning of democracy affect people’s political attitudes and behaviors. Using data from the 2006–2007 Latin American Public Opinion Project AmericasBarometer surveys, the author develops a taxonomy to categorize democratic conceptualizations in terms of structural complexity and substantive content. The author then examines the effects of the structure and substance of democratic conceptualizations on attitudes toward democracy and on patterns of political participation. Findings indicate that variance in the structure of citizens’ democratic conceptualizations brings several effects on political attitudes and behaviors. As to the substantive content of democratic conceptualizations, conceiving of democracy in terms other than liberty influences numerous aspects of citizens’ attitudes and behaviors.
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Hujran, Omar, Emad Abu-Shanab, and Ali Aljaafreh. "Predictors for the adoption of e-democracy: an empirical evaluation based on a citizen-centric approach." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 14, no. 3 (June 3, 2020): 523–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-03-2019-0016.

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Purpose This study aims to explore the factors influencing the intention to use e-democracy. The literature depicted conflicting results regarding such domain and especially in the Middle East, where the authors aim at establishing a solid view of the discipline. Design/methodology/approach A research model was developed based on the theory of planned behavior, technology acceptance model and unified theory for acceptance and use of technology-2. The model hypothesized that perceived public value (PPV), ease of use and enjoyment are major antecedents of attitudes, and subjective norms (SNs), perceived behavioral control (PBC) and attitudes are significant predictors of behavioral intentions. A quantitative cross-sectional design was used. A questionnaire was used to explore Jordanian citizens’ perceptions regarding the research model constructs. A sample of 302 Jordanian citizens filled the surveys based on their awareness of e-democracy concepts and their willingness to participate in the study. This study uses the structural equation modeling approach with partial least square as an analysis method. Findings Findings indicated that PPV, perceived ease of use and enjoyment jointly determine the attitudes of citizens toward e-democracy. Results also suggest that attitudes, PBC and SNs have a significant effect on citizen’s intention to use e-democracy. Finally, this research supported the role of enjoyment as the most significant determinant of citizen’s attitude toward using e-democracy. Research limitations/implications This study is limited by its small sample size and newly developed Arabic instrument. Still, results imply that more research is needed to replicate and validate the instrument and support the role of the selected research constructs. Public institutions are required to make e-democracy applications enjoyable and easy to use. They also need to demonstrate its value to the public. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is one of the few studies to explore e-democracy and the first to conduct an empirical study (survey-based) in Jordan. The foundation of the study depended on three robust theories in the technology adoption theories.
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Raimundo, Filipa, and José Santana-Pereira. "Do Successor Parties Influence Public Attitudes toward the Past? Evidence from Young Democracies." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.3.1.

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What explains how citizens living in young democracies feel about their authoritarian past? While the impact of autocratic legacies on support for democracy and left–right placement has been thoroughly studied, we know less about the determinants of attitudes toward the past in post-authoritarian democracies. This study relies on survey data collected in Southern and Central European countries ten years after their transitions to democracy in order to test context-dependent variance in the relevance of ideology and party identification on citizen attitudes toward the past. The results show that classical factors such as regime type and mode of transition are not the main determinants of the politicization of attitudes toward the past and that the existence of a strong authoritarian successor party is associated with stronger politicization of the past.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Public attitudes towards democracy"

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LEE, JO YING. "Confucian Values and Democracy---A Comparative Study of Taiwan and Singapore." Doctoral thesis, Università di Siena, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11365/1009542.

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This thesis is aimed at explaining the relationship between Confucian values and democracy in Taiwan and Singapore. Some scholars generally assume that “Asian values” or Confucian ideology inhibit a country’s acceptance of liberal democratic values. There are some important findings in this study: Firstly, Confucian ideology still remain in Taiwanese and Singaporean minds today, especially both of them have high level of Confucian Social Values. And Singaporeans obtain higher Confucian Political Values, while Taiwanese have lower. Secondly, most of Confucian social ideology do not have negative impact to public attitudes toward civil society and democracy, even they enhances citizens’ participation a formal association and their social trust and tolerance. Lastly, Confucian political ideology may be not incompatible with public support for a democratic regime but it is not related to public attitudes toward to democracy. According to the findings of this study, Confucian ideology should not inhibit East Asian people acceptance of liberal democracy.
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Kgosithebe, Lucky. "Higher education and democracy in Botswana: Attitudes and behaviours of students and student leaders towards democracy." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4018.

