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Journal articles on the topic 'Psychology, Religious'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Mikheev, Vladimir. "Can Religious States and Representations Be Religious and Secular? A Critique of the Psychology of Religion." State Religion and Church 6, no. 1 (2019): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2311-3448-2019-6-1-44-64.

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2

Haque, Amber. "The Psychology of Religion." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i1.2037.

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The areas of psychology and religion have been traditionally viewed as mutuallyexclusive and the relationship between them seen as one of paradox and impossibility.The book under review offers a wide coverage of the subject from its troubledhistory to the latest developments in the field in easy to understand language.In an overview of the book, the author points out how religion can be a powerfulforce in human society leading to admirable and often horrible consequences.Citing a few research studies, the author shows how the situation has changed overthe years and how the psychology of religion is emerging as a completely new fieldof study. The book is divided into seven chapters.Chapter one begins with the daunting task of defining both psychology and religionfrom the author's own perspective, after a review of some popular definitions.After presenting a couple of questionnaires to measure religious beliefs, the authorpresents a short history of the uneasy relationship between psychology, religionand discusses the concept of spirituality. The author points out that although spiritualityis common to most religions and cultural traditions, it can be a divisiveissue and is actually outside the context of organized religion. Concern is raised bythe author regarding the lack of attention given to the possible differences betweenthe religious experiences and behaviors of men and women.Chapter two focuses on how traditions outside of the western Christian context,e.g. Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism view the psychology-religionrelationship. This chapter also describes "Syncretic Religions" in which differentreligious traditions are blended, and the new religious movements starting in the1960s. The chapter stresses that although psychological emphases and consequencesmay differ, psychological themes are common to all or most religions, andthese emphases and consequences need further investigation.Chapter three discusses religious behavior and examines in detail the effects ofprayer. The author gives definitions and quotations of prominent scholars andcites empirical studies showing effects and perceived effects of prayer. The use of ...

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3

Lazar, Aryeh. "The Challenges of Research in the Psychology of Religion among Jewish (Israeli) Samples." Journal of Empirical Theology 33, no. 1 (June 19, 2020): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341409.

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Abstract Measures and conceptualizations in the psychology of religion have been developed on predominantly Christian samples and their transportation to the study of other religions can be problematic. A review of empirical research on Israeli Jewish samples in different research areas—measuring religiousness, religious motivation, mystical experience, prayer, religious support, religious fundamentalism, and religiousness & sexuality—is presented and the significance of differences in orthodoxy / orthopraxy orientation, religious theology and belief, religious practice, and sociological aspects of religious life for empirical research in the psychology of religion is demonstrated. Methodological recommendations in each instance are provided. Many of the insights and recommendations presented here are applicable to the study of additional non-Christian religions.

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4

Wardani, Wardani. "BERBAGAI ALTERNATIF PENDEKATAN PSIKOLOGIS DALAM STUDI AGAMA." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Ushuluddin 15, no. 2 (July 2, 2017): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jiiu.v15i2.1290.

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This article is aimed to describe psychological approaches in the study of religions. Psychology provides many perspectives, such as Feudian psychoanalysis, eventhough it considered religion as pathology, also provided semantic tool to understand inner religious experiences. Another side of psychoanalysis functioned to study the development of children’s religious experiences. Psychology also can be applied to study spiritual awakening, or more precisely, conversion from non-religious into religious experience, or from situation to other one. Trans-personal psychology is more concerned with therapeutic practices, but in the view of Dan Merkur, this kind of psychology should be called as “theology” rather than psychology in true sense of the word.

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5

Graham, George P. "Psychology and Religious Experience." Catholic Social Science Review 3 (1998): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr1998313.

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6

Nicholson, Ian. "From the Kingdom of God to the Beloved Community, 1920–1930: Psychology and the Social Gospel in the Work of Goodwin Watson & Carl Rogers." Journal of Psychology and Theology 22, no. 3 (September 1994): 196–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719402200305.

