Journal articles on the topic 'Provocation to suicide'

A preacher as the subject of preaching activities plays a crucial role in determining the direction of the influence of their preaching. However, it is regrettable to observe the reality of preaching conducted by some preachers today, which is filled with condemnation, judgment, and provocation. The duty of a preacher is to convey (tabligh), not to judge or provoke. This phenomenon can trigger actions that may cause division within the Indonesian nation. In fact, several social conflicts have occurred in Indonesia due to judgments and provocations from certain parties. In Indonesia, there have been instances of public property destruction deemed as places of vice by preaching activists. The case of a family in Surabaya on May 13, 2018, conducting a suicide bombing to destroy places of worship for non-Muslims and the provocation of religious figures towards the community during each election event serves as an example.

Provocation is dead! It died at the Supreme Court of Nigeria. The funeral oration was read by Kazeem J.S.C., while the funeral dirge was chorused by four other judges of the same court. The case was Ganiyu Olatokunbo Oladiran v. State The facts of the case were as follows. The appellant was a secretary of Design Group Ltd., a firm of chartered architects based in Ibadan. His marriage with the deceased came to be as a result of a pregnancy presented to him by the deceased. Their matrimonial history was one of intermittent quarrels, accusations and counter-accusations of infidelity against the appellant and insubordination against the deceased. The deceased had always accused the appellant of showing interest in their maid, a girl of about 13 or 14 years of age. The appellant had on the other hand accused the deceased of smoking cigarettes which he disliked.The climax to their matrimonial squabble came, to a head on the 21 September, 1982. On that day, there was as usual a quarrel between the appellant and the deceased. There was an abortive attempt at settlement by the deceased's parents. Later that day the deceased refused to cook for the appellant and told him to ask his “second wife” (the house-maid) to cook for him. She also abused him. Thereafter the appellant got a knife and stabbed the deceased to death. The appellant subsequently made an abortive attempt at committing suicide.

3 Million Serious poisoning (1 million accidentals and 2 million suicide attempts) occur each year worldwide.1 India ranks second in Asia in annual pesticide consumption.2 A study was conducted (1 year) wherein patients with history of poisoning were admitted from different catchment areas of hospital (30 Km radius). The total number of patients admitted during study period was 61. Patients had consumed these agents to attempt suicide. Out of 61 patients 26 were male and rest 37 were females. 18 patients died and rest survived. The precipitating factors in the suicide attempts were stranded relations with husband/wife, failure in examination and confrontation with parents. The availability of these poisonous substances in the household make people to consume these agents on slight provocation.3 All our patients, though majority were literate, were from families who had agricultural land and majority of their family members were farmers. Table 1 and Table 2 depict the characteristics and clinical profile of 61 patients admitted during the study period.

<p align="LEFT">Partial defences are special defences only available in England &amp; Wales to defendants charged with murder. They include provocation, diminished responsibility, infanticide and killing pursuant to a suicide pact. These are known as the ‘voluntary manslaughters’ where homicide with intent otherwise sufficient for murder (‘malice aforethought’) is reduced to manslaughter because of defined mitigating circumstances. Provocation and diminished responsibility have proved most problematic and will be the focus of this article. The mitigating factors arise from abnormal mental states, and psychiatric evidence has been at the centre of disputes regarding these defences. In this journal, Kerrigan set out recent problems that have developed with provocation in case law. The degree to which mental disorder can be considered when deciding the standard of behaviour required of the defendant who pleads ‘provocation’ has fluctuated markedly in recent years. Diminished responsibility, on the other hand, has aroused concern, inter alia, over its expansive use to cover a wide range of mental conditions, and the frequency with which expert psychiatrists comment on the ‘ultimate issue’ of whether all limbs of the test are met. Both problems might be said to arise from vague terms in the statutory definition that are incompatible with contemporary psychiatric practice.</p><p align="LEFT">Following the controversial case of R v Smith (Morgan James), which permitted mental disorder a much greater effect on provocation, the United Kingdom Government asked the Law Commission to consider and report on the law and practice of the partial defences provided for by the Homicide Act 1957. This progressed to investigation into wider homicide law and a process of consultation and review which has now passed to the Ministry of Justice. This paper will outline briefly the review process before considering in greater detail the current proposals for new definitions of provocation and diminished responsibility. The Commission would like these to exist within a radically re-structured law of homicide. The implications for mentally disordered defendants and therefore expert psychiatric opinion will be considered.</p>

Firefighters represent a group at elevated suicide risk. Identifying segments of the fire service at increased risk may facilitate the targeted provision of suicide prevention initiatives. Among the general population, American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) individuals report higher rates of suicide attempts. This study sought to examine suicide attempt rates among AI/AN firefighters and to determine if greater exposure to painful and provocative events and/or fearlessness about death explains the relationship between AI/AN identity and suicidal behaviors. A total of 917 US firefighters completed a web-based mental health survey (6.2% AI/AN). Participants completed a modified version of the Self-Injurious Thoughts and Behaviors Interview-Short Form, the Painful and Provocative Events Scale, and the Acquired Capability for Suicide Scale–Fearlessness About Death scale. Bootstrap mediation analyses were conducted, controlling for years of service as a firefighter. Although AI/AN firefighters accounted for only 6.2% of the sample, they accounted for 34.4% of the career suicide attempts. AI/AN firefighters were 16.31 (95% CI = 7.96, 33.42) times more likely to report a career suicide attempt history than non-AI/AN firefighters, adjusting for years of service as a firefighter. Painful and provocative events, but not fearlessness about death, was a statistically significant mediator of the relationship between AI/AN identity and suicide attempts. Firefighters identifying as AI/AN represent a subgroup within the fire service at increased risk for suicide. Findings suggest that greater exposure to painful and provocative events among AI/AN firefighters may explain the elevated suicide risk among this population.

Purpose – The interpersonal theory of suicide proposes that an individual must acquire the capability for suicide to carry out a near-lethal or lethal suicide attempt. This capability develops via habituation in response to painful and provocative life events. Some individuals might be more vulnerable to developing the capability for suicide because they habituate more quickly to stimuli. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relations between the rate of physiological habituation and acquired capability, proxies for acquired capability, and acute risk factors for suicide. Design/methodology/approach – Depressed, suicidal individuals completed self-report assessments and a startle reflex task assessing the rate or speed of physiological habituation in response to repeated bursts of white noise. Findings – Slower habituation was associated with hopelessness and negative stressors. The rate of habituation was not associated with acquired capability. Originality/value – The current study informs the understanding of how physiological habituation is related to suicide risk factors.

The present study investigates the differences between panic disorder patients with and without angina-like chest pain. The patients were diagnosed according to DSM-III criteria and were divided into chest-pain and no chest-pain subgroups according to the occurrence of angina-like chest pain during their panic attacks. In the first stage of the study, transcutaneous arterial CO2 tension was recorded at rest, during and after a hyperventilation provocation test in 20 panic patients (8 with chest pain and 12 without chest pain during panic attacks) and 23 matched control persons. In the second stage of the study, panic symptom checklists, panic diary, depression, anxiety and fear questionnaires, and surface integrated EMG were documented in 85 panic patients (43 with chest pain and 42 without chest pain during panic attacks). The resting pCO2 level was significantly lower in panic patients with chest pain compared to the controls and to panic patients without chest pain. The pCO2 level after recovery was also significantly lower in the chest pain panic group than in controls. Further significant differences were identified between the two subgroups of panic patients, although the initial mean anxiety level failed to differentiate between subgroups. The surface integrated EMG and the sum of panic symptom checklist were higher in the chest-pain subgroup. The derealization score and the suicide subscale of Beck Depression Inventory were significantly higher in the no-chest pain group. These results underline the significance of reduction of pCO2 level in panic attacks with angina-like chest pain; that is, the significance of dissociation of cardiorespiratory and metabolic responses in this group of patients. These findings may offer an important link in the understanding of physiological responses in anxiety attacks.

Suicide is the act of taking one's own life which is made within the framework of a voluntarily action by an informed individual. Impulsivity is one of the most reasons for the emergence of suicidal behaviors. Impulsivity takes place without considering the possible consequences of the action and for a fast access to a reward.The purpose of the present study is to study suicide in the perspective of Islam and psychology with an emphasize on the models explaining the relationship between impulsivity, suicidal behaviors and to discuss each model as well. Due to the multilayer nature of suicide, the research methodology is in documentation-based, analytical and meta-analytical forms.In order to study the models explaining the relationship between impulsivity and suicidal behaviors, different data bases and with key words such as: impulsivity, impulsive behaviors, suicidal behaviors and as likes were broadly reviewed and upon completion of data collection, the related studies were closely examined.The research findings indicate that in the perspective of Islam, suicide is in connection with components such as: the weakness of ideological and ethical bases, the lack of positive perception and disappointment with God, the lack of thinking on the belongings, magnifying the hardships and shortages, and considering the life as something meaningless. In psychology, based on the personality model, the impulsive individuals have a greater inclination towards experiencing the provocative and painful incidents. From the viewpoint of idea to practice framework, the forecasting factors of suicide are classified based on the rate of risk of suicidal ideations and also the rate of action risk for suicide. In the integrated conceptual model, the evaluation of the suicide risk is made integrally and during the treatment process. The model of addiction to suicide, considers the suicidal behaviors as a kind of addiction. The three-step theory states that in the event that the sense of pain is associated with disappointment, and the lack of dependence on life and companions, the individual will make suicidal behaviors. The result is that in the perspective of Islam, the growth of awareness and increase of intellectual skills aiming at gaining knowledge and improving the relationship between human and God, reinforcing the basic beliefs and monotheistic doctrine are the most basic and effective steps to deter the suicidal behaviors. In psychology, opposite to the prevailing beliefs, it seems that impulsivity is not considered as a trustable forecaster for suicidal actions and the personality feature of impulsivity does not have a strong and noticeable relationship with suicidal actions.

AbstractSuicidal behaviour shows evidence of familial clustering and the twin data on completed suicide suggest moderate heritability. The extent to which the genetics of suicidal behaviour overlaps with the genetics of affective disorders is unclear but there is overwhelming evidence that both bipolar and unipolar disorder are substantially influenced by genes. So far, candidate gene studies of suicidality have provoked much interest, but recently, attention has also turned to candidate gene approaches to suicidal ideation emerging during antidepressant treatment. The advent of genome-wide association studies (GWAS) has had a major impact on studies of affective disorder with some provocative new findings. The GWAS approach is also beginning to be applied in the search for genes that underlie suicidal ideation and behaviour.

Background: Suicide is the third leading cause of death among college students. The interpersonal theory of suicide may provide a way to conceptualize suicide risk in this population. Aims: We sought to examine relations between illegal behaviors that may act as risk factors for suicide and the acquired capability for suicide. Method: College students (N = 758) completed assessments of acquired capability and previous exposure to painful and provocative events, including illegal risk behaviors (IRBs). Linear regression, a nonparametric bootstrapping procedure, and two-tailed partial correlations were employed to test our hypotheses. Results: There was no significant relation between IRBs and acquired capability after controlling for legal painful and provocative experiences. A significant positive relation was identified between IRBs and fear/anxiety, contradicting the expected relation between increased painful and provocative experiences and lower fear/anxiety. Acquired capability explained variance in the relation between IRBs and history of suicide attempt or self-injury history. Conclusion: Further research is needed to examine links between IRBs and painful and provocative events, particularly to identify the point at which habituation begins to increase acquired capability, as our unexpected results may be due to a lack of habituation to risky behaviors or low variability of scores in the sample.

Despite the prominence of the capability-for-suicide construct in suicide research, fundamental hypotheses about its nature and development remain largely untested. In this study, we tested the primary mechanism proposed to account for its development: habituation to painful or provocative events. More than a thousand adults were recruited worldwide from online suicide, self-injury, and mental health web forums and subsequently followed for 28 days. Analyses examined the experiences purported to have the strongest effects: suicidal and nonsuicidal-self-injurious behaviors. Capability was measured explicitly and implicitly. Multiple mediation was used to test whether changes in capability between baseline and 28-day follow-up were accounted for by exposure to self-injurious behaviors that occurred over the intervening time interval. Results failed to support the habituation hypothesis, at least as studied within the methodological constraints of this study. Post hoc power analyses indicated ample power to detect small effects. Results raise questions about the validity of the habituation hypothesis.

Suicide capability is theorised to facilitate the movement from suicidal ideation to suicide attempt. Three types of contributors are posited to comprise suicide capability: acquired, dispositional, and practical. Despite suicide capability being critical in the movement from ideation-to-attempt, there has been no systematic synthesis of empirical evidence relating to suicide capability that would enable further development and refinement of the concept. This study sought to address this synthesis gap. A scoping review was conducted on suicide capability studies published January 2005 to January 2022. Eleven electronic databases and grey literature sources were searched returning 5,212 potential studies. After exclusion criteria application, 90 studies were included for final analysis. Results synthesis followed a textual narrative approach allocating studies based on contributors of suicide capability. Most studies focused on investigating only one factor within contributors. Painful and provocative events appear to contribute to acquired capability more so than fearlessness about death. Whilst emerging evidence for dispositional and practical contributors is promising, the small number of studies prevents further conclusions from being drawn. An unexpected additional cognitive contributor was identified. The focus of a single factor from most studies and the limited number of studies on contributors other than acquired capability limits the theoretical development and practical application of suicide capability knowledge. Given that suicide is a complex and multifaceted behaviour, future research that incorporates a combination of contributors is more likely to advance our understandings of suicide capability.