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Magister Educationis - MEd
This study investigates the attitudes of students and student leaders towards democracy in terms of their demand for democracy, their perception of the supply of democracy, and their awareness of and participation in politics. Existing literature does not provide any conclusive explanation as to how and to what extent higher education contributes to democracy. Mattes and Mughogho (2010) argue that the contribution of higher education to support for democracy in Africa is limited while other scholars such as Bloom et al. (2006), Hillygus (2005), and Evans and Rose (2007a, 2007b) maintain that higher education impacts positively on support for democracy. The study follows the conceptualisation and methodology of previous studies based on the Afrobarometer public opinion surveys into the political attitudes of African mass publics (Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi, 2005; Mattes and Bratton, 2003; 2007), and of students in African universities (Luescher-Mamashela et al., 2011; Mwollo-Ntalimma, 2011). The survey uses a stratified random sample of third-year undergraduate students at the University of Botswana. Furthermore, it isolates the subgroup of student leaders to investigate whether active participation in student politics influences support for democracy
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Naqvi, Ijlal Kurzman Charles. "Democrats without democracy? a multi-level analysis of attitudes towards democracy in Muslim-majority countries /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1656.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology." Discipline: Sociology; Department/School: Sociology.
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Mwollo-Ntallima, Angolwisye Malaisyo. "Higher education and democracy : a study of students' and student leaders' attitudes towards democracy in Tanzania." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/1722.

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Magister Educationis - MEd
Students in African universities have a long history of political involvement at the institutional level and in national politics. The present study investigates the political opinions of students in Tanzania with respect to (1) their attitudes towards democracy and how these attitudes could be explained, (2) student satisfaction with the way their university and their country, Tanzania, are governed, and (3) whether student leaders (SL) have more democratic attitudes than students who are not in formal student leadership positions (SNL) and if there are other relevant groups that can be identified whose political attitudes differ significantly from those of other groups. The study draws on the work of Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi (2005) and employs a survey questionnaire adapted from the Afrobarometer. Using survey data collected at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, a number of questions are investigated, and related hypotheses are tested in order to determine the extent to which students understand and demand democracy, how they perceive the supply of democracy, and what their attitudes are towards university governance and national politics in general.
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Gabrielsson, Daniel. "Nationalism and Democracy : A quantitative study about the relationship between national identity and attitudes towards democracy." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-145311.

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This article sets out to examine how different levels and types of nationalism are correlated with attitudes towards democracy, a relationship that has not received much attention in previous research. I aim to investigate this relationship by examining how two forms of national identities (ethnic and civic) affect attitudes towards democracy in 30 European countries. Individual data comes from the European Social Survey (2008). The results indicate a significant and strong association between national identities and attitudes towards democracy. Individuals who articulate high levels of ethnic nationalism are less supportive of democracy than those who express high levels of civic nationalism. At country level, two variables are used: diversity and the extent to which democracy is established. Data that describes level of diversity comes from the Eurostat (2008) The index of democracy comes from Economist Intelligence Unit (2008). The structure of the dataset is hierarchical; therefore I have used multilevel models to avoid obtaining biased coefficients and standard errors. The study shows that higher levels of diversity and democracy, in general, amplify support for democracy, but, a high degree of diversity amplifies the negative relationship between ethnic nationalism and support of democracy and a high degree of democracy amplifies the positive relationship between ethnic nationalism and preferences for non-democratic rule.
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Ryan, Erin. "Public attitudes towards housing systems for pregnant pigs." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44175.

