Journal articles: 'Public administration – Germany'

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von Donat, Marcell. "Neutralism in Germany." Government and Opposition 21, no. 4 (October 1, 1986): 406–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00029.x.

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IN 1986, THE FRENCH PRESIDENT FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND reminded us that neutralism in Germany was not just a simple reaction to political facts but a very complex constant in recent German history. Is the idea of a neutral Germany or of two neutral German states of any political importance today? Are there still supporters for neutrality in Central Europe? Would it not be normal for some people to think in those terms?In today's relatively tension-free period of East-West relations, the fact may be overlooked that the German situation remains exceptional and that the Germans have a burden to carry which other nations do not have. The Federal Republic of Germany does not have full freedom of choice like for instance, Norway, which is a member of NATO without being a member of the EC, or Ireland which is an EC-member without belonging to NATO. What is considered as a normal option for any other nation might not be permitted for the Germans. Thus the frontline state at the frontier of the two world ideologies cannot claim normal freedom of action.

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Kuzmenko, E. A. "Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA)." Russia: society, politics, history, no. 4(4) (November 24, 2022): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.56654/ropi-2022-4(4)-102-115.

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The strengthening of Germany's position after 1990 allowed it to expand its geopolitical ambitions in regions previously little included in the foreign policy agenda of Germany. One of these regions has become the Arctic, the development and study of which takes place through participation in international Arctic organizations, as well as through bilateral agreements with Arctic states. However, at the end of the twentieth century, until 2013, Germany's Arctic position can be characterized as unambitious and passive, due to the lack of funding for German delegations to participate in Arctic Council working groups, insufficient coordination policy between federal ministries and agencies whose areas include the development and implementation of Arctic policy, as well as the lack of common interest in the implementation of national priorities in the region through the structures of the Arctic Council. Germany participates in the development of projects mainly related to ecology. This position creates a favorable image of Germany as the patron saint of the Arctic, which does not detract from the scientific value of German climate and environmental research. For the Arctic policy of Germany, it is also characteristic to involve broad segments of society in scientific research, thereby instilling the idea of a stable German presence in the Arctic.

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von Beyme, Klaus. "A United Germany Preparing for the 1994 Elections." Government and Opposition 29, no. 4 (October 1, 1994): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01236.x.

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The Unification of Germany — not as a Confederation as most DDR intellectuals and many West German leftists and Greenish citizens had hoped for but by means of the Anschluss of the GDR — was a daring venture: would the East Germans accept the new national state? The Anschluss by the ‘unconditional surrender’ of the East Germans entailed enormous costs. Destabilization of West German democracy and non-acceptance of democracy by the East Germans was always a latent danger.

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Klenk, Tanja. "Kuhlmann, Sabine, Proeller, Isabella, Schimanke, Dieter &) Ziekow, Jan (Eds.) (2020). Public Administration in Germany. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. Hardcover &) open access, 416 Seiten, ISBN 978-3-030-53696-1 ISBN 978-3-030-53697-8 (eBook); https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8." dms – der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management 14, no. 2-2021 (December 7, 2021): 512–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/dms.v14i2.11.

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The book “Public Administration in Germany” provides an encompassing overview about both the historical foundations and the basic principles of the ‘German Model’ of Public Administration. Furthermore, readers learn about the most recent challenges of this model, e.g., a severe backlog with respect to digitalization of public administration and public service provision. The editors have provided a well-coordinated compilation of 22 chapters written by 31 authors. The book addresses the international community of Public Administration scholars: it can be recommended for practitioners, researchers and, in particular, for lecturers teaching Public Administration in Germany in an international context. It is a valuable source for everyone who wants to understand why this model was – and still is – highly influential for the development of Public Administration in the Western sphere.

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Behrens, Peter-Alberto. "Germany: public affairs reinvented." Journal of Public Affairs 2, no. 3 (August 2002): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.107.

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Jorg Michael, Dostal. "The German Political Economy between Deregulation and Re-regulation: Party Discourses on Minimum Wage Policies." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 27, no. 2 (August 31, 2012): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps27205.

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In the German political economy of the early 21st century, labor market policymaking has shifted toward deregulation and liberalization. In particular, the so-called Hartz labor market reforms of the Social Democratic Party and Green Party government, introduced in 2002 and 2003, pushed for employment growth in low-wage and deregulated employment sectors. This article focuses on one of the key debates triggered by Germany`s labor market deregulation after 2002, namely whether the introduction of a statutory minimum wage is required to re-regulate the country`s labor market. Based on interviews with members of the five political parties in the German federal parliament and analysis of each party`s policy-making discourses over time (2002-2012), the article suggests that the deregulation of the last decade has triggered demand for new policies of reregulation. This would include the introduction of a statutory minimum wage in Germany at some future point in time. However, such re-regulation does not question earlier labor market liberalization but serves as a political side-payment to ingrain the shift of the German political economy toward a more liberal regime.

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Hillermann, Tessa Maria, and Christiana Ifeoma Ijezie. "Intersektionale Ansätze in Gleichstellungsgesetzen." Kritische Vierteljahresschrift für Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft 104, no. 2 (2021): 159–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2193-7869-2021-2-159.