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This article examines the relationship between psychology and religion in the 1920s through a consideration of the careers of Goodwin Watson and Carl Rogers. Both men began their professional lives in the ministry but later switched to psychology. Their decision to go into psychology and their subsequent research program is discussed in relation to the religious and social context of the early 20th century. For Watson and Rogers, psychology was not an abandonment of religious ideals but an assimilation of religion into a scientific framework. Their experience suggests that psychology's growth in the 1920s is partly attributable to the perception that the field could bring certain religious ideals to fruition.

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7

Ellens, J. Harold, Andre Godin, LeRoy A. Wauck, John McDargh, and Nils G. Holm. "The Psychology of Religious Vocations." Review of Religious Research 26, no. 3 (March 1985): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511285.

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8

GREENGRASS, M. "THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE." French History 5, no. 4 (1991): 467–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/5.4.467.

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9

Sterkens, Carl. "The psychology of religious fundamentalism." Journal of Empirical Theology 21, no. 1 (2008): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157092508x297564.

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10

Byrnes, Joseph F., Fraser Watts, and Mark Williams. "The Psychology of Religious Knowing." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 29, no. 2 (June 1990): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387446.

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11

Haque, Amber, and Khairol A. Masuan. "PERSPECTIVE: Religious Psychology in Malaysia." International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 12, no. 4 (October 2002): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327582ijpr1204_05.

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12

Karagodina, O. "Psychology of Religion." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 6 (December 5, 1997): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/1997.6.118.

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Psychology of religion as a branch of religious studies, in contrast to the philosophy and sociology of religion, focuses attention mainly on the problems of individual religiosity - the phenomena of religious experience, religious beliefs, mechanisms of the emergence and development of religious experience. The psychology of religion studies the experience of the supernatural person, the psychological roots of this experience and its significance for the subjective. Since a person is formed and operates in a society, the study of religious experience must include its social sources.

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13

Zahra, Novina Sabila, and Andi Ramdhan Al-Qadri. "Konsep Toleransi Beragama pada Remaja Suku Bugis Makassar." Jurnal Psikologi Islam dan Budaya 5, no. 1 (May 17, 2022): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jpib.v5i1.12330.

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This study aims to explore the concept of religious tolerance in Bugis Makassar youth. This research is a construct realism qualitative research with an indigenous psychology approach. Indigenous psychology approach is used to explore individual understanding of a concept, especially the concept of tolerance which is inseparable from cultural and social influences. The respondents were 130 teenagers with the age ranged from 18 to 21 years old, and were asked to fill an open-ended questionnaire.. The results showed that religious tolerance was interpreted by Bugis Makassar youth as feelings and respect for other religions. The attitude towards others with different religion was indicated by feeling happy or okay and not having problem with different religion. The expression of religious tolerance was did not disturb others in doing their worships. Also, the response of the situation involving other religions' activities were welcoming and respecting other religions' activities. This finding indicated that individuals with religious tolerance are those who can respect and accept other religions in their surrounding environment.

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14

Schieppati, Sara Valentina, Cinzia Di Dio, and Gabriella Gilli. "Religious and sacred art: Recent psychological perspectives." RICERCHE DI PSICOLOGIA, no. 1 (May 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/rip2022oa13589.

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The psychology of art has had an enormous development since the middle of the last century; however, no much work has been done in association with religious and sacred art. This paper aims to provide a brief history of the use of images in the three great monotheistic religions, i.e., Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.All three religions have been influenced by the commandment (Exodus, 20:4), which prohibits idolatry. Nevertheless, when it comes to the use of images with religious content, the commandment is interpreted differently by the three. If in Judaism and Islam the use of images is not particularly widespread and is bound to precise conditions, in Christianity a strong relationship with the visual arts has developed, at least until the Reformation. After this split, the use of images was only encouraged by the Catholic Church even though, with the Enlightenment, religious and sacred art suffered a decline even in Catholic culture.It was not until the twentieth and twenty-first centuries that the Catholic Church returned to support and encourage art in the religious context. It will then be necessary to distinguish between religious art and sacred art because they serve different functions. Precisely because it is a field in which deepening is possible, it could be very interesting for the psychology of art to study the perception of religious and sacred images, for example investigating constructs associated with the perception of vitality and aesthetic judgment.