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Public concern for the welfare of farm animals is increasing. Formal methods of gathering public attitudes are important for the development of socially sustainable animal production practices. This study used an online survey to gather public attitudes towards the issue of housing pregnant sows in intensive systems (group housing versus gestation stall housing). Additionally, this research aimed to understand how participant’s stance changed when they were provided additional information on the issue, including two scientific papers, YouTube videos, Google images, and a frequently asked questions page. Initial attitudes (from responses to the first question) and changes in responses before and after accessing additional information were quantitatively analyzed from Likert-scale responses made by 268 participants. One-hundred-and-thirteen comments, written before accessing additional sources of information, were qualitatively analyzed to identify themes and understand reasons behind decisions. Forty-one pairs of comments were analyzed to understand the effect of information on attitudes. Quantitative results reveal that the majority of participants strongly supported group housing before the provision of additional information. Most participants maintained their stance even after accessing additional information; however, an effect of information was found, such that more people strongly supported stalls after the provision of additional information. Regardless of whether participants moderately supported groups or gestation stalls before the provision of additional information, almost half of the people in each of these groups abandoned their position after accessing additional information and shifted to strongly support group housing. Qualitative analysis showed that supporters of gestation stalls tended to focus on physical health, predominantly focusing on spread of disease and the elimination of aggression between animals. Supporters of group housing sows, tended to factor in other requirements for sow welfare, including the importance of social interaction and the ability to perform natural behaviours. With the exception of participants that strongly supported gestation stalls, numerous participants commented on the complexity of choosing one system over the other and described the effect that images had on attitudes. These results point to the importance of providing detailed descriptions, including imagery to the public in efforts aimed at gathering feedback for the development of socially sustainable practices.
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Kwan, Wood-kai Edward, and 關活佳. "Public attitudes towards the Royal Hong Kong Police." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964503.

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Kwan, Wood-kai Edward. "Public attitudes towards the Royal Hong Kong Police." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13636832.

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Zemach, Meir. "Effect of the 'Experience Democracy' programme on the attitudes towards democracy of middle school students in Israel." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490716.

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Saint, Clair Albert. "Attitudes towards agriculture (farming) in St. Lucia." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64485.

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Books on the topic "Public attitudes towards democracy"

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J, Green Thuso, ed. Public attitudes towards democracy, politics, and development in Lesotho. [Maseru?]: Southern African Democracy Barometer, 2000.

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Peter, Lewis. Attitudes toward democracy and markets in Nigeria: Report of a national opinion survey, January-February 2000. Washington, DC: International Foundation for Election Systems, 2000.

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Citizens' disposition towards governance and democratic rule in Nigeria. Ibadan: NISER, 2000.

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Alan, Hedges. Public attitudes towards taxation. London: Fabian Society, 2001.

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Alan, Hedges. Public attitudes towards taxation. London: Fabian Society, 2001.

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Hess, Melanie. Public attitudes towards work. Toronto, Ont: Social Assistance Review Committee, 1987.

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Group, MRL Research. Public attitudes towards restorative justice. Wellington, N.Z: Criminal Justice Development, Dept. of Justice, 1995.

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Nielsen, Hans Jørgen. British attitudes towards trade unions. København, Denmark: Institute of Political Studies, University of Copenhagen, 1985.

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Mischke, Monika. Public Attitudes towards Family Policies in Europe. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-03577-8.

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Britain), Electoral Commission (Great, ed. Wales votes?: Public attitudes towards Assembly elections. Cradiff: The Electoral Commission, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Public attitudes towards democracy"

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Verney, Susannah, and Dimitris Katsikas. "Eurozone Crisis Management and the Growth of Opposition to European Integration." In Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 251–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_16.

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AbstractThe crisis that started in Greece in 2010 gradually spread to other Eurozone member states. Things were worse for the crisis-hit countries of the Eurozone periphery, some of which implemented harsh adjustment programmes in the context of financial assistance agreements, while others adopted similar policies even though they had not officially entered a bailout agreement (e.g. Spain and to a lesser degree Italy). In this environment of deteriorating material conditions, Euroscepticism reached new heights. This chapter examines the impact of the crisis, and the way it was handled, on regionalism in Europe, through its effects on Euroscepticism. The authors compare Eurobarometer data from European Union (EU) member states, in order to develop a comparative outlook on attitudes towards European integration during the crisis. The analysis employs data at discreet time intervals, in order to capture the evolution of attitudes from the pre-crisis environment in 2008, to the peak of the crisis in 2012, its gradual resolution in 2016 and its official ending (with the exit of Greece from its third bailout programme) in 2018. This analysis is complemented by an overview of the political developments in crisis-hit countries with the objective of documenting and analysing the emergence and, in some cases, dominance of Eurosceptic parties. The objective is to present a comprehensive overview of political developments and the public attitudes that shaped them, vis a vis the EU, during the crisis and offer a tentative conclusion on their impact on the European integration process.
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Derkzen, Marthe, and Jason Byrne. "Public attitudes towards urban nature." In The Routledge Handbook of Urban Ecology, 649–60. Other titles: Handbook of urban ecology Description: Second Edition. | New York: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429506758-57.