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Gender equality laws have existed in public administration in Germany since 1998. These laws specify the constitutional requirement of gender equality on the basis of article 3(2) of the German Constitution. Considering the background of present discussions in Germany concerning inclusion and diversity in public administration, this article analyses possibilities to address intersectional discrimination, including racial discrimination and discrimination based on different socio-economic backgrounds. Therefore, the following critical analysis focuses on possible intersectional approaches in German gender equality laws. The article presents the primary existing constitutional provisions and simple legal rulings, while also taking a ‘de lege ferenda’ perspective. To this end, the article suggests concrete wording for new legislation and for the amendment of existing laws.

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Алимухамедов, Сухроб, and Suhrob Alimuhamedov. "DECENTRALIZATION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE EXPERIENCE OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES (BY THE EXAMPLE OF FRANCE AND THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY)." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 3 (July 10, 2017): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_593fc343a74d88.99496618.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the experience of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the sphere of decentralization of public administration, and developed countries such as France and Germany. The issues concerning organizational and legal support of decentralization of public administration in these countries were analyzed as well. The author has analyzed the stages of decentralization of public administration in France and its peculiarities; the administrative-territorial entities of the French Republic and their relations with the central authorities are also considered in present article. The powers of the Federation and the German federal land, as well as their relationships are considered. The article also studied the powers of the communities in Germany, as well as their relationships with each other, with the federal states and the federation. Moreover, the Institute of Federal enforcement in Germany as a means of control by the Federation is considered as well. The article contains the stages of the decentralization of public administration in the Republic of Uzbekistan, issues on the differentiation of powers between the central government and state authorities in the local areas. There are disclosed the powers of the authoritative local bodies, the issues of organizational and legal support to their activities, as well as their relationship with the central bodies of state administration. The article also shows the role and nature of self-government bodies in the process of decentralization of public administration in the Republic of Uzbekistan.

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Grimm, Heike M., and Charlotte L. Bock. "Entrepreneurship in public administration and public policy programs in Germany and the United States." Teaching Public Administration 40, no. 3 (September 23, 2022): 322–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01447394211021636.

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The following contribution hypothesizes that it is crucial for future professionals in public administrations and organizations to be familiar with the concepts, tools, and techniques of policy, public, and social entrepreneurship to address societal, environmental, health, and wicked problems in an innovative and sustainable way. Attention is drawn to the importance of entrepreneurship as an essential asset and feature of public administration and public policy education at higher educational institutions in Germany and the United States. The paper aims at filling a research gap because knowledge about the interrelationships between entrepreneurship and public administration and public policy education is still underdeveloped. Emphasis is put on the discussion why entrepreneurship should be incorporated in curricula and how study programs have been designed or reformed, while placing emphasis on entrepreneurship in meeting current and complex challenges in the public sector. Findings from a systematic online assessment are presented which show whether and how policy, public and social entrepreneurship are taught as an integral element of current governance and public policy study programs and what difference it makes teaching and learning wise. The findings reflect a high demand for entrepreneurship education by public administration and public policy students, on the one hand, and a low incorporation in curricula, on the other hand. Two case studies from Germany and the United States are presented which serve as good practice examples on how to transfer public, policy, and social entrepreneurship into curricula.

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Reichel, Ernst. "Deepening of Partnership between Germany and Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-27.

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The article delineates the strengthening of the partnership between Germany and Ukraine. Germany was among the first countries to recognise independence of Ukraine. Nowadays, it is one of its key partners and friends. After gaining independence, a lot of programs and agreements were developed in Ukraine to enhance bilateral relations. After the Revolution of Dignity, Germany considerably broadened its obligations in the field of technical and financial cooperation. Within the cooperative framework, Germany focuses its attention on three paramount areas: 1) stable economic growth; 2) democracy, civil society, public administration, and decentralisation; 3) energy efficiency. Germany has allocated millions of euros for restoring communal infrastructure in the east of Ukraine destroyed in the conflict and facilities used by internally displaced persons. It has also provided cold-resistant accommodation for more than 2,300 people. Given a great number of familiarising and training programmes for various target groups, specifically for employees of regional state administrations, Ukrainian entrepreneurs, lawyers, and judges, German experts seek to share their experience and practices with representatives of Ukrainian authorities. Furthermore, cooperation with the Verkhovna Rada was launched, enabling us to recruit alumni of German higher educational institutions for practice. The intensity of the political dialogue and remarkable political interest Germany shows in the course of stable, peaceful, and democratic development of sovereign Ukraine are the genuinely important factors for the relations between Germany and Ukraine. The German government consistently and unequivocally supports Ukraine in its legal aspiration to restore territorial integrity and sovereignty. Keywords: Germany, German-Ukrainian relations, political dialogue, democratic development, partnership.

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Han Hyung-Seo and Sangyup Lee. "A Study on Corruption of Public Administration: Lessons from Germany." Korean Comparative Government Review 16, no. 3 (December 2012): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18397/kcgr.2012.16.3.19.

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12

Kickert, Walter J. M., and Richard J. Stillman. "The Future of European Public Administration Sciences. Part III: Germany." Public Administration 83, no. 3 (August 2005): 657–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-3298.2005.00467.x.