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15

Krivohlavy, Jaro. "REVIEW: "Psychologie nábozenství (Psychology of Religion)"." International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 13, no. 3 (July 2003): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327582ijpr1303_06.

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16

Jones, Daniel N., Adon L. Neria, Farzad A. Helm, Reza N. Sahlan, and Jessica R. Carré. "Religious Overclaiming and Support for Religious Aggression." Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 7 (April 14, 2020): 1011–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550620912880.

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Agentic self-enhancement consists of self-protective and self-advancing tendencies that can lead to aggression, especially when challenged. Because self-enhancers often endorse aggression to defend or enhance the self-concept, religious self-enhancement should lead to endorsing aggression to defend or enhance one’s religion. We recruited three samples ( N = 969) from Mechanical Turk ( n = 409), Iran ( n = 351), and the U.S.–Mexico border region ( n = 209). We found that religious (but not secular) self-enhancement in the form of religious overclaiming predicted support for, and willingness to engage in, religious aggression. In contrast, accuracy in religious knowledge had mostly negative associations with aggression-relevant outcomes. These results emerged across two separate religions (Christianity and Islam) and across three different cultures (the United States, Iran, and the U.S.–Mexico border region). Thus, religious overclaiming is a promising new direction for studying support for religious aggression and identifying those who may become aggressive in the name of God.

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17

Wilcox, Lance. "The Religious Psychology of Samuel Johnson." Ultimate Reality and Meaning 21, no. 3 (September 1998): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.21.3.160.

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18

Chung, Sungjin. "KACCP. The Religious Experience and Psychology." Theological Research Institute of Sahmyook University 22, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.56035/tod.2020.22.1.160.

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19

Enger, Trond. "RELIGIOUS EDUCATION BETWEEN PSYCHOLOGY AND THEOLOGY." Religious Education 87, no. 3 (June 1992): 435–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0034408920870309.

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20

DOURLEY, JOHN P. "The Religious Implications of Jung's Psychology." Journal of Analytical Psychology 40, no. 2 (April 1995): 177–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-5922.1995.00177.x.

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21

McCallister, B. J. "The Psychology of Religious Knowing (Book)." International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 2, no. 2 (April 1992): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327582ijpr0202_6.

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22

Dourley, John P. "The Religious Significance of Jung's Psychology." International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 5, no. 2 (April 1995): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327582ijpr0502_1.

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23

Savage, Sara B. "REVIEW: "The Psychology of Religious Fundamentalism"." International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 16, no. 3 (July 2006): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327582ijpr1603_8.

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24

Fuller, Robert C. "American psychology and the religious imagination." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 42, no. 3 (2006): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jhbs.20170.

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25

Bremer, Józef. "Henryk Machoń: Religiöse Erfahrung zwischen Emotion und Kognition: William James’ Karl Girgensohns, Rudolf Otto und Carl Gustav Jungs Psychologie des religiösen Erlebens." Forum Philosophicum 11, no. 1 (November 1, 2006): 300–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2006.1101.29.

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The article reviews the book Religiöse Erfahrung zwischen Emotion und Kognition: William James’ Karl Girgensohns, Rudolf Otto und Carl Gustav Jungs Psychologie des religiösen Erlebens [Religious Experience between Emotion and Cognition: William James, Karl Girgensohns, Rudolf Otto and Carl Gustav Jung on the Psychology of Religious Experience], by Henryk Machoń.

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26

Buana, Dana R., and Masayu N. Juwita. "Government Policy in Overcoming Religious Extremism in Indonesia: A Multidisciplinary Review between Public Administration and Psychology." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 8, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 423–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2021-8-4-423-433.

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The development of religious extremism in Indonesia continues to increase every year so that serious attention is needed by the government to deal with religious extremism in Indonesia. Indonesia is an archipelagic country where there are various ethnic groups and religions that coexist. However, the development of religious extremism sometimes becomes a serious problem for the Indonesian people because it can have a negative impact and damage the unity between nations and religions. This research uses literature study. This research method is carried out by reviewing various literatures, both books, newspapers, survey reports, academic journals related to religious extremism in Indonesia. The results show that not all religious extremism has an impact on the emergence of terrorism, but the government still must make the right policies in handling religious extremism that can cause division and affect peoples welfare. The policies that have been made by the government are considered appropriate and based on the laws that have been set by the government so that they can have a positive impact in maintaining the unity and integrity of the Indonesian nation.