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Lieberkind, Jonas, and Jens Bruun. "The Reserved Young Citizens of the Nordic Countries." In IEA Research for Education, 19–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66788-7_2.

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Abstract Both in citizenship education research and public debate, interest in understanding the role and significance of young people in the current state and future of democracy is ongoing. From one point of view, young people are seen as alienated and passive, thus raising concern. From another point of view, young people are seen as drivers for change, thus raising hope. This chapter intends to explore such contradicting roles of the young Nordic citizens. The basic questions are as follows: (1) What are the characteristics of the Nordic youth relative to the youth in other regions? (2) What are their main perceptions and attitudes towards the active and passive dimensions of citizenship? (3) Have these characteristics and perceptions changed over time? Empirically, the analyses and interpretations are based on IEA’s International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2009 and ICCS 2016 data applied to demonstrate the regional trends, similarities, and differences among youth. In general, the Nordic youth are relatively passive with regard to political participation. At the same time, however, they are knowledgeable and democratically engaged. We propose a new analytical concept to understand this “double-sided” civic engagement of the Nordic youth as the reserved young Nordic citizens.
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Sato, Mai. "Public Attitudes towards the Death Penalty." In The Death Penalty in Japan, 37–62. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-00678-5_2.

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Almond, Paul, and Mike Esbester. "Recent Public Attitudes Towards Health and Safety." In Health and Safety in Contemporary Britain, 21–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03970-7_2.

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Tennant, Chris. "Exploring Emerging Public Attitudes Towards Autonomous Vehicles." In Science Cultures in a Diverse World: Knowing, Sharing, Caring, 253–66. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5379-7_13.

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Chalari, Athanasia. "Attitudes towards mask-wearing in Greece." In Public Behavioural Responses to Policy Making during the Pandemic, 116–35. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003244127-9.

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Mazzoleni, Gianpietro. "Towards an Inclusive Digital Public Sphere." In Can the Media Serve Democracy?, 174–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137467928_16.

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Plasser, Fritz, Peter A. Ulram, and Harald Waldrauch. "Attitudes towards the Political Regime: Satisfaction with Democracy." In Democratic Consolidation in East-Central Europe, 81–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26816-0_5.

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Mischke, Monika. "Family policies and public opinion." In Public Attitudes towards Family Policies in Europe, 103–27. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-03577-8_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Public attitudes towards democracy"

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Metra, Ritvars, and Signe Dobelniece. "Society in the shackles of surveillance capitalism." In 23rd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2022”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2022.56.031.

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The rapid development of information and communications technologies has changed the lives of both - society as a whole and individuals in it. The world is becoming a huge system for gathering, storing, and sharing information. Large amounts of data are collected, stored, analysed, and used for commercial purposes. Prominent American sociologist Shoshana Zuboff calls this process "surveillance capitalism." This paper aims to analyse the tools of surveillance capitalism and the influence of surveillance capitalism on public choices and behaviour. It is based on empirical information collected using several research methods - a survey (n = 204), semi-structured interviews (n = 5), and qualitative content analysis. The paper analyses three popular surveillance capitalists' online tools - Google search, Facebook, and Twitter and gives insights into society's preferences and behaviour patterns concerning ways of obtaining information and attitudes towards privacy and self-censorship. The research concludes that the tools created by surveillance capitalists have become an integral part of social life, and they dominate the process of interaction. They make life easier but their uncritical acceptance can be dangerous. Since surveillance capitalism has taken the stage, society members often uncritically, even ignorantly, treat current reality in which the everydayness data about user's life are the free raw material for surveillance capitalists, thus contributing to surveillance capitalism and its threats to defined privacy principles and democracy.
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Detjen, Henrik, Irawan Nurhas, and Stefan Geisler. "Attitudes Towards Autonomous Public Transportation." In AutomotiveUI '21: 13th International Conference on Automotive User Interfaces and Interactive Vehicular Applications. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3473682.3480265.

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Little, Linda. "Attitudes towards technology use in public zones." In CHI '03 extended abstracts. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/765891.766110.

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Shen, Tianyi. "The Differences of Media’s Attitudes Towards “996 Working System”." In 2021 International Conference on Public Art and Human Development ( ICPAHD 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220110.067.