Abstract. Background: The interpersonal theory of suicide has gained empirical support as a conceptualization of suicide risk; however, little research has examined the role of individual traits, such as trait hope, within the interpersonal theory of suicide. Aims: The purpose of this study was to further investigate the role of trait hope components (i.e., pathways and agency) in acquired capability for suicide. Method: Participants were 711 college students who completed measures of acquired capability for suicide, painful and provocative events, and trait hope (i.e., pathways and agency). Linear regression was used to test the hypotheses. Results: As hypothesized, there was a positive relation between pathways and acquired capability. Contrary to our hypotheses, after controlling for gender there was a significant relation between agency and acquired capability. In addition, after controlling for gender, pathways did not moderate the relation between painful and provocative events and acquired capability, whereas agency did moderate this relation. Conclusion: Painful and provocative events should be assessed as a risk factor for acquired capability for suicide, and this may be more salient for individuals higher in the agency component of trait hope. Future research should consider examining the role of other traits within the interpersonal theory of suicide.

Abstract Introduction The existing literature provides evidence of the link between media reporting and suicide in terms of either preventive or provocative effects. Hence, working with media representatives on responsible reporting on suicide is of great importance. Until recently in Slovenia, there has been an obvious lack of communication between media representatives and suicidologists. The aims of the present study were twofold; firstly, to introduce the adaptation and dissemination of intervention on responsible media reporting, and secondly, to evaluate the effectiveness of the implemented intervention on suicide reporting. Methods We used a pre-post research design. Newspaper articles were retrieved over two 12-month periods: the baseline period and the follow-up period. In between, we had a year of implementation of our intervention program (launching and disseminating the Guidelines via workshops). Each retrieved article was rated qualitatively with respect to its adherence to the Guidelines. Results The comparison of baseline and follow-up periods revealed some significant differences. Reporting in the follow-up period was less sensationalistic, there was less reporting about specific cases of suicides and more about causes of suicide and pathways out of mental distress. Furthermore, in the follow-up period, there was a significant improvement related to headlines of media articles. Contact information about where to seek help was more often included in the articles. Conclusion The findings are promising, but working with the media needs to be continuous and ongoing if sustainable results are to be achieved.

Background: Kerosene is the main culprit for the Burns, occupy 90% remaining 10% burns from other cause that to availability of kerosene at home /working place is the leading provocating cause for suicidal burns, For the past 7 years, we have followed 2645 burns admission (total) that too female burns, almost 98% of them are due to kerosene. In most of the case, suicide is due to some family problem. The remaining 10% burns are accidental burns to assess the burns due to kerosene usage and to analysis the mortality and morbidity among patients.Methods: This survey was conducted from 2010 to 2017. The number of burns patient admitted at our hospital is 2645/ female burns. cause of suicide attempting by self-immolation during 7 years 2010-2017 analyzed. A record sheet designed to extract data such as age, education, occupation, gender, residence, marital status, drug abuse, and extent of the burn injuries as a percent of burned total body surface area (TBSA).Results: A detailed survey conducted for the past 7 years female Burns are almost 90%. Due to suicide remaining 10% accidental. Accidental burns are minor/ moderate. We are able to save the life and reduce the mortality. But suicidal burns almost extensive/ major burns. We are not able to save the life with modern availability of treatment.Conclusions: Finding of the current study manifested a high rate of suicide by self-immolation among young, married, and low educated women in south India. It implies a social problem, and need to an arrangement of a cultural program aimed at improving health, psychological habits, and educational level.

IntroductionEach psychiatric patient is potentially suicidal. However, the mentally illness people who pronounced security measure of compulsory psychiatric treatment are the particular risk group. In their current psychopathology has the greatest importance in the development of suicidal tendencies. On the other hand, many provocative external factors affect the emergence of suicidality.ObjectivesThe paper discusses the influence of several variables on the occurrence of suicidal tendencies: type of mental disorder, kind of crime, length of hospitalization, stigmatization and social and family acceptance.MethodThe retrospective study included 160 patients diagnosed with schizophrenia, paranoid psychosis and mood disorders in the period since 2005 to 2009. The research is related to the relationship of “social isolation” of these patients and suicidal tendencies.ResultsThe results showed that patients diagnosed with schizophrenia exhibit the highest degree of suicidality 67, 5%. Criminal offense into the family, long hospitalization, the stigmatization of patients and not accepting of the social environment, particularly of the family are the factors that contribute to suicidality.ConclusionMisunderstanding and avoidance of the patients from the social environment and especially from the family is a common characteristic of these patients. This causes the feeling of worthlessness, rejection and helplessness. The sense of further life for them doesn’t exist. If we look at suicide as a revenge and punishment of others, than suicidality of this group of mental illness people is a good example of that.

This paper examines the problem of suicide among patients discharged from a Regional Secure Unit. The stereotype that emerges is a young man with anti-social personality traits, suffering from an affective psychosis, with a history of substance abuse and impulsive violence directed both towards himself and others, who is alienated from care staff and social supports because of his provocative and uncooperative behaviour. In contrast with the general population, forensic patients are more likely to commit suicide using a violent method and are more likely to have a suicide verdict recorded by the coroner. The implications of these findings for treatment and preventive interventions are discussed.

Abstract. Background: Multiple studies have found correlations between history of abuse and self-harm behaviors, but few have examined potential mediators. Studying suicide-related concerns as a mediator in this relationship could inform the interpersonal theory of suicide by identifying acquired capability as a necessary component in self-harm behavior. Aims: This study examined the link between childhood physical abuse, self-injurious behaviors, and suicide-related concerns in young adults. It was hypothesized that more physical abuse and fewer suicide-related concerns would predict self-harm behaviors, and that suicide-related concerns would mediate this relationship. Method: A sample of 212 university students completed self-report measures that assessed self-harm behavior history, reasons for living, and childhood physical abuse. Results: Results supported the hypothesis that more instances of abuse and less concern about pain and death were significantly associated with greater self-harm history. Suicide-related concerns also mediated the relationship between physical abuse and self-harm behaviors. Conclusion: These results support recent theories that habituation to painful and provocative events is an important mechanism in explaining why people engage in self-injurious acts, and provides initial evidence for cognitive mediators between physical abuse and self-harm.

In “Should We Impose Quotas? Evaluating the ‘Disparate Impact’ Argument Against Legalization of Assisted Suicide,” Ronald Lindsay argues that it should make no difference to the debate over legalizing assisted suicide whether the risks associated with legalization would fall disproportionately on the poor, people with disabilities, racial minorities, or any other especially vulnerable social group. Even assuming such an inequitable distribution of risks would occur, he maintains, attempting to avoid such an outcome is not a good reason to deny assisted suicide to “competent persons who truly voluntarily choose it.”Those of us who worry that legalization will differentially burden already disadvantaged segments of society have generally taken it for granted that the possibility of such disparities raises significant public policy concerns. By insisting on an explanation of this assumption — and, in so doing, making explicit the tension between autonomy and equality that underlies the assisted suicide debate — Lindsay has significantly advanced the ongoing conversation. While I disagree with his analysis, I commend him for a thoughtful, provocative, and important contribution to the literature.

AbstractTraumatic brain injury (TBI) is a complex phenomenon affecting multiple areas of the brain in multiple ways. Both right and left hemispheres are affected as well as supratentorial and infratentorial compartments. These multifocal injuries are caused by many factors including acute mechanical injury, focal intracranial hemorrhage, blunt and rotational forces, epidural and subdural hematoma, hypoxemia, hypotension, edema, axonal damage, neuronal death, gliosis and blood brain barrier disruption. Clinicians and patients benefit by precise information about the neuroanatomical areas that are affected macroscopically, microscopically and biochemically in an individual patient.Standard imaging studies are frequently negative or grossly underestimate the severity of TBI and may exacerbate and prolong patient suffering with an imaging result of “no significant abnormality”. Specifically, sophisticated imaging tools have been developed which reveal significant damage to the brain structure including atrophy, MRI spectroscopy showing variations in neuronal metabolite N-acetyl-aspartate, elevations of membrane related Choline, and the glial metabolite myo-inositol is often observed to be increased post injury. In addition, susceptibility weighted imaging (SWI) has been shown to be more reliable for detecting microbleeds versus calcifications.We have selected two TBI patients with diffuse traumatic brain injury.The first patient is a 43-year-old male who suffered severe traumatic brain injury from a motorcycle accident in 2016. Following the accident, the patient was diagnosed with seizures, major depression, and intermittent explosive disorder. He has attempted suicide and has neurobehavioral disinhibition including severe anger, agitation and irritability. He denies psychiatric history prior to TBI and has negative family history. Following the TBI, he became physically aggressive and assaultive in public with minimal provocation. He denies symptoms of thought disorder and mania. He is negative for symptoms of cognitive decline or encephalopathy.The second patient is a 49-year-old male who suffered at least 3 concussive blasts in the Army and a parachute injury. Following the last accident, the patient was diagnosed with major depressive disorder, panic disorder, PTSD and generalized anxiety disorder. He denies any psychiatric history prior to TBI including negative family history of psychiatric illness. In addition, he now suffers from nervousness, irritability, anger, emotional lability and concurrent concentration issues, problems completing tasks and alterations in memory.Both patients underwent 1.5T multiparametric MRI using standard T2, FLAIR, DWI and T1 sequences, and specialized sequences including susceptibility weighted (SWAN/SWI), 3D FLAIR, single voxel MRI spectroscopy (MRS), diffusion tensor imaging (DTI), arterial spin labeling perfusion (ASL) and volumetric MRI (NeuroQuant). Importantly, this exam can be performed in 30–45 minutes and requires no injections other than gadolinium in some patients. We will discuss the insights derived from the MRI which detail the injured areas, validate the severity of the brain damage, and provide insight into the psychological, motivational and physical disabilities that afflict these patients. It is our expectation that this kind of imaging study will grow in value as we link specific patterns of injury to specific symptoms and syndromes resulting in more targeted therapies in the future.

Maren Uthaug's razor-sharp and self-deprecating cartoons reflect Sami people in a seemingly offensive way, addressing sensitive Indigenous issues such as cultural disorientation, racism, suicide, and addiction in an outspoken way. However, it was Sami people – Uthaug's relatives – who asked for and successfully published these cartoons. Why do Sami people request cartoons like these? Outlining some relevant aspects of highly divergent Western Comics Studies, the analysis and interpretation of selected cartoons is an opportunity to compare Uthaug's provocative strategies to the functions of humour in First Nations literature. Accordingly, the paper focuses on Indigenous humour as a means of emotional and social healing in the processes of decolonization and reconciliation and, additionally, adopts Frank Farrelly's concept of provocative therapy which is defined as a way of teasing people into health. Relying on Native American Terry Tafoya's (Taos Pueblo) description of Farrelly as a kind of medicine man, the paper asks whether also Uthaug acts as a cartoon-drawing Chiffoneti, a blend of priest, healer, and trickster regarding Indigenous and non-Indigenous readers.

The article is devoted to the study of “illocutionary suicide” in comic speech genres, the basis for the analysis of which was the model of the speech genre developed by T.V. Shmeleva. In linguopragmatics there is a narrow (Z. Wendler) and a broad understanding of the named pragmatic phenomenon. Given the specifics of Russian performatives, by “illocutionary suicide” we mean a speech act in which a verb (phrase, idiom) is used, forming the intention of “self-exposure”. During the analysis of the empirical material it was found that “illocutionary suicide” is stated only in jokes, jokes, comic dialogues and humorous “opinions about”. In addition to the obligatory intention to make the interlocutor laugh, intentional “self-exposure” also acts as a presenter. The axiological component of all the analyzed comic speech genres is multifaceted: from the point of view of real communicants, actions called “provocative” verbs are condemned by society; from the point of view of the heroes of these works, assessments and values can vary, up to a positive attitude to autonomous actions and deeds. The leading type of presumption is counterethical, which includes additional semantic shades. It is revealed that the content of the proposition is based mainly on ontological anomalies, sometimes synthesized with logical or lingual ones. The linguistic embodiment is presented in the traditional form for a performative speech act, or is mitigated by negation and constructions with the semantics of the condition.