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Langkau-Herrmann, Monika, and Ellen Sessar-Karpp. "Women in public administration in the federal republic of Germany." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 11, no. 4 (1991): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.1991.9970623.

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Kaina, Viktoria. "Declining Trust in Elites and Why We Should Worry About It – With Empirical Evidence from Germany." Government and Opposition 43, no. 3 (2008): 405–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.00260.x.

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‘WITHOUT TRUST WE WILL NOT SOLVE OUR PROBLEMS,’ WARNED Johannes Rau, the former German Federal president in his last ‘Berlin speech’ in May 2004. As one reason for an alarming loss of trust in Germany, creating a serious obstacle to necessary changes, he identified an irresponsible, egoistic and greedy behaviour among parts of German elites. Actually, Johannes Rau did not blame only political elites but also elite members in other sectors such as business, trade unions or mass media. His statement implies that parts of German elites are causing a decline in trust in Germany by losing touch with the people. Likewise, various observers in the public discourse argue that the immoral, cynical and increasingly incompetent behaviour of several elite members especially fosters a crisis of trust in Germany by creating a diffuse climate of distrust, pessimism, uncertainty and Zukunftsangst.

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Mudrack, Tony, and Mario Stoffels. "Gleicher Lohn für gleiche Arbeit im öffentlichen Dienst?" Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftspolitik 68, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfwp-2019-2009.

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Abstract The individual pay level is an emotionally discussed subject. Some pay differentials evince significant characteristics which are analysed in scientific literature. There are three significant pay gaps of particular significance to Germany: the gender pay gap between women and men of more than 20 percent, the regional pay gap especially between West and East Germany caused by differences in productivity and the pay gap between the private and public sector. This article investigates a previously unobserved pay gap within the public sector. By analysing a data collection, specific pay differentials in municipal administrations are determined. These differentials exist despite identical labour output in administration services in German municipalities and are caused by specific regional and economic determinants. So, the municipalities of East German Federal States and financially weak West German Federal States evince a pay level of municipal employees below average. Generally, there is a significant pay gap between East and West German municipalities. In addition, this article analyses the structure of the identified pay differences by separating the municipal employees according to their specific pay and qualification categories. As a result, East German municipalities have a smaller number of staff in the higher grade of the civil service and their pay level is below average. This effect is compensated by a higher number of staff in the middle grade of the civil service. The pay level of municipal employees in the middle grade of the civil service does not indicate significant difference among German municipalities. There are similar results in municipalities of financially weak West German Federal States. Despite identical administration services in municipalities, the pay level and pay structure evince interjurisdictional differentials. The results suggest that equal pay for equal work is not even in public service.

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Jens Hesse, Joachim. "A Stable System Turning Rigid: Public Sector Reform in Germany." International Review of Public Administration 6, no. 2 (December 2001): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12294659.2001.10804977.

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Chigbu, Uchendu Eugene, and Vache Kalashyan. "Land-Use Planning and Public Administration in Bavaria, Germany: Towards A Public Administration Approach To Land-Use Planning." Geomatics, Landmanagement and Landscape 1 (May 2015): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15576/gll/2015.1.7.

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Bodemann, Markus. "Risk management in the public administration - a short introduction in the risks of local public administration in Germany." Economics and Organization of Enterprise 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10061-008-0009-7.

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Kryvonos, Roman. "What Ukrainian Diplomats Need to Know about Germany’s Foreign Policy in its Relations with Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 704–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46.

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The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a powerful tool for the transformation of the country. However, Ukraine’s admission to the European Union in the near future is not an option. It is argued that part of the population and politicians in Germany believe that Russia has legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space. However, after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Germany gave wide support to the European choice of Ukraine and became one of the main allies and assistants of Ukraine in reforming public administration and economy. Germany was involved in Minsk-1 and Minsk-2. Emphasis is attached to the vigorous development of economic cooperation between the two states. Summing up, the author draws several conclusions. Firstly, there is a gradual intensification of bilateral relations. Germany, along with the United States, provides Ukraine with transformational assistance, which began before the proclamation of its independence in 1991. Additionally, the undeclared Russian aggression against Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 have amply demonstrated that political power factors continue to be the key tools of international politics. Ukrainian vector was not clearly conceptualized in the German foreign policy till the Russian aggression of 2014, and it was in the circum-stances of the Russian aggression that Germany opted for political support to Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, Germany, Russia, international relations.

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Cordell, Karl. "The Role of the Evangelical Church in the GDR." Government and Opposition 25, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00744.x.

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The Evangelical Church Faced Harassment and hostility from the state in the immediate aftermath of the foundation of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in October 1949. Indeed, the struggle in which the Evangelical Church is today engaged can be seen as both a consequence and continuation of a struggle which began in 1949. The Soviet Union had gained control in 1945 of that part of Germany which was most staunchly Protestant. Initially there was no central authority for the Evangelical churches in postwar Germany. Instead there were a number of regional churches, eight of which were located in the Soviet Zone. However, in 1948 the Evangelical Church of Germany (EKD) was created as an umbrella organization for the whole country. Indeed the EKD remained intact as an all-German organization until 1969, despite the estrangement and mutual hostility which characterized inter-German relations until that year.