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Barlow, Rob, and Matt Johnson. "“Depends on the Consequences”: Measuring Consumer Attitudes Towards Manipulative Marketing." In –The Asian Conference on Business and Public Policy 2020. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2189-1001.2020.1.

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Paravantis, John A., Eleni K. Stigka, and Giouli K. Mihalakakou. "An analysis of public attitudes towards renewable energy in Western Greece." In 2014 5th International Conference on Information, Intelligence, Systems and Applications (IISA). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iisa.2014.6878776.

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Yang, Che. "A Case Study of Media Influence on Public Attitudes Towards Celebrities." In 2021 International Conference on Public Art and Human Development ( ICPAHD 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220110.013.

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Hiltz, S. R., Hyo-Joo Han, and V. Briller. "Public attitudes towards a national identity "smart card:" privacy and security concerns." In 36th Annual Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 2003. Proceedings of the. IEEE, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2003.1174312.

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Bowie, Stan L., Brenda S. Lenard, and Craig A. Shue. "Towards an empirical measure for assessing public attitudes regarding government cybercrime countermeasures." In the Sixth Annual Workshop. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1852666.1852701.

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Cedroni, Anna Rita. "Building the global democracy from urban planning policy to populism in architecture." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8153.

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It is possible to claim that there is an analogy, in terms of management and programming, between the modality of execution in political contents and the formalities of the application of architectural models, or more precisely in the methods of carrying out such proposals. The choice and the management of planning strategies go along with the choice of political strategies. The changes occurring in the politics and democracy can be also found in urban planning politics and involve mainly the public space and the design for the related public buildings. The emptying of social content in most constitutional democracies, together with the spreading of populist “politics” are phenomena that emerge in the architecture of public buildings and in the way in which the architecture relates to the urban form of their surroundings. Deprived of their contents, (which are related to their functions), public spaces and public building become non-ruled yet “objectified” spaces targeted for a collective use. The first analysis, which comes out of my background, led me to look at urban planning in Europe, starting from Italy and keeping the focus on the politics of public spaces and on the ways in which their conception, design and relationship to the city, shape the collective social values, attitudes and demands. These cases provide some opportunities for a reflection about governance and planning, focussing on the relationship between Democracy and Architecture.
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Reports on the topic "Public attitudes towards democracy"

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Havlík, Vlastimil, and Alena Kluknavská. Our people first (again)! The impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on the populist Radical Right in the Czech Republic. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0015.

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The report examines the impact of the war on the Czech populist Radical Right Freedom and Democracy Party (SDP) and its reaction to the war. Among the countries of the European Union (EU), the Czech Republic has become one of the most outspoken supporters of Ukraine, creating specific discursive opportunities for populist Radical Right actors. The paper investigates the supply and demand side of populist Radical Right politics, focusing on how the party positioned itself to attract support facing the challenge of reading and accommodating new public sentiments. We use qualitative analysis of the social media posts of the party leader Tomio Okamura to show that after the initial hesitant rejection of the Russian invasion, the party (re-)turned to pro-Russian narratives, incorporating the war into its populist nativist discourse and driving the ideas of welfare chauvinism and economic protectionism. Using data from the representative public opinion surveys, we show that the party supporters criticize economic support for Ukraine and the refugees and have the most positive attitudes towards Russia compared to the rest of the electorate. We discuss the potential long-term consequences on the position of the Czech populist Radical Right stressing the economic difficulties and war-related grievances.
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Levell, Peter, David Dorn, and Alex Davenport. Import competition and public attitudes towards trade. The IFS, September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1920/re.ifs.2020.0176.

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UK, Ipsos. Survey of public attitudes towards precision breeding. Food Standards Agency, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46756/sci.fsa.ouv127.