Harley Quinn as she is represented in the film Suicide Squad directed by Ayers (2016) marks a dramatic and provocative departure from the manner in which she was originally cast in the DC Comics Batman: The Animated Series (1992) and Mad Love (1994). Depicted as an anti-hero in a dysfunctional relationship with The Joker, she is now transformed into a deviant and defiant super-villain in the film. Gone is her harlequin costume to be replaced with fishnets, blue and red velvet hot pants with red brassiere and high-top Adidas sneakers with heels. Although Quinn has been represented as heterosexual and stereotypically feminine there has always been a queer subtext operating. This article will examine the pornification and queering of Harley Quinn, through dress codes and appearance. It will argue that visual signifiers of femininity challenge notions of gender and sexuality and fold heterosexuality back upon its historical imperatives and conventions.

Soper’s pain-brain theory, based on evolutionary biology, represents a provocative breakthrough for both suicidology and positive psychology. The main thesis of the book is that the evolved way of choosing to live rather than to die in the face of unbearable suffering is to develop a zest for happiness and meaning. His new theory can be summed up by a two-by-two matrix of “pain-type” versus “brain-type” of reducing pain, and the “keeper” versus “fender” levels of protecting us from suicide. My main critique is that the brain versus pain distinction is confusing because the brain is the center for all the functions needed for to reduce pain and keep us alive. Similarly, his football metaphor of two levels of defense(“keeper” and “fender”) is incomplete because the best defense is offence, when a good last line of defense can be quickly turned into offence. Therefore, a more fluid way of conceptualizing this distinction may be the dialectically interactive dual systems of life protection (Yin) and life expansion strategies (Yang) (Wong, 2012). Soper’s pain-brain theory is similar to Wong’s general existential positive psychology theory of flourishing through suffering (Wong, 2020a, 2021a). Both approaches emphasize the centrality of suffering and posit that whether suffering results in mental illness and suicide or mental health and flourishing depends on whether we have the wisdom of the soul and the necessary social support.

Tucked away in the Hebrew Bible at the end of 1 Samuel and then resumed near the end of 2 Samuel is a provocative tale recounting the final fate of Saul, Israel's first king. At the beginning of this two-part narrative (1 Sam 31:1), we find Saul atop Mount Gilboa, badly wounded by Philistine archers and nearly dead. Fearing the Philistine armies will rush upon him and continue the humiliation—perhaps by stabbing him repeatedly while still alive, as Saul suggests in 31:4, or something worse—Saul commits suicide. As the rest of the chapter recounts, upon finding his corpse, the enemy army abuses him in a different but perhaps not less dreadful manner, i.e., by beheading the king and hanging the remainder of his body on the wall of Beth Shan (along with the bodies of his sons, who died with their father in the battle). The residents of Jabesh Gilead, however, hear of these events and abscond with the bodies, burying the bones in their own territory and thus ending this particular episode of conflict between Israel and Philistia.

Dopo la sentenza del 14-11-2007 (n. 10795/2008) di condanna di uno psichiatra per l'omicidio di un operatore ad opera di un paziente (vedi Pozzi, 2008), vi č stato un crescente interesse degli psichiatri italiani nel difendere la funzione di cura. Ma in seguito sono avvenute ulteriori condanne di psichiatri, infermieri e un medico generico per omicidi o suicidi commessi da pazienti. Inquietante č la condanna di una psichiatra perché un paziente che da mesi non accedeva al Centro di Salute Mentale (CSM) aveva provocato lesioni a una minore. Dopo aver esaminato alcuni procedimenti giudiziari, viene discussa la "posizione di garanzia" e il ruolo di linee guida e Raccomandazioni ministeriali. La psichiatria deve informare, documentare ed esplicitare nella cura co-costruita ciň che č appropriato ed esigibile, condividendo aspettative, rischi e benefici, colmando alcuni ritardi nell'adozione di buone pratiche e di misure di sicurezza ambientale e organizzativa.

In the Despair episode in Spenser’s Faerie Queene i.ix, the provocative material means for self-slaughter are emblematically doubled with the psychological inducements, particularly on the models of predecessor texts in Skelton’s Magnyfycence and the Cordela story in The Mirrour for Magistrates. The pairing of means and causes is part of a tradition. So also is the despair of a Christian believer over his own sinfulness, in the face of God’s law, as voiced by a conspiratorial evil conscience, leading to a sinful “unbelief and despair of God” (Luther) and likewise unbelief in salvation—and to an unconquerable self-accusation, which doubles the sinner with tormentors, or a diabolic Accuser, and tempts him or her to cut his/her losses, relieve his/her pain, sorrows, and world-weariness, and take his/her life. Other suicidal types in The Faerie Queene and elsewhere, who are not theologically confirmed in their wanhope or assisted by it to their end, such as Phedon or Malbecco, can nonetheless illuminate the projections, temptations, demons, and motions of the Christian despair-er, and his or her adversity, depression, distress, impatience, furor, world-weariness, melancholia, and driven-ness. The despair-er’s condition, as found in Kierkegaard’s Sickness unto Death, can be further illustrated, diagnosed, and ministered to, by means of a variety of early modern and medieval moralizing and homiletic texts. And while the death of Shakespeare’s Cordelia by hanging conforms to Spenser’s account ( fq ii.x.32), her suicidal despair is only a slander bruited by the character Edmund. Rather, it is her would-be rescuer Lear who is the picture of misery and despair.

While it is Derrida's late work on the ‘animal question’ that brought his insistence on limitrophy between species to wider attention, it is also named as the general condition of the limits in the much earlier text, ‘Tympan’. There, in dislocating the tympanum, the margins of philosophy are eaten. Equally, given the rhythmic address of the tympanum, we might say that the margins of philosophy are beaten. This paper considers the persistent play on rhythmic sounds in Lars von Trier's Dancer in the Dark as a ‘tympanising’ or derision of the limits, notably of the limits of the law in both juridical and symbolic senses, as they also work the edges of the film's two styles (broadly, realism and musical). In a provocative analysis of this film, Cary Wolfe suggests that we might understand Selma's vocal style (given singular expression by Bjork) as a refusal of the phallic imposition of language, and that her virtually suicidal submission to the death sentence allows for a notion of a ‘posthuman feminine’. ‘Tympan Alley’ redirects this tantalising term ‘posthuman feminine’ through a more consistently Derridean line of thought to sound out the implications of b/eating the limits through Selma's oblique ear.

For the characters in Lee Jong-myung’s novels, Lee Jong-myung was a leading figure in the founding of the Nine People’s Society, a literary organization that is indispensable in the history of modern literature. However, Lee Jong-myung would leave the group shortly afterward. “In the fall of that year, Jong-myung and Yoo-young, who were the main promoters of hypocrisy, left the group,” says Choi, suggesting that Lee Jong-myung was one of the first to form the group, but he left before the group’s activities began in earnest, though it is not clear why. Lee Jong-myung is also one of the writers for whom there is no detailed information such as the year of death or hometown. The reason for this lack of information is that Lee Jong-myung’s work was somewhat outside of the mainstream literary scene at the time. Contrary to these evaluations, Lee Jong-myung’s works have their own unique world. There are two main characteristics of Lee Jong-myung’s works: first, they are detailed, as if watching a movie. This is especially evident in Lee’s feature-length novel Aegeum Hell, where the descriptions of the Sambang Yaksu, the newspaper office, the streets of Gyeongseong, and the road to Cheonggyesa Temple are described as clearly as if we were watching a movie. Another characteristic of Lee Jong-myung’s work is the presence of heavy and dark subjects, which are considered ‘taboo’ in society. Drugs, suicide, abortion, molestation, stalking, and checking the virginity of dead women are among the provocative and taboo subjects in Lee’s work. This study examines the ‘taboos’ in Lee Jong-myung’s works through the short stories “People of the Good” (1929), “Dr. Choi’s Conscience” (1932), and the full-length novel “Aegean Hell” (1933), where this tendency is particularly pronounced, and in doing so, identifies features of Lee Jong-myung’s literature that have been devalued by Lee Moo-young, Han Seol-ya, and others.I study the aspects of ‘taboo’ and ‘unpleasantness’.

Abstract Background Current schizophrenia guidelines recommend that the choice of antipsychotic be made by the patient and physician together with a discussion of the likely benefits and side effects of each medication. Second-generation antipsychotics are commonly prescribed for the treatment of psychotic disorders, however metabolic adverse effects, such as hyperglycemia, are a potential complication of using this class of medications. Current sources indicate that the second-generation antipsychotic aripiprazole does not alter glucose homeostasis and confers low or no risk of developing diabetes. Below, the authors outline a case of significant, prolonged hyperglycemia secondary to the initiation of oral aripiprazole. Methods See Results. Results Case: An 18-year-old female was admitted involuntarily to hospital after she presented with suicidal ideation, ideas of reference, persecutory delusions and paranoia. She was reportedly a well-controlled Type 1 Diabetic prior to admission and her blood sugars were within normal limits for the first 9 days of hospitalization. Aripiprazole 10mg PO QAM was initiated to control symptoms. Within 9 hours of aripiprazole initiation, her blood sugars became unexpectedly and significantly elevated. After 5 days of therapy, aripiprazole was discontinued due to an inability to adequately control blood glucose. Diabetic ketoacidosis and pancreatitis were ruled out as laboratory results showed normal ketones, amylase and lipase. Blood glucose was taken via the Freestyle Libra device which measures interstitial fluid glucose levels and re-checked using the Accu-Chek Inform II monitor which is approved for use with capillary, venous, and arterial blood. Monitoring device malfunction was thereby ruled out as a cause. Diet and insulin administration techniques were closely monitored by nursing staff. Endocrinology and clinical dietary services were consulted. At their peak, blood sugars were as high as 25.9 mmol/L despite an increase in patient’s daily insulin (total bolus and basal) from 19 units/day to 132 units/day. Patient’s blood sugar and insulin requirements remained elevated over the next 17 days before gradually decreasing and returning to baseline. Discussion In this case, the authors are of the opinion that the patient experienced a severe idiosyncratic reaction to aripiprazole manifesting as severe hyperglycemia. Aripiprazole’s half-life of elimination is 75 hours, and dehydro-aripiprazole (Aripiprazole’s active metabolite) is 94 hours; the amount of time for the drug to be essentially removed from the body is 15.6 days and 19.6 days respectively (5 half-lives). This is consistent with the duration of time that passed before blood glucose levels normalized once aripiprazole was discontinued. The manufacturer of aripiprazole (Otsuka) has data regarding increases in blood glucose in adolescents. However, these increases are over a 26 week time frame, occurred in 1.9% of patients, and had a mean increase of 0.12mmol/L in their fasting glucose. This data, and the results of this case, therefore suggest that although increases of blood glucose while on aripiprazole tend to be rare and modest, there may be a subcategory of patients who develop severe hyperglycemia on this medication, and when this severe adverse effect is noted, the provocative agent should be promptly discontinued to reverse the effects.

To prevent suicidal behaviors, it is crucial to understand the mechanisms and processes that enable an individual to act on suicidal thoughts. Suicide capability, which involves an increased pain tolerance and fearlessness of death, is a critical factor that enables an individual to endure the physical pain necessary to make a lethal suicide attempt. Extant research has largely conceptualized suicide capability as developing linearly in response to painful and provocative experiences, but the emerging literature on the temporal dynamics of suicide has been challenging the notion of linearity in suicide risk. Few studies have directly measured and compared changes in suicide capability in response to rumination on different affective states. We sought to experimentally test if rumination in the context of low vs. high arousal emotions will prompt distinct changes in two core components of suicide capability: pain tolerance and fearlessness of death on two undergraduate student samples. In both studies, participants provided measures of subjective emotional state as well as pain threshold, tolerance, and persistence before and after completing experimental manipulations which included both emotion and rumination induction procedures. In the second study, measures of fearlessness about death and physiological arousal (heart rate) were added to the experimental procedures. We found significant decreases in pain threshold, tolerance, and persistence following the experimental manipulations but found no main effects of rumination or suicide risk. These findings suggest that suicide capability can fluctuate but these changes may occur through a different mechanism and/or differ between individuals at varying levels of suicide risk.

This issue continues the gradual transition from the editorship of Lee Sigelman at George Washington University to the new team of co-editors at UCLA. We publish here the first two articles adjudicated from start to finish at UCLA—one by James Fowler, Laura Baker, and Christopher Dawes, and one by Michael Ting—which identify, respectively, a genetic predisposition to vote and a social cost of giving legal protections to whistleblowers. Keeping these two provocative and well-argued pieces company are five other full length articles on a variety of subjects that began the long journey into print under Sigelman's stewardship. We end with a forum, also edited mostly before our term, on the study of suicide terrorism.