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Lamberti, Marjorie. "German Antifascist Refugees in America and the Public Debate on “What Should be Done with Germany after Hitler,” 1941–1945." Central European History 40, no. 2 (May 14, 2007): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000544.

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The debate over “what should be done with Germany after Hitler” became so intense in America in 1943–44 that competitive organizations were created to influence public opinion and official postwar planning. German refugees fought on both sides in the crossfire of opinion. Recent historical scholarship has discussed the failure of the German political emigration to gain formal political recognition from the United States government and the right to participate in Allied planning for postwar Germany. Though correct, this contention should not obscure the significant role that some of the anti-Nazi exiles played in framing the public debate on the treatment of Germany. They swam against the tide of extreme anti-German sentiments at the height of the Second World War, and their views found considerable resonance among American intellectuals. The public debate on the Allied policy for postwar Germany was more extensive than many historical accounts suggest in focusing on the proposals of Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau and the infighting within President Roosevelt's administration. German antifascist emigrants in America devised the arguments and rhetorical tools against the movement for a draconian peace long before the political controversy over the Morgenthau Plan in September 1944. Their contribution to the wartime debate on Germany's future helped to prepare Americans to accept the modification of Washington's tough policy for occupied Germany before the Cold War turned a onetime enemy into an ally. By the terms in which they cast this debate, they contributed also to the marginalization of the Holocaust in the wartime discourse on Germany more than historians have hitherto recognized.

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Ohotnykova, Olha Volodymyrivna. "IMPLEMENTATION OF THE MERITOCRATIC PRINCIPLE IN EUROPEAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION SYSTEMS." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0005.

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The article analyzed the experience of forming the personnel of the public administration system in France, Germany, Great Britain, Poland, Latvia. The author defined the procedures for selection and formation of a management elite in these countries. The article noted that the main stages of selection and formation of managerial personnel is the passage of the system of examinations on language proficiency and knowledge of legislation. The author stated that in France, Germany, Great Britain, Poland, Latvia there is no legislative regulation of the meritocratic principle as a principle of selection of talented specialists. In addition, the personal qualities of the managerial elite remain to be neglected. Separately, the question of creating a reserve of talented youth is needed, which will allow permanent rotation of staff in the system of public administration, and also create conditions for the development of personnel, depending on their talents and abilities. The author proposes ways to improve the system of examinations and procedures for recruiting.

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Malloy, Tove H., and Sonja Wolf. "Linguistic Minority Rights in the Danish-German Border Region: Reciprocity and Public Administration Policies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 23, no. 4 (November 18, 2016): 485–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02304002.

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Language equality is not public policy in Denmark or Germany, and neither country has adopted an official state language constitutionally. Both countries protect minority languages through regional and local statutes on culture and education and have signed relevant international standards on linguistic rights for minorities and protection of regional or minority languages. Neither system is very transparent, nor comprehensive. This has created consternation and dissatisfaction among the national minorities residing in the Danish-German border region resulting in recent tensions in the municipalities in Southern Denmark, whereas the government of Schleswig-Holstein decided in 2015 to address the issue with policy reforms for public administration. This article focuses on linguistic minority rights in the Danish-German border region with specific attention to minority languages in public administration and specifically to the on-going reforms in Schleswig-Holstein.

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Clement, Keith. "Hearing Objections? Evaluating Energy Planning Procedures in Scotland and Germany." Journal of Public Policy 8, no. 1 (January 1988): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006863.

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ABSTRACTThe planning of major energy facilities in Western Europe has met with increasing opposition in the last 15 years. In Scotland formal objections to such developments are considered in public inquiries; in Germany the equivalent institution is the hearing. These two institutions differ fundamentally in scope and in the means of presenting and examining evidence. The involvement of the courts has been greater in Germany, where lengthy cases examining procedural and substantive issues have developed a new field in legal administration. Developers, objectors and administrators find fault with the planning and legal systems, but outcomes invariably favour the developers. Of the two institutions examined, the British public inquiry offers objectors considerably more scope than does the German hearing.

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Bauer, Michael W., and Stefan Becker. "Public Administration in Germany: Problems and Potential of a Fragmented Community." International Journal of Public Administration 42, no. 11 (December 27, 2018): 950–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2018.1560318.

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Aristovnik, Aleksander, Polonca Kovač, Eva Murko, Dejan Ravšelj, Lan Umek, Marie Bohatá, Bernhard Hirsch, Fabienne-Sophie Schäfer, and Nina Tomaževič. "The Use of ICT by Local General Administrative Authorities during COVID-19 for a Sustainable Future: Comparing Five European Countries." Sustainability 13, no. 21 (October 25, 2021): 11765. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132111765.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly reshaped administrative relations and put emphasis on the digital transformation of public administration that is urgently needed to support a sustainable recovery from the pandemic crisis and future sustainable development in the post-pandemic era. This paper presents a comparative study on the ways the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic impacted general administrative authorities on the local level with respect to various aspects of their functioning and digitalization in five European countries. With a sample of 926 respondents from the Czech Republic, Germany, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia, the study shows that the pandemic-imposed changes are very similar in these countries. The results reveal that, except for Germany, the biggest problems of pandemic-related regulations are their obscurity. For all countries under study, parties to the procedures are shown to be the main driver of digitalization and not the public administration itself, generally lagging behind in this sense. Nevertheless, the pandemic has also created several potential opportunities, whereby public managers, especially in Germany, have acknowledged the importance of digitalization right after the protection of health, as confirmed by the wider use of ICT equipment, particularly in Germany and the Czech Republic. Moreover, Germany and Romania exhibit the greatest potential to accelerate digitalization. Finally, the critical factors influencing accelerated digitalization after the pandemic are also identified. The paper’s evidence-based findings could prove useful while formulating recommendations for the sustainable practices of public administrations during this and any future pandemic crisis.