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27

Abu-Raiya, Hisham, and Kenneth I. Pargament. "Religious coping among diverse religions: Commonalities and divergences." Psychology of Religion and Spirituality 7, no. 1 (February 2015): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0037652.

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28

Wulff, David M. "Experimental introspection and religious experience: The dorpat school of religious psychology." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 21, no. 2 (April 1985): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1520-6696(198504)21:2<131::aid-jhbs2300210205>3.0.co;2-q.

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29

Nelisma, Yuliana, Muslima Muslima, and Elviana Elviana. "RELIGIOUS PSYCHOLOGY OF CHILDREN AND YOUTH IN RELATION TO RELIGIOUS COUNSELING PROGRAMS AND STRATEGIES." Jurnal Mahasiswa BK An-Nur : Berbeda, Bermakna, Mulia 10, no. 1 (January 12, 2024): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31602/jmbkan.v10i1.11181.

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The study in this research is about the religious psychology of children and adolescents in relation to religious counseling programs and strategies. The research model used is a literature study that discusses the religious psychology of children and adolescents in relation to religious counseling programs and strategies, referring to articles or findings related to this matter.

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30

Saroglou, Vassilis. "Trans-Cultural/Religious Constants vs. Cross-Cultural/Religious Differences in Psychological Aspects of Religion." Archive for the Psychology of Religion 25, no. 1 (January 2003): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157361203x00057.

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Are there trans-religious, trans-cultural constants in psychological aspects of religion across different religions and cultures? An excessively culturalistic approach may overlook this possibility, putting an emphasis on the uniqueness of the religious phenomenon studied as emerging from a complex of multiple contextual factors. This article reviews empirical studies in psychology of religion in the 1990s that mainly include participants from different Christian denominations, but also from other religions: Muslims, Jews and Hindus. It appeared, at first, that several cross-cultural/religious differences can be documented (especially between Catholics and Protestants), but the interpretation of these differences is not simple, as other factors may interfere. Secondly it turned out that an impressive series of psychological constants also exist across different denominations, religions, and cultures. These constants include personality correlates, gender and gender orientation, positive and negative values, cognitive and affective aspects, identity formation, social attitudes and consequences.

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31

Khodadady, Ebrahim, and Zahra Hosseini Zahani. "Which Self Represents Sapiens? Biological, Psychiatric, Psychological or Religious?" Journal of Clinical Research and Reports 08, no. 05 (August 28, 2021): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.31579/2690-1919/189.

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Background: The physical science of biology and social sciences of psychiatry, psychology and religion address “self” as one of their main themes of investigation. Objective: to find out which self-described by these sciences represents “sapiens” distinguished from all other organisms because of having wisdom. Methodology: a representative text of biology was chosen and subjected to textual and statistical analyses and contrasted to those of psychiatry, psychology and religion. Results: Biology, psychiatry and psychology employ the eight-taxon structure of Linnaeus [1] in which wisdom has no role to play and thus “sapiens” are treated as if they were similar, if not the same as, all other species of plants and animals. Religion, however, divides “sapiens” to three types of self-based on whether they exercise their wisdom or not. Conclusion: Biology, psychiatry and psychology render all selves including “sapiens” subject to life on the earth and justify whatever they do in terms of securing and enjoying it. Religion, however, lifts “sapiens” to the vicegerency of God and holds them responsible for the type of self they choose to become by extending life to hereafter.

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32

Antonov, Konstantin, and Ksenia Kolkunova. "Vasily Zenkovky: religious experience as basis for psychology of religion and religios upbringing." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series IV. Pedagogy. Psychology 48 (March 31, 2018): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiv201848.107-120.

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33

Musek, Janek. "Values Related to the Religious Adherence." Psihologijske teme 26, no. 2 (2017): 451–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31820/pt.26.2.10.