AbstractIntroductionThe Interpersonal‐Psychological Theory of Suicide proposes that capability for suicide is acquired through exposure to painful and provocative events (PPEs). Although there is robust evidence for a positive association between aggregate measures of PPEs and risk for suicidal behavior, little is known about the contributions of physical injuries. The present study investigated the relationship between injuries and risk of subsequent suicide attempt (SA).MethodsData were from Swedish population‐based registers. All individuals born in Sweden between 1970 and 1990 were included (N = 1,011,725 females and 1,067,709 males). We used Cox regression models to test associations between 10 types of injuries (eye injury; fracture; dislocation/sprain/strain; injury to nerves and spinal cord; injury to blood vessels; intracranial injury; crushing injury; internal injury; traumatic amputation; and other or unspecified injuries) and risk for later SA. Analyses were stratified by sex and adjusted for year of birth and parental education. Additional models tested for differences in the pattern of associations based on age group and genetic liability for SA. In co‐relative models, we tested the association between each injury type and risk for SA in relative pairs of varying genetic relatedness to control for unmeasured familial confounders.ResultsAll 10 injury types were associated with elevated risk for SA (hazard ratios [HRs] = 1.2–7.0). Associations were stronger in the first year following an injury (HRs = 1.8–7.0), but HRs remained above 1 more than 1 year after injury exposure (HRs = 1.2–2.6). The strength of associations varied across injury type, sex, age, and genetic liability for SA. For example, the magnitude of the association between crushing injury and risk for SA was larger in females than males, whereas other injuries showed a similar pattern of associations across sex. Moreover, there was evidence to support positive additive interaction effects between several injury types and aggregate genetic liability for SA (relative excess risk due to interaction [RERI] = 0.1–0.3), but the majority of these interactions became non‐significant or changed direction after accounting for comorbid psychiatric and substance use disorders. In co‐relative models, the pattern of associations differed by injury type, such that there was evidence to support a potential causal effect of eye injury, fracture, dislocation/sprain/strain, intracranial injury, and other and unspecified injuries on risk for SA. For the remaining injury types, HRs were not significantly different from 1 in monozygotic twins, which is consistent with confounding by familial factors.ConclusionsInjuries are associated with increased risk for subsequent SA, particularly in the first year following an injury. While genetic and familial environmental factors may partly explain these associations, there is also evidence to support a potential causal effect of several injury types on future risk for SA.

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has been associated with adverse effects on the mental health and behavior of children and adolescents. Living conditions during the pandemic period, fear of death, threat and restrictive measures -such as isolation, limitation of social contacts, closure of the economy, loss of routine and activities- have been associated with psychosocial burden. Research studies confirm a wide range of emotional and mental difficulties, such as irritability, anxiety, distress, difficulty concentrating more serious psychosocial effects -such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and discomfort, substance use, and suicide. In pandemic conditions, during which social isolation and deprivation of social contacts prevail, children and adolescents show behavioral difficulties. Children regress to younger behaviors, manifesting forms of pre-social behavior, reactive / provocative, aggressive behavior, negation, upset, outbursts of anger, behavior without control, physical symptoms (hurts) and general difficulties of adjustment. Adolescents exhibit digital media addiction behaviors and risky behaviors. Significant deterioration is observed in the behavior of children with special needs, mental illness and social vulnerability.

Abstract Background The inclusion of transgender soldiers in the military service raises a fundamental question about the dichotomous categorization of human sexes based on anatomy and gender role within a specialized organization where the most masculine is commonly accepted. In March 2021, Hee-Soo Byun, the first transgender soldier in Korea to come out in public, and who was forcefully discharged after gender affirming surgery, died by suicide. With no anti-discrimination laws, the cultural background of the Korean society hardly creates an LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender) — friendly environment and shows a negative attitude towards gender minorities. Methods A total of 193 online news article headlines were analyzed, and 1046 comments were categorized inductively based on the presented rationales. Results: Before Byun’s public appearance, the frequent use of provocative expressions, which could evoke prejudice and discrimination, was found in published article headlines. Of the 724 comments that presented opinions on transgender soldiers, approximately 75% opposed Byun serving in the military in any form, including as a female soldier. Conclusions This study aimed to investigate online news articles and the comments regarding Byun’s case to estimate the acceptability of transgender people serving in the military. The results of this study are expected to serve as a basis for the formulation of policies that protect the human rights of transgender people.

In thinking about the relationship between poetry and the extreme, we wanted to examine how poetry functions in a number of ways: how it creates the space – and new forms of language – to articulate events which seem inexpressible; how poets innovate to enact resistance; how poetry helps to break silences and taboos; and how poetry, and the role of the poets, is so often linked to the transgression of boundaries. The submissions we received embraced the notion of extremity in a variety of ways, considering the mathematical complexities of the work of Louis Zukofsky, for instance, and the desire for liberation in the poetry of Alejandra Pizarnik, whose life, Caio Yurgel writes, might be understood as “a long preparation for suicide”. We received work on provocative ideas about nationalism and resistance, politics and disaster, about collaboration through the extremities of climate change and COVID, and how women poets might “disrupt and disturb” patriarchal systems to construct new visions of autobiographical memory, as Paul Hetherington and Cassandra Atherton examine. The poetic responses also echo these themes, often eerily, focussing on abject bodies and the taboo, on autobiographical memories, on places overwhelmed by the devastations of extreme weather events, and on the “phenomena of perception” as a reaction to the alienating nature of pandemic ‘normal’. Importantly, the responses, both scholarly and creative, demonstrate the centrality of poetry to the difficult, wrestling with questions about selfhood and belonging, for example, as well as with language itself, its contortions and transformations in seeking to find new shapes for the ineffable.

International Journal of Indian Psychology, 3 (3), DOI: 10.25215/0303.006, DIP: 18.01.006/20160303With the advent of modern technology, cyber bullying (use of e-mail, cell phones, text messages etc.) has increased in India. Easy access to internet, cheap mobile phones, and virtually no law to stop the abuse of school children by their fellow classmates, the problem of cyber-crime among children and young adults have increased. According to a survey, conducted in 2012, 53% of Indian children between 8 and 17 years have been bullied online. The Global Youth Online Behavior Survey conducted by Microsoft ranked India third in cyberbullying of children. (after China and Singapore). Cyber bullying is a virtual offence with real consequences. The motives for cyber bullying can vary from gaining satisfaction from hurting the victim whom the perpetrator might dislike or be jealous of, feeling better about themselves, revenge for perceived provocation by the victim or just for fun where they are not be concerned about the effect on the target. However, anonymity is major contributor to cyber bullying as the perpetrator feels that his identity cannot be revealed. Like traditional bullying, it is intentional and repetitive and has psychological and physiological effect such as development of negative self-esteem in the victim ,somatic problems, anxiety, social withdrawal and isolation which in turn can lead to school absenteeism, academic problems, depression and aggressive acts ( homicidal or suicidal). Parents, being less enlightened about modern technology than adolescents and young adults, are often in the dark about the horrific experiences of their children and are unable to provide the necessary support. The present article focuses on the internal and external motives of cyber bullying and how adults (parents and teachers) and peers can effectively intervene to prevent cyberbullying.

Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. —John Milton (1608-1674) Introduction The publication of 12 cartoons depicting images of Prophet Mohammed [Peace Be Upon Him] first in Denmark’s Jyllands-Posten on 30 September 2005, and later reprinted in European media and two New Zealand newspapers, sparked protests around the Muslim world. The Australian newspapers – with the exception of The Courier-Mail, which published one cartoon – refrained from reprinting the cartoons, acknowledging that depictions of the Prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims”. How is this apparent act of restraint to be assessed? Edward Said, in his book Covering Islam has acknowledged that there have been many Muslim provocations and troubling incidents by Islamic countries such as Iran, Libya, Sudan, and others in the 1980s. However, he contends that the use of the label “Islam” by non-Muslim commentators, either to explain or indiscriminately condemn “Islam”, ends up becoming a form of attack, which in turn provokes more hostility (xv-xvi). This article examines how two Australian newspapers – The Australian and The West Australian – handled the debate on the Prophet Muhammad cartoons and considers whether in the name of “free speech” it ended in “a form of attack” on Australian Muslims. It also considers the media’s treatment of Muslim Australians’ “free speech” on previous occasions. This article is drawn from the oral testimonies of Muslims of diverse ethnic background. Since 1998, as part of PhD and post-doctoral research on Muslims in Australia, the author conducted 130 face-to-face, in-depth, taped interviews of Muslims, aged 18-90, both male and female. While speaking about their settlement experience, several interviewees made unsolicited remarks about Western/Australian media, all of them making the point that Muslims were being demonised. Australian Muslims Many of Australia’s 281,578 Muslims — 1.5 per cent of the total population (Australian Bureau of Statistics) — believe that as a result of media bias, they are vilified in society as “terrorists”, and discriminated in the workplace (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission; Dreher 13; Kabir 266-277). The ABS figures support their claim of discrimination in the workplace; in 1996 the unemployment rate for Muslim Australians was 25 per cent, compared to 9 per cent for the national total. In 2001, it was reduced to 18.5 per cent, compared to 6.8 per cent for the national total, but the ratio of underprivileged positions in the labour market remained almost three times higher than for the wider community. Instead of reflecting on Muslims’ labour market issues or highlighting the social issues confronting Muslims since 9/11, some Australian media, in the name of “free speech”, reinforce negative perceptions of Muslims through images, cartoons and headlines. In 2004, one Muslim informant offered their perceptions of Australian media: I think the Australian media are quite prejudiced, and they only do show one side of the story, which is quite pro-Bush, pro-Howard, pro-war. Probably the least prejudiced media would be ABC or SBS, but the most pro-Jewish, pro-America, would be Channel Seven, Channel Nine, Channel Ten. They only ever show things from one side of the story. This article considers the validity of the Muslim interviewee’s perception that Australian media representation is one-sided. On 26 October 2005, under the headline: “Draw a Cartoon about Mohammed and You Must Die”, The Australian warned its readers: ISLAM is no laughing matter. Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, is being protected by security guards and several cartoonists have gone into hiding after the newspaper published a series of 12 cartoons about the prophet Mohammed. According to Islam, it is blasphemous to make images of the prophet. Muslim fundamentalists have threatened to bomb the paper’s offices and kill the cartoonists (17). Militant Muslims The most provocative cartoons appearing in the Danish media are probably those showing a Muhammad-like figure wearing a turban shaped as a bomb with a burning fuse coming out of it, or a queue of smoking suicide bombers on a cloud with an Islamic cleric saying, “Stop stop we have run out of virgins”. Another showed a blindfolded Muslim man with two veiled Muslim women standing behind him. These messages appeared to be concerned with Islam’s repression of women (Jyllands-Posten), and possibly with the American channel CBS airing an interview in August 2001 of a Palestinian Hamas activist, Muhammad Abu Wardeh, who recruited terrorists for suicide bombings in Israel. Abu Wardeh was quoted as saying: “I described to him [the suicide bomber] how God would compensate the martyr for sacrificing his life for his land. If you become a martyr, God will give you 70 virgins, 70 wives and everlasting happiness” (The Guardian). Perhaps to serve their goals, the militants have re-interpreted the verses of the Holy Quran (Sura 44:51-54; 55:56) where it is said that Muslims who perform good deeds will be blessed by the huris or “pure being” (Ali 1290-1291; 1404). However, since 9/11, it is also clear that the Muslim militant groups such as the Al-Qaeda have become the “new enemy” of the West. They have used religion to justify the terrorist acts and suicide bombings that have impacted on Western interests in New York, Washington, Bali, Madrid amongst other places. But it should be noted that there are Muslim critics, such as Pakistani-born writer, Irshad Manji, Bangladeshi-born writer Taslima Nasreen and Somalian-born Dutch parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who have been constant critics of Muslim men’s oppression of women and have urged reformation. However, their extremist fellow believers threatened them with a death sentence for their “free speech” (Chadwick). The non-Muslim Dutch film director, Theo van Gogh, also a critic of Islam and a supporter of Ayaan Hirsi Ali, advocated a reduction in immigration into Holland, especially by Muslims. Both van Gogh and Hirsi Ali – who co-scripted and co-produced the film Submission – received death threats from Muslim extremists because the film exhibited the verses of the Quran across the chest, stomach and thighs of an almost naked girl, and featured four women in see-through robes showing their breasts, with texts from the Quran daubed on their bodies, talking about the abuse they had suffered under Islam (Anon 25). Whereas there may be some justification for the claim made in the film, that some Muslim men interpret the Quran to oppress women (Doogue and Kirkwood 220), the writing of the Quranic verses on almost-naked women is surely offensive to all Muslims because the Quran teaches Muslim women to dress modestly (Sura 24: 30-31; Ali 873). On 4 November 2004, The West Australian reported that the Dutch director Theo van Gogh was murdered by a 26-year-old Dutch-Moroccan Muslim on 2 November 2004 (27). Hirsi Ali, the co-producer of the film was forced to go into hiding after van Gogh’s murder. In the face of a growing clamour from both the Dutch Muslims and the secular communities to silence her, Ayaan Hirsi Ali resigned from the Dutch Parliament in May 2006 and decided to re-settle in Washington (Jardine 2006). It should be noted that militant Muslims form a tiny but forceful minority of the 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide. The Muslim majority are moderate and peaceful (Doogue and Kirkwood 79-80). Some Muslim scholars argue that there is specific instruction in the Quran for people to apply their knowledge and arrive at whatever interpretation is of greatest benefit to the community. It may be that stricter practitioners would not agree with the moderate interpretation of the Quran and vice versa (Doogue and Kirkwood 232). Therefore, when the Western media makes a mockery of the Muslim religion or their Prophet in the name of “free speech”, or generalises all Muslims for the acts of a few through headlines or cartoons, it impacts on the Muslims residing in the West. Prophet Muhammad’s Cartoons With the above-mentioned publication of Prophet Muhammad’s cartoons in Denmark, Islamic critics charged that the cartoons were a deliberate provocation and insult to their religion, designed to incite hatred and polarise people of different faiths. In February 2006, regrettably, violent reactions took place in the Middle East, Europe and in Asia. Danish embassies were attacked and, in some instances, were set on fire. The demonstrators chanted, “With our blood and souls we defend you, O Prophet of God!”. Some replaced the Danish flag with a green one printed with the first pillar of Islam (Kalima): “There is no god but God and Mohammed is the messenger of God”. Some considered the cartoons “an unforgivable insult” that merited punishment by death (The Age). A debate on “free speech” soon emerged in newspapers throughout the world. On 7 February 2006 the editorial in The West Australian, “World Has Had Enough of Muslim Fanatics”, stated that the newspaper would not publish cartoons of Mohammad that have drawn protests from Muslims around the world. The newspaper acknowledged that depictions of the prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims” (18). However, the editorial was juxtaposed with another article “Can Liberty Survive a Clash of Cultures?”, with an image of bearded men wearing Muslim head coverings, holding Arabic placards and chanting slogans, implying the violent nature of Islam. And in the letters page of this newspaper, published on the same day, appeared the following headlines (20): Another Excuse for Muslims to Threaten Us Islam Attacked Cartoon Rage: Greatest Threat to World Peace We’re Living in Dangerous Times Why Treat Embassies with Contempt? Muslim Religion Is Not So Soft Civilised World Is Threatened The West Australian is a state-based newspaper that tends to side with the conservative Liberal party, and is designed to appeal to the “man in the street”. The West Australian did not republish the Prophet Muhammad cartoon, but for 8 days from 7 to 15 February 2006 the letters to the editor and opinion columns consistently criticised Islam and upheld “superior” Western secular values. During this period, the newspaper did publish a few letters that condemned the Danish cartoonist, including the author’s letter, which also condemned the Muslims’ attack on the embassies. But the overall message was that Western secular values were superior to Islamic values. In other words, the newspaper adopted a jingoistic posture and asserted the cultural superiority of mainstream Australians. The Danish cartoons also sparked a debate on “free speech” in Australia’s leading newspaper, The Australian, which is a national newspaper that also tends to reflect the values of the ruling national government – also the conservative Liberal party. And it followed a similar pattern of debate as The West Australian. On 14 February 2006, The Australian (13) published a reader’s criticism of The Australian for not republishing the cartoons. The author questioned whether the Muslims deserved any tolerance because their Holy Book teaches intolerance. The Koran [Quran] (22:19) says: Garments of fire have been prepared for the unbelievers. Scalding water shall be poured upon their heads, melting their skins and that which is in their bellies. Perhaps this reader did not find the three cartoons published in The Australian a few days earlier to be ‘offensive’ to the Australian Muslims. In the first, on 6 February 2006, the cartoonist Bill Leak showed that his head was chopped off by some masked people (8), implying that Muslim militants, such as the Hamas, would commit such a brutal act. The Palestinian Hamas group often appear in masks before the media. In this context, it is important to note that Israel is an ally of Australia and the United States, whereas the Hamas is Israel’s enemy whose political ideology goes against Israel’s national interest. On 25 January 2006, the Hamas won a landslide victory in the Palestine elections but Israel refused to recognise this government because Hamas has not abandoned its militant ideology (Page 13). The cartoon, therefore, probably means that the cartoonist or perhaps The Australian has taken sides on behalf of Australia’s ally Israel. In the second cartoon, on 7 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched an Arab raising his sword over a school boy who was drawing in a classroom. The caption read, “One more line and I’ll chop your hand off!” (12). And in the third, on 10 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched Mr Mohammed’s shadow holding a sword with the caption: “The unacceptable face of fanaticism”. A reporter asked: “And so, Mr Mohammed, what do you have to say about the current crisis?” to which Mr Mohammed replied, “I refuse to be drawn on the subject” (16). The cartoonist also thought that the Danish cartoons should have been republished in the Australian newspapers (Insight). Cartoons are supposed to reflect the theme of the day. Therefore, Bill Leak’s cartoons were certainly topical. But his cartoons reveal that his or The Australian’s “freedom of expression” has been one-sided, all depicting Islam as representing violence. For example, after the Bali bombing on 21 November 2002, Leak sketched two fully veiled women, one carrying explosives under her veil and asking the other, “Does my bomb look big in this”? The cartoonist’s immediate response to criticism of the cartoon in a television programme was, “inevitably, when you look at a cartoon such as that one, the first thing you’ve got to do is remember that as a daily editorial cartoonist, you’re commenting first and foremost on the events of the day. They’re very ephemeral things”. He added, “It was…drawn about three years ago after a spate of suicide bombing attacks in Israel” (Insight). Earlier events also suggested that that The Australian resolutely supports Australia’s ally, Israel. On 13-14 November 2004 Bill Leak caricatured the recently deceased Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in The Weekend Australian (18). In the cartoon, God appeared to be displeased with him and would not allow him to enter paradise. Arafat was shown with explosives strapped to his body and threatening God by saying, “A cloud to myself or the whole place goes up….”. On the other hand, on 6 January 2006 the same cartoonist sympathetically portrayed ailing Israeli leader Ariel Sharon as a decent man wearing a black suit, with God willing to accept him (10); and the next day Sharon was portrayed as “a Man of Peace” (12). Politics and Religion Thus, the anecdotal evidence so far reveals that in the name of “freedom of expression”, or “free speech” The West Australian and The Australian newspapers have taken sides – either glorifying their “superior” Western culture or taking sides on behalf of its allies. On the other hand, these print media would not tolerate the “free speech” of a Muslim leader who spoke against their ally or another religious group. From the 1980s until recently, some print media, particularly The Australian, have been critical of the Egyptian-born Muslim spiritual leader Imam Taj el din al-Hilali for his “free speech”. In 1988 the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils bestowed the title of Mufti to Imam al- Hilali, and al-Hilali was elevated to a position of national religious leadership. Al-Hilali became a controversial figure after 1988 when he gave a speech to the Muslim students at Sydney University and accused Jews of trying to control the world through “sex, then sexual perversion, then the promotion of espionage, treason and economic hoarding” (Hewett 7). The Imam started being identified as a “Muslim chief” in the news headlines once he directly criticised American foreign policy during the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. The Imam interpreted US intervention in Kuwait as a “political dictatorship” that was exploiting the Gulf crisis because it was seen as a threat to its oil supply (Hewett 7). After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Howard government distributed information on terrorism through the “Alert and Alarmed” kit as part of its campaign of public awareness. The first casualty of the “Be alert, but not alarmed” campaign was the Imam al-Hilali. On 6 January 2003, police saw a tube of plastic protruding from a passenger door window and suspected that al-Hilali might have been carrying a gun when they pulled him over for traffic infringements. Sheikh al-Hilali was charged with resisting arrest and assaulting police (Morris 1, 4). On 8 January 2003 The Australian reminded its readers “Arrest Adds to Mufti’s Mystery” (9). The same issue of The Australian portrayed the Sheikh being stripped of his clothes by two policemen. The letter page also contained some unsympathetic opinions under the headline: “Mufti Deserved No Special Treatment” (10). In January 2004, al-Hilali was again brought under the spotlight. The Australian media alleged that al-Hilali praised the suicide bombers at a Mosque in Lebanon and said that the destruction of the World Trade Center was “God’s work against oppressors” (Guillatt 24). Without further investigation, The Australian again reported his alleged inflammatory comments. Under the headline, “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call”, it condemned al-Hilali and accused him of strongly endorsing “terrorist groups Hezbollah and Hamas, during his visit to Lebanon”. Federal Labor Member of Parliament Michael Danby said, “Hilali’s presence in Australia is a mistake. He and his associates must give authorities an assurance he will not assist future homicide attacks” (Chulov 1, 5). Later investigations by Sydney’s Good Weekend Magazine and SBS Television found that al-Hilali’s speech had been mistranslated (Guillatt 24). However, the selected print media that had been very critical of the Sheikh did not highlight the mistranslation. On the other hand, the Archbishop of Sydney, Cardinal George Pell has been critical of Islam and is also opposed to Australia’s involvement in the Iraq war in 2003, but the print media appeared to ignore his “free speech” (Dateline). In November 2004, Dr Pell said that secular liberal democracy was empty and selfish, and Islam was emerging as an alternative world view that attracted the alienated (Zwartz 3). In May 2006, Dr Pell said that he tried to reconcile claims that Islam was a faith of peace with those that suggested the Quran legitimised the killings of non-Muslims but: In my own reading of the Koran [Quran], I began to note down invocations to violence. There are so many of them, however, that I abandoned this exercise after 50 or 60 or 70 pages (Morris). Muslim leaders regarded Dr Pell’s anti-Islam statement as “inflammatory” (Morris). However, both the newspapers, The Australian and The West Australian remained uncritical of Dr Pell’s “free speech” against Islam. Conclusion Edward Said believed that media images are informed by official definitions of Islam that serve the interests of government and business. The success of the images is not in their accuracy but in the power of the people who produce them, the triumph of which is hardly challenged. “Labels have survived many experiences and have been capable of adapting to new events, information and realities” (9). In this paper the author accepts that, in the Australian context, militant Muslims are the “enemy of the West”. However, they are also the enemy of most moderate Australian Muslims. When some selected media take sides on behalf of the hegemony, or Australia’s “allies”, and offend moderate Australian Muslims, the media’s claim of “free speech” or “freedom of expression” remains highly questionable. Muslim interviewees in this study have noted a systemic bias in some Australian media, but they are not alone in detecting this bias (see the “Abu Who?” segment of Media Watch on ABC TV, 31 July 2006). To address this concern, Australian Muslim leaders need to play an active role in monitoring the media. This might take the form of a watchdog body within the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils. If the media bias is found to be persistent, the AFIC might then recommend legislative intervention or application of existing anti-discrimination policies; alternatively, AFIC could seek sanctions from within the Australian journalistic community. One way or another this practice should be stopped. References Ali, Abdullah Yusuf. The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary. New Revised Ed. Maryland, USA: Amana Corporation, 1989. Anonymous. “Dutch Courage in Aftermath of Film-Maker’s Slaying.” The Weekend Australian 6-7 Nov. 2004. Chadwick, Alex. “The Caged Virgin: A Call for Change in Islam.” 4 June 2006 http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5382547>. Chulov, Martin. “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call.” The Australian 19 Feb. 2004. Dateline. “Cardinal George Pell Interview.” SBS TV 6 April 2005. 7 June 2006 http://news.sbs.com.au/dateline/>. Dreher, Tanya. “Targeted”, Experiences of Racism in NSW after September 11, 2001. Sydney: University of Technology, 2005. Doogue, Geraldine, and Peter Kirkwood. Tomorrow’s Islam: Understanding Age-Old Beliefs and a Modern World. Sydney: ABC Books, 2005. Insight. “Culture Clash.” SBS TV 7 March 2006. 11 June 2006 http://news.sbs.com.au/insight/archive.php>. Guillatt, Richard. “Moderate or Menace.” Sydney Morning Herald Good Weekend 21 Aug. 2004. Hewett, Tony. “Australia Exploiting Crisis: Muslim Chief.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Nov. 1990. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Ismaa – Listen: National Consultations on Eliminating Prejudice against Arab and Muslim Australians. Sydney: Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 2004. Jyllands-Posten. 24 Jan. 2006. http://www.di2.nu/files/Muhammad_Cartoons_Jyllands_Posten.html>. Jardine, Lisa. “Liberalism under Pressure.” BBC News 5 June 2006. 12 June 2006 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/5042418.stm>. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. Media Watch. “Abu Who?” ABC Television 31 July 2006. http://abc.net.au/mediawatch/>. Morris, Linda. “Imam Facing Charges after Row with Police.” Sydney Morning Herald 7 Jan. 2003. Morris, Linda. “Pell Challenges Islam – O Ye, of Little Tolerant Faith.” Sydney Morning Herald 5 May 2006. Page, Jeremy. “Russia May Sell Arms to Hamas.” The Australian 18 Feb. 2006. Said, Edward. Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World. London: Vintage, 1981, 1997. Submission. “Film Clip from Short Submission.” Submission. 11 June 2006. http://www.ifilm.com/ifilmdetail/2655656?htv=12> The Age. “Embassies Torched over Cartoons.” 5 Feb. 2006. http://www.theage.com.au>. The Guardian. “Virgins? What Virgins?” 12 Jan. 2002. 4 June 2006 http://www.guardian.co.uk/>. Zwartz, Barney. “Islam Could Be New Communism, Pell Tells US Audience.” Sydney Morning Herald 12 Nov. 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Sep. 2006) "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>.