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Stasch, Laura, and Anna Steidle. "Usability of digitized citizens' services." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 338 (July 15, 2020): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v338.8.

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Germany's public administrations must go digital by law till 2022. The German Online Access Act (our translation for “Onlinezugangsgesetz”, OZG) forces most services offered by public administration on federal, federal state and municipal level to become digitized. For most of these services still being paper-based and Germany not being one of the leaders in e- government according to many sources, the question of user acceptance arises. For answering the question whether the approach used in the digitalization labs leads to the development of digital public services that are accepted by future users, we conducted a heuristic evaluation of a prototype that was developed within the implementation of the OZG. The paper describes the setting, the test undertaken and the outcome and concludes with an estimate, whether the huge paradigm change towards the development of digital public services that are accepted by future users will be successful or not.

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Woll, Cornelia. "Bank Rescue Schemes in Continental Europe: The Power of Collective Inaction." Government and Opposition 49, no. 3 (May 22, 2014): 426–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.5.

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Comparing bank rescue schemes in France and Germany during the banking crisis of 2008–9, this article argues that collective inaction is a little-studied aspect in the exercise of power in business–government relations. Contrary to studies that focus on lobbying, structural power or the influence of beliefs, the comparison highlights that governments depend on contributions from the financial industry during crisis management. In the negotiations to design bank support schemes, some countries, such as France, succeeded in engaging their financial sector collectively. Such public–private burden-sharing arrangements alleviate the public budget and increase mutual surveillance between banks during government support. In other countries, such as Germany, a collectively organized industry response failed, which forced the government to design an entirely public support scheme. The German government reacted to this perceived imbalance by imposing tighter banking regulation to avoid a repetition of the impotence it experienced in 2008.

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Childs, David. "Honecker’s Germany." Government and Opposition 22, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00041.x.

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AS HE SALUTED THE GRIM FORMATIONS OF 10,000 ‘FIGHTING groups of the working class’ and thousands of other soldiers and paramilitary police in Berlin's Karl-Marx-Allee on 13 August, Erich Honecker looked quite relaxed. He knew that his colleagues Egon Krenz (crown prince and security overlord) and Erich Mielke (Minister for State Security) had taken every precaution to ensure that there would be no counter-demonstrations to mar this celebration of 25 years of the ‘anti-fascist defensive (Berlin) wall’. In this, his fifteenth year as leader of the Socialist Unity Party (SED), the 74-year-old Honecker could compliment himself on a successful party congress followed by successfully staged elections. He could also look back to a number of successful initiatives in the GDR's external relations.

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von Beyme, Klaus. "The Effects of Reunification on German Democracy: A Preliminary Evaluation of a Great Social Experiment." Government and Opposition 27, no. 2 (April 1, 1992): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00594.x.

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A Great Deal of Macro-Sociological theory in Germany since Max Weber has been devoted to the inquiry into the 'special German road to development' and to the incompatability of developments in the economic and political sectors. Germany, after its first unification in 1871, developed quickly into an important economic power. In the late-nineteenth century Germany overtook Britain in economic strength and seemed to be second only to the United States. Britain, however, remained the unmatched model of development: it was, together with the United States, the only country which synchronized effectively the development towards democracy and towards modern capitalism. Even France — the second successful model in Europe — went through various breakdowns of its political development in 1830, 1848, 1870–71. Even later, threats of a breakdown of the constitutional parliamentary systems were latent.

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Zervakis, Peter A. "The Europeanization of the political system and the public administration in Germany." Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας 13 (September 24, 2015): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/sas.579.

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Lebedeva, Ekaterina. "On the Question of the Powers of the Federal Executive Authorities of Germany in the Field of Genetic Engineering." Siberian Law Review 17, no. 3 (December 2, 2020): 421–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19073/2658-7602-2020-17-3-421-430.