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The Genetic Technology (Precision Breeding) Bill is currently going through Parliament. Although this bill is ‘England only’ and food and feed safety and hygiene is a devolved issue, the Food Standards Agency (FSA) will introduce a separate regulatory framework for precision bred organisms (PBOs), should the Bill become law. The FSA will also work with stakeholders in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to ensure consumers’ interests are protected in relation to PBOs. The FSA / Food Standard Scotland (FSS) is science and evidence led. In August 2022, the FSA and FSS commissioned Ipsos UK to conduct a two-phase social research project on precision breeding. Phase One, now complete, involved a survey of 4,177 UK residents with robust samples in each UK nation to allow comparisons between and within nations. Phase Two, scheduled to start in September 2022 and report in early 2023, will comprise a series of Citizens’ Forums in England, Wales and Northern Ireland(footnote 1). The overall aims of this project are to: explore consumer attitudes towards precision breeding gather consumer views on the FSA’s proposed regulatory framework understand consumer information needs inform how to communicate with consumers about precision breeding. This document presents interim findings for this project, reporting descriptive data from Phase One. Phase One’s core aims were to provide a snapshot of consumers’ awareness and self-assessed knowledge of precision breeding, its perceived acceptability, risks and benefits, and consumer appetite for information about this production method. These data show that awareness of precision breeding is very low, something which should be borne in mind when considering these findings. While these data reveal that there is a general openness to trying precision bred foods across the UK, with more people anticipating benefits than disbenefits from the use of precision breeding, there is a large degree of uncertainty about what impact precision bred foods may have on the different parts of the food system. This is reflected in the relatively large proportions of people taking a neutral stance or indicating they do not know enough to answer survey questions and in the strong appetite expressed for information about precision breeding to be provided. The next phase of this project will be essential for the FSA’s ability to interpret these findings’ implications, and to understand what is informing consumers’ views. The purpose of Phase One has always been to let the FSA know ‘what’ consumers think about precision breeding; Phase Two’s purpose is to build our understanding ‘why’ they think it. This will allow the FSA to develop a more nuanced understanding of consumers’ needs and incorporate this into the design of the future regulatory framework and any engagement with consumers on precision breeding. FSS will be carrying out further research in Scotland.
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Boycko, Maxim, and Robert Shiller. Popular Attitudes towards Markets and Democracy: Russia and United States Compared 25 Years Later. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22027.

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Bolin, Niklas. The repercussions of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine on the populist Radical Right in Sweden. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0031.

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The populist Radical Right Sweden Democrats (SD) have long been excluded from cooperation with other parties. As other parties have moved closer to the party’s more restrictive migration policy, and as older party leaders from the extreme Far Right have departed, some of the arguments in support of isolating the SD have waned. However, the party is still criticized for its ambiguous attitude towards Russia. But although individual politicians have openly expressed pro-Russian views, the current SD leadership has repeatedly rejected such accusations. The party’s position became increasingly relevant in 2022 when the Russian invasion of Ukraine coincided with the parliamentary elections. This article analyses the attitude of the SD towards the Putin regime and how this developed in response to the invasion of Ukraine. It also looks at how this has affected the public perception of the party and to what extent its position on Russia will continue to be important in the public debate.
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on Forced Displacement, Joint Data Center. REFUGEE EMERGENCIES AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS REFUGEES: SOME INSIGHTS FROM THE ACADEMIC LITERATURE. Joint Data Center on Forced Displacement (JDC), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47053/jdc.290422.

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The conflict in Ukraine has generated a large inflow of refugees into European countries, with more than five million people having fled to neighboring countries. So far, the public response has been generally positive, with large shares of the European population being in favor of the policies implemented to host and support the Ukrainian refugees. In this note we look at the academic literature with the aim to: a) discuss which socioeconomic characteristics of the refugees are typically associated with positive or negative attitudes towards them; and, b) reflect on which policy measures can promote more inclusive and tolerant preferences. The evidence from the literature suggests that negative attitudes towards refugees can be widespread, but less so for those groups that are perceived to be in need of humanitarian help, are culturally closer to host communities, and more likely to contribute to the economies of the host country. Three policy measures to sustain a welcoming climate towards refugees emerge from the relevant literature: facilitate the interactions between host communities and those forcibly displaced; integrate the refugees into the society, including in the labor market; and provide simple, factual information about the refugees and their socioeconomic background.
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Lenhardt, Amanda. Defining Characteristics of Democracy in the 21st Century. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.064.

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This report offers a brief overview of the literature on the defining characteristics of democracy in the 21st century. This report seeks to map out a range of conceptual approaches to understanding democracy, evidence on emerging trends in democratisation, and challenges to realising democracy in its varied forms. The report begins with a discussion on definitions of democracy that have emerged in recent decades (Section 2), highlighting a range of qualifiers that are widely used to differentiate and analyse different democratic regime types. Section 3 summarises trends in key indicators of democracy from widely cited observers – The Economist Intelligence Unit and the V-Dem Institute - and recent trends in public opinion towards democracy, according to World Values and Pew Centre surveys. Section 4 gives a very brief overview of three leading challenges to democracy discussed widely in the literature – gender inequality; the role of media and social media; and declining quality of elections, freedom of expression and civic space.
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Bano, Masooda, and Daniel Dyonisius. The Role of District-Level Political Elites in Education Planning in Indonesia: Evidence from Two Districts. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/109.