Stand-up is a global phenomenon. It is Australia’s most significant form of advocatorial theatre and a major platform for challenging stigma and prejudice. In the twenty-first century, Australian stand-up is transforming into a more culturally diverse form and extending the spectrum of material addressing human rights. Since the 1980s Australian stand-up routines have moved beyond the old colonial targets of England and America, and Indigenous comics such as Kevin Kopinyeri, Andy Saunders, and Shiralee Hood have gained an established following. Additionally, the turn to Asia is evident not just in trade agreements and the higher education market but also in cultural exchange and in the billing of emerging Asian stand-ups at mainstream events. The major cultural driver for stand-up is the Melbourne International Comedy Festival (MICF), Australia’s largest cultural event, now over 30 years old, and an important site for dissecting constructs of democracy and nationhood. As John McCallum has observed, popular humour in post-World War II Australia drew on widespread feelings of “displacement, migration and otherness—resonant topics in a country of transplanted people and a dispossessed indigenous population arguing over a distinct Australian identity” (205–06). This essay considers the traditional comic strategies of first and second generation immigrant stand-ups in Australia and compares them with the new wave of post 9/11 Asian-Australian and Middle-Eastern-Australian stand-ups whose personas and interrogations are shifting the paradigm. Self-identifying Muslim stand-ups challenge myths of dominant Australian identity in ways which many still find confronting. Furthermore, the theories of incongruity, superiority, and psychological release re-rehearsed in traditional humour studies, by figures such as Palmer (1994) and Morreall (2009), are predicated on models of humour which do not always serve live performance, especially stand-up with its relational dependence on audience interaction.Stand-ups who immigrated to Australia as children or whose parents immigrated and struggled against adversity are important symbols both of the Australian comedy industry and of a national self-understanding of migrant resilience and making good. Szubanski and Berger hail from earlier waves of European migrants in the 1950s and 1960s. Szubanski has written eloquently of her complex Irish-Polish heritage and documented how the “hand-me-down trinkets of family and trauma” and “the culture clash of competing responses to calamity” have been integral to the development of her comic success and the making of her Aussie characters (347). Rachel Berger, the child of Polish holocaust survivors, advertises and connects both identities on her LinkedIn page: “After 23 years as a stand-up comedian, growing up with Jewish guilt and refugee parents, Rachel Berger knows more about survival than any idiot attending tribal council on reality TV.”Anh Do, among Australia’s most famous immigrant stand-ups, identifies as one of the Vietnamese “boat people” and arrived as a toddler in 1976. Do’s tale of his family’s survival against the odds and his creation of a persona which constructs the grateful, happy immigrant clown is the staple of his very successful routine and increasingly problematic. It is a testament to the power of Do’s stand-up that many did not perceive the toll of the loss of his birth country; the grinding poverty; and the pain of his father’s alcoholism, violence, and survivor guilt until the publication of Do’s ironically titled memoir The Happiest Refugee. In fact, the memoir draws on many of the trauma narratives that are still part of his set. One of Do’s most legendary routines is the story of his family’s sea journey to Australia, told here on ABC1’s Talking Heads:There were forty of us on a nine metre fishing boat. On day four of the journey we spot another boat. As the boat gets closer we realise it’s a boatload of Thai pirates. Seven men with knives, machetes and guns get on our boat and they take everything. One of the pirates picks up the smallest child, he lifts up the baby and rips open the baby’s nappy and dollars fall out. And the pirate decides to spare the kid’s life. And that’s a good thing cos that’s my little brother Khoa Do who in 2005 became Young Australian of the Year. And we were saved on the fifth day by a big German merchant ship which took us to a refugee camp in Malaysia and we were there for around three months before Australia says, come to Australia. And we’re very glad that happened. So often we heard Mum and Dad say—what a great country. How good is this place? And the other thing—kids, as you grow up, do as much as you can to give back to this great country and to give back to others less fortunate.Do’s strategy is apparently one of genuflection and gratitude, an adoption of what McCallum refers to as an Australian post-war tradition of the comedy of inadequacy and embarrassment (210–14). Journalists certainly like to bill Do as the happy clown, framing articles about him with headlines like Rosemary Neill’s “Laughing through Adversity.” In fact, Do is direct about his gallows humour and his propensity to darkness: his humour, he says, is a means of countering racism, of “being able to win people over who might have been averse to being friends with an Asian bloke,” but Neill does not linger on this, nor on the revelation that Do felt stigmatised by his refugee origins and terrified and shamed by the crippling poverty of his childhood in Australia. In The Happiest Refugee, Do reveals that, for him, the credibility of his routines with predominantly white Australian audiences lies in the crafting of himself as an “Aussie comedian up there talking about his working-class childhood” (182). This is not the official narrative that is retold even if it is how Do has endeared himself to Australians, and ridding himself of the happy refugee label may yet prove difficult. Suren Jayemanne is well known for his subtle mockery of multiculturalist rhetoric. In his 2016 MICF show, Wu-Tang Clan Name Generator, Jayemanne played on the supposed contradiction of his Sri Lankan-Malaysian heritage against his teenage years in the wealthy suburb of Malvern in Melbourne, his private schooling, and his obsession with hip hop and black American culture. Jayemanne’s strategy is to gently confound his audiences, leading them slowly up a blind alley. He builds up a picture of how to identify Sri Lankan parents, supposedly Sri Lankan qualities such as an exceptional ability at maths, and Sri Lankan employment ambitions which he argues he fulfilled in becoming an accountant. He then undercuts his story by saying he has recently realised that his suburban background, his numerical abilities, his love of black music, and his rejection of accountancy in favour of comedy, in fact prove conclusively that he has, all along, been white. He also confesses that this is a bruising disappointment. Jayemanne exposes the emptiness of the conceits of white, brown, and black and of invented identity markers and plays on his audiences’ preconceptions through an old storyteller’s device, the shaggy dog story. The different constituencies in his audiences enjoy his trick equally, from quite different perspectives.Diana Nguyen, a second generation Vietnamese stand-up, was both traumatised and politicised by Pauline Hanson when she was a teenager. Hanson described Nguyen’s community in Dandenong as “yellow Asian people” (Filmer). Nguyen’s career as a community development worker combating racism relates directly to her activity as a stand-up: migrant stories are integral to Australian history and Nguyen hypothesises that the “Australian psyche of being invaded or taken over” has reignited over the question of Islamic fundamentalism and expresses her concern to Filmer about the Muslim youths under her care.Nguyen’s alarm about the elision of Islamic radicalism with Muslim culture drives an agenda that has led the new generation of self-identified Muslim stand-ups since 9/11. This post 9/11 world is described by Wajahat as gorged with “exaggerated fear, hatred, and hostility toward Islam and Muslim [. . . ] and perpetuated by negative discrimination and the marginalisation and exclusion of Muslims from social, political, and civic life in western societies.” In Australia, Aamer Rahman, Muhamed Elleissi, Khaled Khalafalla, and Nazeem Hussain typify this newer, more assertive form of second generation immigrant stand-up—they identify as Muslim (whether religious or not), as brown, and as Australian. They might be said to symbolise a logical response to Ghassan Hage’s famous White Nation (1998), which argues that a white supremacism underlies the mindset of the white elite in Australia. Their positioning is more nuanced than previous generations of stand-up. Nazeem Hussain’s routines mark a transformation in Australian stand-up, as Waleed Aly has argued: “ethnic comedy” has hitherto been about the parading of stereotypes for comfortable, mainstream consumption, about “minstrel characters” [. . .] but Hussain interrogates his audiences in every direction—and aggravates Muslims too. Hussain’s is the world of post 9/11 Australian Muslims. It’s about more than ethnic stereotyping. It’s about being a consistent target of political opportunism, where everyone from the Prime Minister to the Foreign Minister to an otherwise washed-up backbencher with a view on burqas has you in their sights, where bombs detonate in Western capitals and unrelated nations are invaded.Understandably, a prevalent theme among the new wave of Muslim comics, and not just in Australia, is the focus on the reading of Muslims as manifestly linked with Islamic State (IS). Jokes about mistaken identity, plane crashes, suicide bombing, and the Koran feature prominently. English-Pakistani Muslim, Shazia Mirza, gained comedy notoriety in the UK in the wake of 9/11 by introducing her routine with the words: “My name’s Shazia Mirza. At least that’s what it says on my pilot’s licence” (Bedell). Stand-ups Negin Farsad, Ahmed Ahmed, and Dean Obeidalla are all also activists challenging prevailing myths about Islam, skin colour and terrorism in America. Egyptian-American Ahmed Ahmed acquired prominence for telling audiences in the infamous Axis of Evil Comedy Tour about how his life had changed much for the worse since 9/11. Ahmed Ahmed was the alias used by one of Osama Bin Laden’s devotees and his life became on ongoing struggle with anti-terrorism officials doing security checks (he was once incarcerated) and with the FBI who were certain that the comedian was among their most wanted terrorists. Similarly, Obeidalla, an Italian-Palestinian-Muslim, notes in his TEDx talk that “If you have a Muslim name, you are probably immune to identity theft.” His narration of a very sudden experience of becoming an object of persecution and of others’ paranoia is symptomatic of a shared understanding of a post 9/11 world among many Muslim comics: “On September 10th 2001 I went to bed as a white American and I woke up an Arab,” says Obeidalla, still dazed from the seismic shift in his life.Hussain and Khalafalla demonstrate a new sophistication and directness in their stand-up, and tackle their majority white audiences head-on. There is no hint of the apologetic or deferential stance performed by Anh Do. Many of the jokes in their routines target controversial or taboo issues, which up until recently were shunned in Australian political debate, or are absent or misrepresented in mainstream media. An Egyptian-Australian born in Saudi Arabia, Khaled Khalafalla arrived on the comedy scene in 2011, was runner-up in RAW, Australia’s most prestigious open mic competition, and in 2013 won the best of the Melbourne International Comedy Festival for Devious. Khalafalla’s shows focus on racist stereotypes and identity and he uses a range of Middle Eastern and Indian accents to broach IS recruitment, Muslim cousin marriages, and plane crashes. His 2016 MICF show, Jerk, was a confident and abrasive routine exploring relationships, drug use, the extreme racism of Reclaim Australia rallies, controversial visa checks by Border Force’s Operation Fortitude, and Islamophobia. Within the first minute of his routine, he criticises white people in the audience for their woeful refusal to master Middle Eastern names, calling out to the “brown woman” in the audience for support, before lining up a series of jokes about the (mis)pronunciation of his name. Khalafalla derives his power on stage by what Oliver Double calls “uncovering.” Double contends that “one of the most subversive things stand-up can do is to uncover the unmentionable,” subjects which are difficult or impossible to discuss in everyday conversation or the broadcast media (292). For instance, in Jerk Khalafalla discusses the “whole hating halal movement” in Australia as a metaphor for exposing brutal prejudice: Let me break it down for you. Halal is not voodoo. It’s just a blessing that Muslims do for some things, food amongst other things. But, it’s also a magical spell that turns some people into fuckwits when they see it. Sometimes people think it’s a thing that can get stuck to your t-shirt . . . like ‘Oh fuck, I got halal on me’ [Australian accent]. I saw a guy the other day and he was like Fuck halal, it funds terrorism. And I was like, let me show you the true meaning of Islam. I took a lamb chop out of my pocket and threw it in his face. And, he was like Ah, what was that? A lamb chop. Oh, I fucking love lamb chops. And, I say you fool, it’s halal and he burst into flames.In effect, Khalafalla delivers a contemptuous attack on the white members of his audience, but at the same time his joke relies on those same audience members presuming that they are morally and intellectually superior to the individual who is the butt of the joke. Khalafalla’s considerable charm is a help in this tricky send-up. In 2015 the Australian Department of Defence recognised his symbolic power and invited him to join the Afghanistan Task Force to entertain the troops by providing what Doran describes as “home-grown Australian laughs” (7). On stage in Australia, Khalafalla constructs a persona which is an outsider to the dominant majority and challenges the persecution of Muslim communities. Ironically, on the NATO base, Khalafalla’s act was perceived as representing a diverse but united Australia. McCallum has pointed to such contradictions, moments where white Australia has shown itself to be a “culture which at first authenticates emigrant experience and later abrogates it in times of defiant nationalism” (207). Nazeem Hussain, born in Australia to Sri Lankan parents, is even more confrontational. His stand-up is born of his belief that “comedy protects us from the world around us” and is “an evolutionary defence mechanism” (8–9). His ground-breaking comedy career is embedded in his work as an anti-racism activist and asylum seeker supporter and shaped by his second-generation migrant experiences, law studies, community youth work, and early mentorship by American Muslim comic trio Allah Made Me Funny. He is well-known for his pioneering television successes Legally Brown and Salam Café. In his stand-up, Hussain often dwells witheringly on the failings and peculiarities of white people’s attempts to interact with him. Like all his routines, his sell-out show Fear of the Brown Planet, performed with Aamer Rahman from 2004–2008, explored casual, pathologised racism. Hussain deliberately over-uses the term “white people” in his routines as a provocation and deploys a reverse racism against his majority white audiences, knowing that many will be squirming. “White people ask me how can Muslims have fun if they don’t drink? Muslims have fun! Of course we have fun! You’ve seen us on the news.” For Hussain stand-up is “fundamentally an art of protest,” to be used as “a tool by communities and people with ideas that challenge and provoke the status quo with a spirit of counterculture” (Low 1–3). His larger project is to humanise Muslims to white Australians so that “they see us firstly as human beings” (1–3). Hussain’s 2016 MICF show, Hussain in the Membrane, both satirised media hype and hysterical racism and pushed for a better understanding of the complex problems Muslim communities face in Australia. His show also connected issues to older colonial traditions of racism. In a memorable and beautifully crafted tirade, Hussain inveighed against the 2015 Bendigo riots which occurred after local Muslims lodged an application to Bendigo council to build a mosque in the sleepy Victorian town. [YELLING in an exaggerated Australian accent] No we don’t want Muslims! NO we don’t want Muslims—to come invade Bendigo by application to the local council! That is the most bureaucratic invasion of all times. No place in history has been invaded by lodging an application to a local council. Can you see ISIS running around chasing town planners? Of course not, Muslims like to wait 6–8 months to invade! That’s a polite way to invade. What if white people invaded that way? What a better world we’d be living in. If white people invaded Australia that way, we’d be able to celebrate Australia Day on the same day without so much blood on our hands. What if Captain Cook came to Australia and said [in a British accent] Awe we would like to apply to invade this great land and here is our application. [In an Australian accent] Awe sorry, mate, rejected, but we’ll give you Bendigo.As Waleed Aly sees it, the Australian cultural majority is still “unused to hearing minorities speak with such assertiveness.” Hussain exposes “a binary world where there’s whiteness, and then otherness. Where white people are individuals and non-white people (a singular group) are not” (Aly). Hussain certainly speaks as an insider and goes so far as recognising his coloniser’s guilt in relation to indigenous Australians (Tan). Aly well remembers the hate mail he and Hussain received when they worked on Salam Café: “The message was clear. We were outsiders and should behave as such. We were not real Australians. We should know our place, as supplicants, celebrating the nation’s unblemished virtue.” Khalafalla, Rahman, Elleissi, and Hussain make clear that the new wave of comics identify as Muslim and Australian (which they would argue many in the audiences receive as a provocation). They have zero tolerance of racism, their comedy is intimately connected with their political activism, and they have an unapologetically Australian identity. No longer is it a question of whether the white cultural majority in Australia will anoint them as worthy and acceptable citizens, it is a question of whether the audiences can rise to the moral standards of the stand-ups. The power has been switched. For Hussain laughter is about connection: “that person laughs because they appreciate the point and whether or not they accept what was said was valid isn’t important. What matters is, they’ve understood” (Low 5). ReferencesAhmed, Ahmed. “When It Comes to Laughter, We Are All Alike.” TedXDoha (2010). 16 June 2016 <http://tedxtalks.ted.com/video/TEDxDoha-Ahmed-Ahmed-When-it-Co>.Aly, Waleed. “Comment.” Sydney Morning Herald 24 Sep. 2013."Anh Do". Talking Heads with Peter Thompson. ABC1. 4 Oct. 2010. Radio.Bedell, Geraldine. “Veiled Humour.” The Guardian (2003). 8 Aug. 2016 <https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2003/apr/20/comedy.artsfeatures?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other>.Berger, Rachel. LinkedIn [Profile page]. 14 June 2016 <http://www.linkedin.com/company/rachel-berger>.Do, Anh. The Happiest Refugee. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2010. Doran, Mark. "Service with a Smile: Entertainers Give Troops a Taste of Home.” Air Force 57.21 (2015). 12 June 2016 <http://www.defence.gov.au/Publications/NewsPapers/Raaf/editions/5721/5721.pdf>.Double, Oliver. Getting the Joke: The Inner Workings of Stand-Up Comedy. 2nd ed. London: Bloomsbury, 2014.Filmer, Natalie. "For Dandenong Comedian and Actress Diana Nguyen The Colour Yellow has a Strong Meaning.” The Herald Sun 3 Sep. 2013.Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of a White Supremacy in a Multicultural Age. Sydney: Pluto Press, 1998.Hussain, Nazeem. Hussain in the Membrane. Melbourne International Comedy Festival, 2016.———. "The Funny Side of 30.” Spectrum. The Age 12 Mar. 2016.Khalafalla, Khaled. Jerk. Melbourne International Comedy Festival, 2016.Low, Lian. "Fear of a Brown Planet: Fight the Power with Laughter.” Peril: Asian Australian Arts and Culture (2011). 12 June 2016 <http://peril.com.au/back-editions/edition10/fear-of-a-brown-planet-fight-the-power-with-laughter>. McCallum, John. "Cringe and Strut: Comedy and National Identity in Post-War Australia.” Because I Tell a Joke or Two: Comedy, Politics and Social Difference. Ed. Stephen Wagg. New York: Routledge, 1998. Morreall, John. Comic Relief. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009.Neill, Rosemary. "Laughing through Adversity.” The Australian 28 Aug. 2010.Obeidalla, Dean. "Using Stand-Up to Counter Islamophobia.” TedXEast (2012). 16 June 2016 <http://tedxtalks.ted.com/video/TEDxEast-Dean-Obeidalla-Using-S;TEDxEast>.Palmer, Jerry. Taking Humour Seriously. London: Routledge, 1994. Szubanski, Magda. Reckoning. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2015. Tan, Monica. "Aussie, Aussie, Aussie! Allahu Akbar! Nazeem Hussain's Bogan-Muslim Army.” The Guardian 29 Feb. 2016. "Uncle Sam.” Salam Café (2008). 11 June 2016 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SeQPAJt6caU>.Wajahat, Ali, et al. "Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America.” Center for American Progress (2011). 11 June 2016 <https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/religion/report/2011/08/26/10165/fear-inc>.