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At the present stage of the development of genetic engineering activities in the Russian Federation the question of the expediency of distributing powers between federal executive bodies and executive bodies of constituent entities is relevant. In this regard, the experience of Germany in securing the relevant powers in the field of genetic engineering for the executive authorities is considered, in particular, the powers of the federal executive authorities of Germany are examined to release and place genetically modified organisms, to monitor the impact of artificial microorganisms on human health and the environment, as well as administrative functions for maintaining information registers of information about modified organisms. The Author analyzes the powers of the German Federal Ministry of Food and Agriculture (German: Bundesministerium für Ernährung und Landwirtschaft – BMEL), the Federal Office for Consumer Protection and Food Safety of Germany (German: Bundesamt für Verbraucherschutz und Lebensmittelsicherheit – BVL) and other bodies. In addition, the Author has investigated the powers of the federal states of the Federal Republic of Germany in the field of genetic engineering work related to the use and production of artificial microorganisms and GM products. As an example, the competence of the authorized body of the federal state of Hesse – the Department of the Government of Hesse for genetic engineering – is considered. Analysis of the powers of the executive authorities of Germany in the field of genetic engineering made it possible to formulate conclusions and recommendations for streamlining the powers of executive authorities and organizations in Russia. As a result, proposals were made to improve public administration in the field of genetic engineering activities in Russia, including the need to entrust a separate authority with the authority for comprehensive regulation in the field of genetic engineering activities, as well as the inexpediency of currently providing executive the authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the powers to exercise public administration in the area under consideration.

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Vogelsang, Ingo. "Deregulation and Privatization in Germany." Journal of Public Policy 8, no. 2 (April 1988): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0000698x.

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ABSTRACTPublic enterprises in the Federal Republic of Germany are about average for all nonsocialist countries and markets are more heavily regulated than in the United States. Compared to American deregulation and British privatization, there have been few developments in the Federal Republic. Why? In the last ten years new schools of thought have provided a stronger normative foundation for and a stronger positive explanation against deregulation and privatization in Germany in the near future. The German political debate on deregulation and privatization is characterized by three institutional peculiarities. Major steps to deregulate or privatize economic sectors require legislation, which is influenced by political parties. Trade unions exert a strong influence on the major parties and are opposed to privatization and deregulation. The European Community forces some deregulation upon the Federal Republic in order to liberalize service sectors.

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34

Dyson, Kenneth. "Europeanisation of German Economic Policies: Testing the Limits of Model Germany." Public Policy and Administration 17, no. 2 (April 2002): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207670201700206.

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Reichard, Christoph. "Strengthening competitiveness of local public service providers in Germany." International Review of Administrative Sciences 72, no. 4 (December 2006): 473–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852306070079.

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This article discusses the challenges for providers of local public services to adapt to increasing marketization and competition in the public sector. Based on some empirical evidence from local government in Germany, the article describes different adaptive measures in the past and shows the legal restrictions to strengthening performance and particularly competitiveness. Furthermore, the article presents some findings from good practice cases of local service providers in Germany who have successfully exposed themselves to market mechanisms. Finally, the article discusses observed results of increased competitiveness in the local government sector, with special regard to quality, efficiency and public employment. The article concludes with describing necessary elements of a competitive regime for public services and with some general reflections about the role of competition in the public sector.

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Barzelay, Michael, and Natascha Füchtner. "Explaining public management policy change: Germany in comparative perspective." Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 5, no. 1 (March 2003): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13876980308412689.

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von Beyme, Klaus. "Letter from Germany." Government and Opposition 23, no. 4 (October 1, 1988): 465–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00099.x.

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VIEWED FROM THE OUTSIDE WEST GERMANY SEEMS TO BE AN oasis of stability. The dullness of such a political system has been alleviated, however, by the rise of the Green and alternative movements. Why should Germany become a Mecca for the alternative movements, when so many scholars have testified over the years that its political culture tends to be legalistic, not conflict-oriented or tolerant of unconventional behaviour? Most observers from abroad have attempted to answer this question in terms of value change, motivational or economic crisis theories.

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Christof, Schiller, and Kuhnle Stein. "The Erosion of The Institutional Pillars of the German Sozialstaat." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 23, no. 1 (August 31, 2008): 73–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps23104.

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In scholarly literature, Germany often serves as a prime example of the conservative welfare state par excellence. Notwithstanding, a huge number of welfare reforms have been introduced since 1980, in particular during the last ten years. The article examines whether the institutional welfare elements attributed to Germany are still intact based on an analytical review of reforms in the areas of pensions, long-term care, and policies regarding families, the labor market, and health care. Have reforms been path-dependent adjustments, or are signs of transformative change evident? The conclusion is that the model conservative welfare state no longer exists, and that a new hybrid welfare state, combining elements from several types of welfare states, is developing. While we find substantial liberalization (of social risks) in most social policy areas, we also find extended state responsibility and more universalism (inspired by Scandinavian countries) in the area of family policy.

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McAdams, A. James. "Towards a New Germany?—Problems of Unification." Government and Opposition 25, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00585.x.

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IT HAS NOW BECOME COMMON FOR OBSERVERS TO NOTE that German reunification, an unthinkable prospect only a year ago, will be realised before anyone, either the East and West Germans themselves or any of their neighbours and allies, is fully prepared for this eventuality. As the conservative Alliance for Germany's stunning successes in the GDR's first free Volkskammer (parliamentary) elections on 18 March demonstrated, a near majority of the country's population was eager to cast its vote for those forces which promised to facilitate East Germany's absorption into the FRG on the fastest possible terms. By the same token, the vote was also a victory of sorts for all of the West German parties who rushed to lend material and financial aid to their GDR counterparts, for their involvement in the East German election campaigns clearly helped to accelerate the momentum behind national reunification.