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The religions and their value systems play a crucial role in the history of human civilization. In the past and in the recent time, the value-based religious differences substantially contribute to the societal conflicts. Thus, the research of the values related to the religious orientation is an important task of psychology and other social sciences. This study is aimed to obtain a more complete insight into the differences in the value orientations between the adherents of the seven major religions in the world: Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim, Christian Orthodox, Christian Protestant and Christian Catholic. The results clearly demonstrated, (1st), the essential association of the religious or non-religious beliefs with the values, value priorities and value orientations and, (2nd), the substantial differences between religious or non-religious groups in the value systems. These differences are very probably related to the globally observed distinctions between secularism and fundamentalism and underlying ideological and educational doctrines.

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34

Zhou, Lang, and Qiuyun Sun. "The psychology of peasant religious conversion for the purpose of disease control: The role of belief in understanding Chinese rural religious practices." Chinese Journal of Sociology 5, no. 4 (September 24, 2019): 474–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x19872742.

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This paper focuses on the religious psychology of peasants who undergo religious conversion in order to cure an illness or disease. Field research was conducted in Wang village in Northern Jiangsu, examining the psychology of newly converted peasants. In academic circles psychology of peasants is usually critiqued according to utility and rationality. In this paper, belief is a starting point for understanding the psychology of peasants. The natural mentality and family ethics of the peasants lead them to place high expectations on religion as a tool for curing disease and facing life crises and dilemmas. The three levels of religious practice include: religious construction of ‘belief’; emotional embedding of ‘belief’; and developing ‘faith’. These requirements lead to the transformation of the individual’s psychological status from secular to religious. Based on the interaction between the individual and religion which is affected by the initial disease and its seriousness, peasants’ religious psychology is divided into three types: collapse of belief; transition of belief; and upgrading of belief. The rituals and different attitudes towards belief constitute the mechanism of developing religious psychology and also shape peasants’ attitudes towards faith. In addition, this paper explores the role of belief in understanding individual religious psychology, religious conversion, and religious revival in Chinese rural religious practices.

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35

Levine, Sydney, Joshua Rottman, Taylor Davis, Elizabeth O'Neill, Stephen Stich, and Edouard Machery. "Religious Affiliation and Conceptions of the Moral Domain." Social Cognition 39, no. 1 (February 2021): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2021.39.1.139.

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What is the relationship between religious affiliation and conceptions of the moral domain? Putting aside the question of whether people from different religions agree about how to answer moral questions, here we investigate a more fundamental question: How much disagreement is there across religions about which issues count as moral in the first place? That is, do people from different religions conceptualize the scope of morality differently? Using a new methodology to map out how individuals conceive of the moral domain, we find dramatic differences among adherents of different religions. Mormon and Muslim participants moralized their religious norms, while Jewish participants did not. Hindu participants in our sample did not seem to make a moral/non-moral distinction of the same kind. These results suggest a profound relationship between religious affiliation and conceptions of the scope of the moral domain.

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36

Averianov, Petr G., and Galina A. Striukova. "Psychology of Religious Experience: Experience of Analysing." Volga Region Pedagogical Search 27, no. 1 (2019): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33065/2307-1052-2019-1-27-106-117.

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37

Heft, Harry. "Ecological psychology and religious meaning: strange bedfellows?" Religion, Brain & Behavior 4, no. 2 (August 15, 2013): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2153599x.2013.816341.

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38

Kirkpatrick, Lee A. "The evolutionary social psychology of religious beliefs." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 27, no. 6 (December 2004): 741. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x04330177.

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Atran & Norenzayan (A&N) are correct that religion is an evolutionary by-product, not an adaptation, but they do not go far enough. Once supernatural beliefs are enabled by processes they describe, numerous social-cognitive mechanisms related to attachment, social exchange, coalitional psychology, status and dominance, and kinship are crucial for explaining the specific forms religion takes and individual and cultural differences therein.

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39

Fauteux, Kevin. "Beyond Unity: Religious Experience, Creativity, and Psychology." Journal of Aesthetic Education 29, no. 2 (1995): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3333457.