Photo by Hannah Busing on Unsplash INTRODUCTION Religion has long provided guidance that has led to standards reflected in some aspects of medical practices and traditions. The recent bioethical literature addresses numerous new problems posed by advancing medical technology and demonstrates an erosion of standards rooted in religion and long widely accepted as almost axiomatic. In the deep soul-searching that pervades the publications on bioethics, several disturbing and dangerous trends neglect some basic lessons of philosophy, logic, and history. The bioethics discourse on medical aid in dying emphasizes similarity over previously recognized important distinguishing features. For example, it overplays a likeness between assistance in dying and the withdrawal of life-saving technology. In many bioethics’ topics, arguments based on a logical continuum are used to question the lines demarcating important moral differences. l. The Line Between Ethical and Not: Logic Based on Continuum Careful case selection, often either end of a continuum, allows the tearing down or ridiculing of many rules and codes across most professions and fields of interest. This situation holds true for traffic laws as well as medical ethics guidelines. It is relatively simple for those who desire to attack a particular viewpoint by selecting a case that makes that position seem untenable. In the ethics realm, good and bad medicine exist at opposite ends of an ethical continuum, with many practices lying in between. For example, much of medical ethics exists between the Nazi criminal physicians and the most sainted nurse or physician. A gradual progression occurred over less than two decades from a utilitarian position that supported limited euthanasia for those with certain mental illnesses to genocide. German society embraced a utilitarian ethic in which the value of human life no longer was intrinsic but instrumental.[1] Many morally significant points on a continuum were then ignored as the misguided utilitarian policy rampantly continued. A point in the continuum to distinguish between ethically justifiable and that which is not can be difficult to identify compared to the two extremes. This continuum is not unique to ethics but can be applied to almost any other aspect of human life and endeavor. Between a severely ill schizophrenic person and a superbly well-adjusted individual, there is a continuum of mental and psychological function. The existence of a continuum should not paralyze thinking and prevent us from drawing lines and identifying moral differences based on objective criteria as well as moral philosophy. Yet, by focusing on a continuum, many bioethicists use logic to disregard dividing lines between an "ethical" and an "unethical" act. Unfortunately, sometimes bioethicists draw revolutionary conclusions that would change the scope of medical practices which is accepted as ethical. There are many examples of similar shifts on the continuum. Many authors argue for the ethical permissibility of abortion by pointing out that the human fetus is no different in various characteristics, one arguing it is as like an ape or chick as it is like a person,[2] and does not achieve unique human and individual characteristics until well into the first year of life.[3] While human fetuses arguably do not have certain distinctive qualities of personhood, most people shy away from the logical next conclusion: permitting infanticide. For example, Joshua Lederberg condemns infanticide, in the face of biological illogic, because of our emotional commitment to infants, to me, a relatively weak explanation. Sir Francis Crick suggests we might consider birth at two days of life in order to decide whether an infant is a "suitable" member of society.[4] Giublini and Minerva suggest that infanticide should be permissible since late pregnancy abortions are permissible, arguing there is no significant difference between a fetus just before birth and an infant just after birth.[5] Clearly the continuum approach would allow for subjective arguments in favor of later infanticide at other points many days post-birth. Years ago, with a cynical tone, I mentioned infanticide as a further step on the continuum beyond abortion, and I was rightly shouted down as being deliberately provocative to assert the logic would ever stretch so far. While it is not an accepted mainstream position, the movement in academic settings from widespread condemnation to limited possible acceptance of infanticide has taken place in an incredibly short time. Public opinion and medical opinion in these areas have shifted dramatically in a short time. In another area, from a biological and chemical point of view, there is a continuum from man down to a single carbon atom. Yet, it would not seem logical to ignore the emotional differences, the meaning of personhood, or the moral distinction between killing an insect and killing a person. ll. A False Continuum: Medical Aid in Dying I assert that there has been an erosion of ethical guidelines in recent years attributable to using continuums to camouflage important distinctions. James Rachels’ work on active and passive euthanasia, which contends that the two are ethically identical, exemplifies that logic.[6] He illustrates this thesis, using a continuum to compare different scenarios with like consequences as morally equivalent, by comparing the deliberate drowning of a child with a deliberate failure to rescue a drowning child when easily able to do so. The author's comparison proposes that since much of the medical profession has already made peace with withholding treatment in order to hasten death, consistency inexorably demands that we permit active euthanasia as well.[7] When permission for active euthanasia was first introduced, it was limited exclusively to patients suffering severely from an intractable, incurable, and irreversible disease. These guidelines have been continuously eroded. There is now a substantial serious consideration for permitting active euthanasia of healthy elderly individuals who feel that they have completed their lives and are "tired of living."[8] There are many moral and factual differences along the ethical continuum. In human life, there is a difference between a live baby and a fetus, between a viable fetus and one that is not, between a fetus and a zygote, and between a zygote and a sperm cell. Similarly, there is a difference between pulling a trigger to kill someone and not interfering in preventing his death, which is reprehensible though both may be. There is a difference between not resuscitating an 80-year-old man with cancer when his heart stops and injecting him with a fatal dose of potassium chloride. I argue that an overt act of taking life repels civilized human beings is to be commended and encouraged as the reverence for human life or even for just a moment of human life is one of the great contributions of our civilization. CONCLUSION As an orthodox Jew, I feel that divinely inspired guidelines that have stood the test of centuries shape my beliefs, and such guidelines contradict medical aid in dying. I cannot speak to the viewpoint of those who do not access religion in defining their moral stance, nor do I implicate them in the current bioethics' trends, as I am not aware of the personal role of religion in the lives of most such authors. While many nonreligious people have a firm philosophical grounding and oppose medical aid in dying, I suggest that in the absence of any religious or other absolute standards, developing logically defensible ethical guidelines may be challenging. At the least, religion may play a role in defining the points on the continuums that are ethically meaningful and refuting the trending beliefs that if the endpoint is the same, allowing different methods of arriving at that end are somehow ethically equal. The continuum of ways death may result does not negate analysis of whether death is brought about in ways that recognize the importance of life. The German philosopher Hans Jonas said, "It is a question whether without restoring the category of the sacred, the category most thoroughly destroyed by the scientific enlightenment, we can have an ethics able to cope with the extreme powers that we possess today and constantly increase and are compelled to use."[9] While countries vary on the role of religion in policy, with many emphasizing freedoms of religion, a recent position paper released by a group of Jewish, Christian, and Moslem leaders (the three Abrahamic religions) suggested the need for agreement on the unique sanctity of human life.[10] I would recommend that such a document serve as an example of consensus on critical foundational bioethical guidelines for democratic secular societies. - [1] Alexander L (1949) Medical science under dictatorship. New England Journal of Medicine, 241, p39-47 DOI10.1056/NEJM194907142410201 [2] Lederberg J. (1967) A geneticist looks at contraception and abortion, Annals of Internal Medicine 67, sup 2, 25-27. https:/doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-67-3-25 [3] Ibid. [4] Editorial, Sociology: Logic of biology. Nature 220, 429 (1968) https://www.nature.com/articles/220429b0 [5] Giublini A Minerva F (2013) After-birth abortion: why should the baby live. J Med Ethics 39, 261- [6] Rachels J (1975) Active and passive euthanasia. New England Journal of Medicine 292, 78-80 [7] Ibid. [8] Cohen-Almagor R Euthanizing people who are "tired of life". in Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide-Lessons from Belgium. Ch 11 of Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide, Cambridge University Press pp173-187. 2017 and DOI; https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108182799.012 [9] Hans Jonas, Technology and Responsibility: Reflections on the New Tasks of Ethics, 1972, found as Chapter IX, Philosophical Essays, 1980. https://inters.org/jonas-technology-responsability [10] A position paper of the Abrahamic Monotheistic religions on matters concerning the end-of-life. Vatican Press 28 October 2019 https://press.vatican.va/content/salastampa/en/bollettino/pubblico/2019/10/28/191028f.html