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Hofhansel, Claus. "Explaining Foreign Economic Policy: A Comparison of U.S and West German Export Controls." Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 3 (July 1990): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005845.

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ABSTRACTThis article analyzes differences between United States and West German export controls. It shows that United States controls are more extensive and stricter than controls in West Germany. Three possible explanations for this variation in policy are considered. First, these two states differ in regard to their positions in the international system and in their choice of economic strategies. Second, the extent of domestic political support for strict export control policies varies between the two countries. Finally, West Germany lacks the institutional framework to adequately control its foreign trade. The evidence presented corroborates the first two alternatives, while institutional explanations receive relatively little support. The article then discusses the historical development of United States and West German export control policies and institutions. The analysis shows evidence of both change and stability. More specifically, the article questions the argument that institutions in foreign economic policy, once established, persist and resist change, instead of adapting to environmental changes. Several hypotheses are considered to explain why in the area of export controls changes in policy, and to some extent institutions, occurred more frequently in West Germany than in the United States.

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Gimžauskas, Edmundas. "Institutions for the Administration of Vilnius at the Beginning of the German Occupation during the First World War." Lithuanian Historical Studies 19, no. 1 (February 20, 2015): 135–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01901006.

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The entrenched opinion in historiography is that during the First World War, the German army, after entering the lands belonging to the Russian Empire, created its own occupying administrative structures essentially in an empty space. This also applies to the case of Vilnius. Nevertheless, the diaries and memoirs of witnesses of the events of that time cast doubt on this very entrenched stereotype. Indeed, the entry of the Germans into Vilnius in September 1915 meant radical changes in the development of the city’s administration, but from an administrative point of view, the arriving conquerors did not really find an empty space here. Certain structures, the city magistrate, police and Citizens’ Committee were approved for retention. This was done not at the initiative of the Russian government that carried it out, but of the local public itself. After the Germans marched in, they did not destroy the structures of civil administration they found, but adapted them to meet their own interests. Along with this, they created military structures, leaving civilian rule on the sidelines. As the Germans gradually established themselves, the rudiments of occupation civilian rule, which were drawn from cadres of local Poles, began to emerge. This was associated with the trend the German authorities expressed in the first months of the occupation to link the future of the Vilnius region with Poland. The Poles of Vilnius, dominating in the structures of the civil administration, hoped for a liberal system of government, similar to that of occupied ethnic Poland. However, in the late autumn of 1915, at the initiative of the highest German military command in the East, a special administrative formation, the Oberost, began to be created, which was to become an economic and military colony of Germany. The Vilnius region was also to be part of it. From then on, the creation of the German civil administration began on a purely military basis, with the suppression of the Polish identity and the gradual restriction and pressure on all former local administrative structures, which was fully revealed at the beginning of 1916.

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Krotz, Ulrich, and Lucas Schramm. "An Old Couple in a New Setting: Franco-German Leadership in the Post-Brexit EU." Politics and Governance 9, no. 1 (January 27, 2021): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i1.3645.

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What are the implications of Brexit for the nature, role, and potential of Franco-German leadership in the EU? Brexit, we contend, is both an expression and a further cause of two broader underlying developments in the contemporary EU: First, a stronger and more prominent German part and position, and second, disintegrative tendencies in several EU policy fields and the EU polity as a whole. This, in turn, has major implications for Franco-German bilateralism and for Franco-German leadership in the EU. In light of a stronger Germany, a relatively weaker France, and significant centrifugal forces, the two largest EU member states must not only realign their bilateral relationship but must also act as a stabilizer in and for the EU. We show that during the EU’s recent crises, not least during the Brexit negotiations and the recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic, France and Germany did exercise joint leadership. We also show, however, that major discrepancies persist between the two countries in particular policy fields and with regard to longer-term European objectives. Brexit, with its numerous calamities and implications, thus once again moves Franco-German leadership—and its shortcomings—to center stage in Europe. When it comes to leadership in the EU, there remains no viable alternative to the Franco-German duo. Yet, in order to provide constructive leadership and successfully shape the EU, the two countries must bridge substantial differences and be ready to carry disproportionately high burdens.

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Kusiak-Winter, Renata. "The constitutionalization of administrative law as a remedy for authoritarian rule: The case of Poland and the case of Germany." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 513–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.39.

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The continuity of the administrative apparatus is an indispensable element of any state, be it a democracy or an authoritarian regime. Given that permanency is an attribute of administration, any change from authoritarianism to democracy must therefore be followed by finding adequate corrective measures to transform public administration accordingly. In post-war Germany, it was the constitutionalisation of administrative law that had the pivotal role in attaining this goal. The paper aims at shedding more light on how to view and critique the Polish departure from the administration of the PRL-era authoritarian system in the context of the path followed by Germany.

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Vampa, Davide. "COVID-19 and Territorial Policy Dynamics in Western Europe: Comparing France, Spain, Italy, Germany, and the United Kingdom." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 51, no. 4 (June 28, 2021): 601–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjab017.