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Fauteux, Kevin. "Beyond Unity: Religious Experience, Creativity, and Psychology." Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 619–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jaap.1.1995.23.4.619.

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41

Béra, Matthieu. "Il faut traiter les faits religieux comme des choses." Durkheimian Studies 26, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2022.260101.

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Abstract First, we return to the question of ‘revelation’ that has never been taken as an object of research. There has always been reluctance to take it seriously. However, Durkheim changed his thematic and theoretical perspectives from 1897, focusing on religious facts. Second, we explain how to treat revelation as a ‘thing’, as an object of research, insisting on the exegetical method by positioning ourselves prior to the emergence of ‘revelation’ (1895) to identify the paths that were decisive for Durkheim. All the articles in the special issue follow this approach. Third, we show how Durkheim went about ‘treating religious facts as things’, via the comparative method: by comparing the objectification of religion in other disciplines (history, law, psychology, philosophy), to arrive at a sociological synthesis; by comparing religious facts (and especially sacrifice) within different religions. The six articles in the special issue demonstrate the importance of the comparative method in social science. They ought to be compared with each other. Résumé Dans un premier temps, nous revenons sur la question de la révélation en rappelant qu'elle n'a jamais été traitée comme un objet de recherche à part entière. Il y a toujours eu des réticences à la prendre au sérieux. Pourtant, dans les faits, à partir de 1897, Durkheim a bien changé d'optiques, thématique et théorique, en ne s'intéressant plus qu'aux faits religieux. Dans un second temps, nous expliquons comment traiter la révélation ‘comme une chose’, en insistant sur la méthode exégétique, en se positionnant en amont de la révélation (1895), pour repérer les cheminements décisifs de Durkheim. Tous les articles du dossier suivent cette voie. Dans un troisième temps, nous montrons comment Durkheim s'y est pris pour ‘traiter les faits religieux comme des choses’1, via la méthode comparative : en comparant l'objectivation du religieux telle qu'elle était proposée par les autres disciplines (histoire, droit, psychologie, philosophie, ethnologie…), puis en comparant les faits religieux (et spécialement le sacrifice) entre différentes religions. Les six articles du dossier démontrent l'importance de la méthode comparative en science sociale. Ils doivent eux-mêmes être comparés entre eux.

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42

Tjeltveit, Alan C. "The Impossibility of a Psychology of the Christian Religion: A Theological Perspective." Journal of Psychology and Theology 17, no. 3 (September 1989): 205–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164718901700301.

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Does theology have a legitimate role to play in the psychology of the Christian religion? Several strands of thought within scholarly disciplines which study religion say “Yes.” Those perspectives are reviewed and a particular theological perspective on the definition of the Christian religion is set forth. In light of that perspective, an argument for the appropriate limits of psychology's attempts to provide knowledge about the Christian religion is made. It is concluded that, although a psychology of religious experience and behavior can and ought to be pursued, it is, in several regards, impossible to construct a psychology of the Christian religion.

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43

Wilber, Ken. "Integral Psychology: Consciousness, Spirit, Psychology, Therapy." Nova Religio 8, no. 2 (November 1, 2004): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2004.8.2.125.

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44

Kaul, Volker. "What makes a Fundamentalist? Metaphysics, Morality and Psychology." Philosophy & Social Criticism 41, no. 4-5 (April 9, 2015): 509–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453715576561.

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The article analyses the motivations of fundamentalists. Typically, fundamentalism is considered to have its origin in determinate cultural or religious systems of beliefs and norms. In this regard, it is possible to distinguish between metaphysical accounts and moral accounts of fundamentalism. The first state that fundamentalism makes claims concerning the reality of cultures and religions. The second hold fundamentalism to be of practical, not of theoretical, nature. This article argues, on the contrary, that fundamentalism does not have its source in religion or culture. Fundamentalists are not motivated by cultural or religious beliefs and reasons. Their intolerance is, in contrast, caused and driven by purely emotional reactions. What makes a fundamentalist is the emotional non-distinction between the intentions and actions of others and the proper behavior in matters of culture and religion. A fundamentalist has equally strong and intense emotional reactions when it comes to others’ integrity as with regard to his or her own piety.