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Focus on decentralisation as a way to improve service delivery has led to significant research on the processes of education-policy adoption and implementation at the district level. Much of this research has, however, focused on understanding the working of the district education bureaucracies and the impact of increased community participation on holding teachers to account. Despite recognition of the role of political elites in prioritising investment in education, studies examining this, especially at the district-government level, are rare. This paper explores the extent and nature of engagement of political elites in setting the education-reform agenda in two districts in the state of West Java in Indonesia: Karawang (urban district) and Purwakarta (rural district). The paper shows that for a country where the state schooling system faces a serious learning crisis, the district-level political elites do show considerable levels of engagement with education issues: governments in both districts under study allocate higher percentages of the district-government budget to education than mandated by the national legislation. However, the attitude of the political elites towards meeting challenges to the provision of good-quality education appears to be opportunistic and tokenistic: policies prioritised are those that promise immediate visibility and credit-taking, help to consolidate the authority of the bupati (the top political position in the district-government hierarchy), and align with the ruling party’s political positioning or ideology. A desire to appease growing community demand for investment in education rather than a commitment to improving learning outcomes seems to guide the process. Faced with public pressure for increased access to formal employment opportunities, the political elites in the urban district have invested in providing scholarships for secondary-school students to ensure secondary school completion, even though the district-government budget is meant for primary and junior secondary schools. The bupati in the rural district, has, on the other hand, prioritised investment in moral education; such prioritisation is in line with the community's preferences, but it is also opportunistic, as increased respect for tradition also preserves reverence for the post of the bupati—a position which was part of the traditional governance system before being absorbed into the modern democratic framework. The paper thus shows that decentralisation is enabling communities to make political elites recognise that they want the state to prioritise education, but that the response of the political elites remains piecemeal, with no evidence of a serious commitment to pursuing policies aimed at improving learning outcomes. Further, the paper shows that the political culture at the district level reproduces the problems associated with Indonesian democracy at the national level: the need for cross-party alliances to hold political office, and resulting pressure to share the spoils. Thus, based on the evidence from the two districts studied for this paper, we find that given the competitive and clientelist nature of political settlements in Indonesia, even the district level political elite do not seem pressured to prioritise policies aimed at improving learning outcomes.
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Haider, Huma. Fostering a Democratic Culture: Lessons for the Eastern Neighbourhood. Institute of Development Studies, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.131.

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Political culture is the values, beliefs, and emotions that members of a society express about the political regime and their role in it (Pickering, 2022, p. 5). Norms, values, attitudes and practices considered integral to a “culture of democracy”, according to the Council of Europe, include: a commitment to public deliberation, discussion, and the free expression of opinions; a commitment to electoral rules; the rule of law; and the protection of minority rights; peaceful conflict resolution. The consolidation of democracy involves not only institutional change, but also instilling a democratic culture in a society (Balčytienė, 2021). Research on democratic consolidation in various countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) finds that a key impediment to consolidation is the persistence of old, authoritarian political culture that undermines political and civic participation. This rapid review looks at aspects of democratic culture and potential ways to foster it, focusing on educational initiatives and opportunities for civic action — which comprise much of the literature on developing the values, attitudes and behaviours of democracy. Discussion on the strengthening of democratic institutions or assistance to electoral processes is outside the scope of the report.
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Buraschi, Daniel, and Dirk Godenau. How does Tenerife society perceive immigration? Observatorio de la Inmigración de Tenerife. Departamento de Geografía e Historia. Universidad de La Laguna. Tenerife, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/r.obitfact.2019.15.

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The social perceptions of immigration and the attitudes that Tenerife society has towards immigrants are essential aspects of the dynamics of intercultural coexistence. The Tenerife Immigration Observatory has conducted research that has shows that in general terms the society in Tenerife has a positive perception of immigration, although there is a generalized perception of comparative grievance, based on the idea that migrants are treated more favourably by public institutions
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