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Abstract This article seeks to assess and explain territorial policy dynamics in five European countries—Italy, Spain, Germany, France and the United Kingdom—from the start of the COVID-19 pandemic up to early 2021. The crisis has clearly highlighted well-known differences between centralized and decentralized systems. Yet focusing on this dichotomy is not sufficient. It is suggested that, while the distribution of authority between central and regional governments matters, policy dynamics—that is, how different territorial levels interact in policy-making processes—are even more important in driving multi-level responses to the emergency. Whether these dynamics are hierarchical (France), competitive (Italy and Spain), cooperative (Germany) or mixed (the United Kingdom) depends on how pre-crisis institutional, sectoral and political “causal forces” moderate the impact of an exogenous shock.

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Hrazhevska, N., and А. Tyngisheva. "Public administration models and healthcare system regulation in foreign countries." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Economics, no. 214 (2021): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2667.2021/214-1/2.

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The article examines main models of public administration and regulation of health care systems, assessed with an account for their organizational and financial characteristics: predominantly state, predominantly social and insurance, predominantly private models. The predominantly state model characterized by a significant role of the state is observed in the UK, Greece, Denmark, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, etc., the predominantly social and insurance model is found in Austria, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany, France, Switzerland, and Japan with the predominantly private model followed in the USA, South Korea, and other counties. The international ranking on the effectiveness of health systems is attained in terms of their response to challenges of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the analysis, the critical issues for the health care systems were highlighted: insufficient funding of the public health care system, irrational distribution of health care costs, as well as the fact that health care systems were not designed for an emergency situations. The irrational distribution of public funds is a consequence of the low efficiency of health care management at all levels, which leads to concomitant problems in health care, such as staffing and material support. Based on the study of the main foreign models of public administration and regulation of the health care system, it was shown that for the Kazakh and Ukrainian models of the health-care system public administration, it is feasible to follow Germany and Singapore with their developed health insurance system based on a combination of the principles of individual responsibility and universal affordable medical care, as well as the well-coordinated systemic work of public health authorities in a state of emergency. Thus, further improving the efficiency of health care system management is one of the main tasks for social policy in Kazakhstan and Ukraine. Dealing with this task largely depends on the correct choice of the appropriate model of the health-care system public administration.

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Kim, Wangsik. "The Context of EU Telecommunications Reform Process: The Cases of Britain and Germany." International Review of Public Administration 13, no. 1 (May 2008): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12294659.2008.10805116.

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Burkhart, S. "Reforming Federalism in Germany: Incremental Changes instead of the Big Deal." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 39, no. 2 (November 6, 2008): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjn035.

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Hepp, Ralf, and Jürgen von Hagen. "Fiscal Federalism in Germany: Stabilization and Redistribution Before and After Unification." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 42, no. 2 (March 15, 2011): 234–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjr004.

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Žákovec, Luděk, and Peter Ondria. "Development and Current State of E-Government in the Federal Republic of Germany." Politické vedy 25, no. 4 (January 10, 2023): 231–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.231-260.

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The state and its administration have been constantly confronted with profound changes, which they not only faced, but which must be shaped in order to better fulfil their diverse tasks and be able to fulfil their responsibilities. One such modern and fast-moving change is digitalization, which affects every area of life. The potential of digitalization has, of course, also affected the administrative activity of the state, from the design of optimal framework conditions for the economy and society through the improvement of infrastructure to more efficient administrative work. The aim of the article was to identify the key moments in building e-Government in Germany and, in the context of assessing its current state, to identify the main shortcomings of German e-Government. In this context, we have focused on defining and clarifying the nature of e-Government, introducing the positives and negatives. In the second part, we have focused on a brief analysis of the development and current state of implementation of the e-Government concept in Germany. The biggest shortcoming of the German public administration in terms of digitalization is the issue of effective interconnection of online services into one functioning overall system. There is still no central portal in Germany that contains all the information and service offers from a single source. It is still in the process of building. Even public registers, i.e., data collection and office archives, are not sufficiently interconnected. It requires, first and foremost, political will, an attractive range of services, initial investment as a driving force and a source of inspiration, and municipalities and Länder are also key in this process as the first points of contact for citizens

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Blaufus, Kay, Frank Hechtner, and Janine K. Jarzembski. "The Income Tax Compliance Costs of Private Households: Empirical Evidence from Germany." Public Finance Review 47, no. 5 (August 13, 2019): 925–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1091142119866147.

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Using a survey of more than 18,000 taxpayers in North Rhine-Westphalia (Germany), we estimate the income tax compliance costs of German households and study the determinants of these costs. We find that taxpayers need between 9.13 and 10.23 hours and spend €106 to meet their income tax obligations. The average total burden is between €228 (lower bound estimate) and €321 (upper bound estimate). The aggregate cost burden ranges between 2.03 percent and 2.92 percent of the German income tax revenues of tax year 2015. Although these costs have decreased significantly over recent years (mainly for self-preparers without self-employment income), international comparisons illustrate that the German burden is still located in the upper middle. The five most important cost drivers that increase individual costs are the use of tax advice, the appeal procedure, income, return complexity, and education. We cannot confirm that e-filing reduces taxpayers’ compliance costs.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Public administration – Germany'

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