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Watkins, Philip, Michael Frederick, and Don E. Davis. "Gratitude to God Predicts Religious Well-Being over Time." Religions 13, no. 8 (July 25, 2022): 675. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13080675.

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The authors used a prospective design to investigate how gratitude to God predicts religious well-being over time. Gratitude to God is a central aspect of monotheistic religions, and thus may be particularly important to the religious/spiritual well-being of believers. Participants completed online measures of trait and state gratitude to God, along with spiritual well-being, nearness to God, and religious commitment scales over a one-to-two-month period. General well-being, trait gratitude, and the Big Five personality traits were also assessed. After controlling baseline levels, trait gratitude and the Big Five personality traits, dispositional gratitude to God at Time 1 predicted increased religious well-being, nearness to God, and religious commitment at Time 2. Although gratitude to God was significantly related to general well-being variables in cross-sectional analyses, it did not predict these variables over time. Validity data for the gratitude to God measures are also presented. The results suggest that gratitude to God is important to religious/spiritual well-being, and gratitude to God may be a critical variable for research on positive psychology and the psychology of religion/spirituality.

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Wati, Salmi, Rezki Amelia, Hidayatina Hidayatina, and Gusmirawati Gusmirawati. "Religious development and child personality: What does religious psychology say about them." Gender Equality: International Journal of Child and Gender Studies 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/equality.v8i1.12767.

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This research aims to reveal how religious guidance in the formation of Islamic personality in children is seen from the study of religious psychology. Basically, personality and religious development in childhood is the responsibility of parents at home and teachers at school. So that the development can run as it should and can produce the expected results, it should be in an effort to foster the personality and religion of a child adjusted to his religious nature and religious development that is being passed. The research method used in this research is library research. By using descriptive analysis methods by collecting data, compiling or classifying, analyzing, and interpreting it. The results showed that the period of children is the beginning of religious coaching and personality. If the child's personal development is carried out properly, then in adolescence will not have difficulty in building his personality. Conversely, if the child fares poorly, where personal coaching in his family is not carried out properly and in school is less helpful, then he will face a difficult adolescence and his personal coaching will be very difficult.

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Ratnawati, Ratnawati. "Aspek-aspek Kejiwaan dan Motivasi Manusia dalam Konsepsi Islam." Islamic Counseling: Jurnal Bimbingan Konseling Islam 1, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/jbk.v1i1.234.

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The discription of human’s psyche and motivation was besides discribed by general psychology it was also done in the Islamic psychology. Human psyche and motivation in general psychology is more emphasized on the worldly interests, meanwhile the psyche and motivation in Islam bisides containts the worldy interests it also includes the religious belief to firmly believe in the truth of Islamic doctrines. These points of differences is more caused by the opinion paradigm used. The object of general psychology is the real facts, meanwhile in the Islamic psychology besides views the materials also perceives the immaterials. The Islamic psychology containts the elements related to religious preferences for the shake of religious or belief interests, meanwhile it is less or nothing in general psychology. The aspect of religious is the special charecteristic of Islamic psychology compared with general psychology or others.

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Tokareva, Svetlana, and Vyacheslav Patrin. "Theistic Psychology as a Methodological Principle of the Study of Religious Experience." Logos et Praxis, no. 2 (September 2019): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lp.jvolsu.2019.2.1.

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The article investigates the genesis of psychologism as a methodological basis for the study of religious experience. The authors show that the first experience of consistent applying psychologism for the purpose of radical criticism of religion was carried out by D. Hume, who reduced the religious experience to the emotional and mental nature of man. As a result, in the philosophy of Hume, the sphere of religious experiences was completely desacralized and the concepts making up the core of spiritual and religious-ethical life of man, such as "personality", "spiritual substance", "mystical experience" were declared meaningless. In the research of F. Schleiermacher the principle of psychology was used to identify the grounds of religiosity. According to Schleiermacher, the sacred is rooted in the very nature of man in the form of original, undifferentiated "religious feeling." The type of psychologism developed by Schleiermacher is theistic because it comes from the recognition of the ontological nature of the divine spark, which is initially presented in religious experience and is not brought into it by faith, a specific creed or metaphysics. According to Schleiermacher, it is not the higher mental functions and rational consciousness that are responsible for the feeling of belonging to God, but the prethought experience together with the psychosomatic structures that provide it. Thus, theistic psychology finds the primary elements of religiosity, components creating precognitive content experienced by the human sense of the sacred beyond the usual manifestations of religion, namely faith, thinking and behavior. Later, psychologism was criticized by representatives of phenomenology, who argued that mental phenomena can be recorded as a direct evidence beyond self-consciousness. This led to the formation within the phenomenology of religion of a new kind of psychologism – transcendental psychologism, representatives of which consider religious feeling as a unity of transcendental (categorical scheme of "the sacred") and psychological (religious experience as a mental phenomenon). The significance of theistic psychologism as a methodology for the analysis of religious experience lies in the fact that it, firstly, served as the basis for the formation of the phenomenology of religion as the leading direction of the study of religious experience and, secondly, opened the possibility of studying the universal psychosomatic basis of religious feeling. This basis can be distinguished by comparison and comparative analysis of descriptions obtained as a result of conscious self-observation of personal spiritual experience of representatives of different religions and spiritual practices.

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Gomes Esperandio, Mary Rute, and Hartmut August. "Quantitative Research in Psychology of Religion in Brazil." Revista Pistis Praxis 9, no. 1 (April 27, 2017): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/2175-1838.09.001.ds-tr03.

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Although in Brazil Psychology of Religion historically has a tradition in qualitative research, in recent years it has been possible to observe a significant growth of quantitative publications. Thus, this paper aims to present an analysis of quantitative studies in Psychology of Religion in Brazil, published in Portuguese. For this, we surveyed indexed studies in the CAPES Bank of Theses and Dissertations (Coordination of Higher Education Personnel Training) and ScieLO Journal Portal (Scientific Electronic Library Online), using several search terms such as “psychology and religion”, “psychology and quantitative research”, “religion and validation”, “religion and scale”, “religiosity and scale”, “spirituality and scale”, “spiritual/religious well-being scale”, “spiritual/religious coping scale”, “psychiatry and religion”, “psychiatry and quantitative research”, “psychology and validation” and “psychiatry and validation”. We selected 70 studies for analysis. The results show that studies on “Psychology and religion” come from different areas of knowledge, raising the question of the specificity of “Psychology of Religion”. The quantitative research indicates a trend of growth, especially in the use of scales. Studies indicate the need for further reflection on the role of religiosity and spirituality on health, on meaning construction and meaning in life processes, on feelings of spiritual well-being and promotion of mental health. Considering that these issues have been addressed from diverse fields, in order to strengthen Psychology of Religions a field of knowledge, we suggested the conduction of studies of qualitative and quantitative nature in the theoretical and empirical perspective of this discipline itself.

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Grace, Christopher R., and Paul L. Poelstra. "Excellence in Pedagogy: Some Obstacles to Integration for the Christian Psychology Professor." Journal of Psychology and Theology 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 237–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719502300402.

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Since its inception over 115 years ago the field of psychology has been enthusiastically embraced by Americans, and today its popularity appears unabated in both religious and non-religious circles. Its emergence and ultimate influence on American society was both swift and pervasive. Facilitating this growth was the zeitgeist of naturalism and scientism that characterized the intellectual landscape at the turn of the century. This resulted in founding fathers who cared little about theological, let alone integrative, issues. The ramifications of these historical developments are explored in this article, especially in light of the post-modernists’ vigorous challenges of psychology's tenacious reliance on the scientific methodology. For the undergraduate psychology professor who desires to teach the integration of psychology and theology, the question of “how” to teach integration, difficult as that is to answer, is now accompanied by the question of should one continue to espouse psychology as a science, if indeed it is only a matter of time before modernism, with which psychology has aligned itself, collapses. The purpose of this article is to briefly describe the current state of the field of scientific psychology, especially given this postmodern era, and to describe the healthy and unhealthy responses that psychology as a field has made to these challenges. Finally, the hindrances plaguing a coherent response from Christian academic psychologists will be explored and possible solutions will be offered.

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