Introduction The public sphere includes a range of credible discourses asserting that a proportion of teenagers (“teens”) has an unhealthy dependence upon continuous connection with media devices, and especially smartphones. A review of media discourse (Jaunzems et al.) in Australia, and a critical review of public discourse in Australia and Belgium (Zaman et al.), reveal both positive and negative commentary around screentime. Despite the “emotionally laden, opposing views” expressed in the media, there appears to be a groundswell of concern around young people’s dependence upon digital devices (Zaman et al. 120). Concerns about ‘addiction’ to and dependency on digital media first emerged with the Internet and have been continually represented as technology evolves. One recent example is the 2020 multi-part Massey Lecture series which hooked audiences with the provocative title: “we need to reclaim our lives from our phones” (Deibert). In Sydney, a psychology-based “outpatient addiction treatment centre” offers specialised recovery programs for “Internet addiction”, noting that addicts include school-aged teens, as well as adults (Cabin). Such discourse reflects well-established social anxieties around the disruptive impacts of new technologies upon society (Marvin), while focussing such concern disproportionately upon the lives, priorities, and activities of young people (Tsaliki and Chronaki). While a growing peer-reviewed evidence base suggests some young people have problematic relationships with digital media (e.g. Odgers and Robb; Donald et al.; Gaspard; Tóth-Király et al.; Boer et al.), there are also opposing views (e.g. Vuorre et al.) Ben Light, for instance, highlights the notion of disconnection as a set of practices that include using some platforms and not others, unfriending, and selective anonymity (Light). We argue that this version of disconnection and what we refer to as ‘detox’ are two different practices. Detox, as we use it, is the regular removal of elements of lived experience (such as food consumption) that may be enjoyable but which potentially have negative consequences over time, before (potentially) reintroducing the element or pratice. The aims of a detox include ensuring greater control over the enjoyable experience while, at the same time, reducing exposure to possible harm. There is a lack of specific research that unequivocally asserts young people’s unhealthy dependence upon smartphones. Nonetheless, there appears to be a growing public belief in the efficacy of “the detox” (Beyond Blue) or “unplugging” (Shlain). We argue that a teen’s commitment to regular smartphone abstinence is non-fungible with ‘as and when’ smartphone use. In other words, there is a significant, ineluctable and non-trivial difference between the practice of regularly disconnecting from a smartphone at a certain point of the day, or for a specified period in the week, compared with the same amount of time ‘off’ the device which is a haphazard, as and when, doing something else, type of practice. We posit that recurrent periods of smartphone abstinence, equating to a regular detox, might support more balanced, healthy and empowered smartphone use. Repeated abstinence in this case differs from the notion of the disconnected holiday, where a person might engage in irregular smartphone withdrawal during an annual holiday, for example (Traveltalk; Hoving; Stäheli and Stoltenberg). Such abstinence does have widespread historical and cultural resonance, however, as in the fasting practices of Islam (the month of Ramadan), the Christian season of Lent, and the holy Hindu month of Śravaṇa. Where prolonged periods of fasting are supplemented by weekly or holy-day fasts, they may be reprised with a regularity that brings the practice closer to the scheduled pattern of abstinence that we see as non-fungible with an unstructured as-and-when approach. An extreme example of the long fast and intermittent fast days is offered by the traditional practices of the Greek Orthodox church, whose teachings recommend fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays as well as on religious holy days. With the inclusion of Lent, Greek Orthodox fasting practices can comprise 180 fast days per year: that’s about half of available days. As yet, there is no coherent evidence base supporting the benefits of regular intermittent disconnection. The Australian mental health Website Beyond Blue, which asserts the value of digital detox, cannot find a stronger authority to underpin a practice of withdrawal than “Research from Deloitte’s annual Mobile Consumer Survey report” which indicates that “44 per cent of people in Australia think their phone use is a problem and are trying to reduce how much time they spend on it” (Beyond Blue). Academic literature that addresses these areas by drawing on more than personal experience and anecdote is scarce to non-existent. Insofar as such studies exist over the past decade, from Maushart to Leonowicz-Bukała et al., they are irregular experiments which do not commit to repeated periods of disconnection. This article is a call to investigate the possibly non-fungible benefits of teens’ regularly practicing smartphone disconnection. It argues that there is actual evidence which is yet to be collected. New knowledge in this area may provide a compelling dataset that suggests verifiable benefits for the non-fungible practice of regular smartphone disconnection. We believe that there are teenagers, parents and communities willing to trial appropriate interventions over a significant period of time to establish ‘before’ and ‘after’ case studies. The evidence for these opinions is laid out in the sections that follow. Teens’ Experiences of Media, Smartphone, and Other Cultural Dis/connection In 2018, the Pew Research Center in the US surveyed teens about their experiences of social media, updating elements of an earlier study from 2014-15. They found that almost all (95%) the 743 teens in the study, aged between 13 and 17 when they were surveyed in March-April 2018, had or had access to a smartphone (Anderson and Jiang). A more recent report from 2021 notes that 88% of US teenagers, aged 13-18, have their own smartphone (Common Sense Media 22). What is more, this media use survey indicates that American teens have increased their screen entertainment time from 7 hours, 22 minutes per day in 2019 to 8 hours, 39 minutes per day in 2021 (Common Sense Media 3). Lee argues that, on average, mobile phone users in Australia touch their phones 2,617 times a day. In Sweden, a 2019 study of youth aged 15-24 noted a pervasive concern regarding the logical assumption “that offline time is influenced and adapted when people spend an increasing amount of time online” (Thulin and Vilhelmson 41). These authors critique the overarching theory of young people comprising a homogenous group of ‘digital natives’ by identifying different categories of light, medium, and heavy users of ICT. They say that the “variation in use is large, indicating that responses to ubiquitous ICT access are highly diverse rather than homogenously determined” (Thulin and Vilhelmson 48). The practice or otherwise of regular periods of smartphone disconnection is a further potential differentiator of teens’ digital experiences. Any investigation into these areas of difference should help indicate ways in which teens may or may not achieve comparatively more or less control over their smartphone use. Lee argues that in Australia “teens who spend five or more hours per day on their devices have a 71% higher risk factor for suicide”. Twenge and Campbell (311) used “three large surveys of adolescents in two countries (n = 221,096)” to explore differences between ‘light users’ of digital media (<1 hour per day) and ‘heavy users’ (5+ hours per day). They use their data to argue that “heavy users (vs. light) of digital media were 48% to 171% more likely to be unhappy, to be low in well-being, or to have suicide risk factors such as depression, suicidal ideation, or past suicide attempts” (Twenge and Campbell 311). Notably, Livingstone among others argues that emotive assertions such as these tend to ignore the nuance of significant bodies of research (Livingstone, about Twenge). Even so, it is plausible that teens’ online activities interpolate both positively and negatively upon their offline activities. The capacity to disconnect, however, to disengage from smartphone use at will, potentially allows a teen more opportunity for individual choice impacting both positive and negative experiences. As boyd argued in 2014: “it’s complicated”. The Pew findings from 2018 indicate that teens’ positive comments about social media use include: 81% “feel more connected to their friends”; 69% “think it helps [them] interact with a more diverse group of people”; and 68% “feel as if they have people who will support them through tough times.” (Anderson and Jiang) The most numerous negative comments address how of all teens: 45% “feel overwhelmed by all the drama there”; 43% “feel pressure to only post content that makes them look good to others”; and 37% “feel pressure to post content that will get a lot of likes and comments.” (Anderson and Jiang) It is notable that these three latter points relate to teens’ vulnerabilities around others’ opinions of themselves and the associated rollercoaster of emotions these opinions may cause. They resonate with Ciarrochi et al.’s argument that different kinds of Internet activity impact different issues of control, with more social forms of digital media associated with young females’ higher “compulsive internet use […] and worse mental health than males” (276). What is not known, because it has never been investigated, is whether any benefits flowing from regular smartphone disconnection might have a gendered dimension. If there is specific value in a capacity to disconnect regularly, separating that experience from haphazard episodes of connection and disconnection, regular disconnection may also enhance the quality of smartphone engagement. Potentially, the power to turn off their smartphone when the going got tough might allow young people to feel greater control over their media use while being less susceptible to the drama and compulsion of digital engagement. As one 17-year-old told the Pew researchers, possibly ruefully, “[teens] would rather go scrolling on their phones instead of doing their homework, and it’s so easy to do so. It’s just a huge distraction” (Anderson and Jiang). Few cultural contexts support teens’ regular and repeated disengagement from smartphones, but Icelandic society, Orthodox Judaism and the comparatively common practice of overnight disconnection from smartphone use may offer helpful indications of possible benefits. Cross-Cultural and Religious Interventions in Smartphone Use Concern around teens’ smartphone use, as described above, is typically applied to young people whose smartphone use constitutes an integral part of everyday life. The untangling of such interconnection would benefit from being both comparative and experimental. Our suggestions follow. Iceland has, in the past, adopted what Karlsson and Broddason term “a paternalistic cultural conservatism” (1). Legislators concerned about the social impacts of television deferred the introduction of Icelandic broadcasting for many years, beyond the time that most other European nations offered television services. Program offerings were expanded in a gradual way after the 1966 beginnings of Iceland’s public television broadcasting. As Karlsson and Broddason note, “initially the transmission hours were limited to only a few hours in the evening, three days a week and a television-free month in July. The number of transmission days was increased to six within a few years, still with a television-free month in July until 1983 and television-free Thursdays until 1987” (6). Interestingly, the nation is still open to social experimentation on a grand scale. In the 1990s, for example, in response to significant substance abuse by Icelandic teens, the country implemented an interventionist whole-of-Iceland public health program: the Icelandic Prevention Model (Kristjansson et al.). Social experimentation on a smaller scale remains part of the Icelandic cultural fabric. More recently, between 2015 and 2019, Iceland ran a successful social experiment whereby 1% of the working population worked a shorter work week for full time pay. The test was deemed successful because “workers were able to work less, get paid the same, while maintaining productivity and improving personal well-being” (Lau and Sigurdardottir). A number of self-governing Icelandic villages operate a particularly inclusive form of consultative local democracy enabling widespread buy-in for social experiments. Two or more such communities are likely to be interested in trialling an intervention study if there is a plausible reason to believe that the intervention may make a positive difference to teens’ (and others’) experiences of smartphone use. Those plausible reasons might be indicated by observational data from other people’s everyday practices. One comparatively common everyday practice which has yet to be systematically investigated from the perspective of evaluating the possible impacts of regular disconnection is that practiced by families who leave connected media outside the bedroom at night-time. These families are in the habit of putting their phones on to charge, usually in a shared space such as a kitchen or lounge room, and not referring to them again until a key point in the morning: when they are dressed, for example, or ready to leave the house. It is plausible to believe that such families might feel they have greater control over smartphone use than a family who didn’t adopt a regular practice of smartphone disconnection. According to social researchers in the Nordic nations, including co-authors Kjartan Ólafsson and Elisabeth Staksrud, it is likely that an Icelandic community will be keen to trial this experience of regular smartphone disconnection for a period of six months or more, if that trial went hand in hand with a rigorous evaluation of impact. Some religious communities offer a less common exemplar for teens’ regular disconnection from their smartphone. Young people in these communities may suspend their smartphone (and other media use) for just over a full day per week to focus on deepening their engagement with family and friends, and to support their spiritual development. Notable among such examples are teenagers who identify as members of the Orthodox Jewish faith. Their religious practices include withdrawing from technological engagement as part of the observance of Shabbat (the Sabbath): at least, that’s the theory. For the past ten years or so in Australia there has been a growing concern over some otherwise-Orthodox Jewish teens’ practice of the “half-Shabbat,” in which an estimated 17-50% of this cohort secretly use digital media for some time during their 25 hours of mandated abstinence. As one teacher from an Orthodox high school argues, “to not have access to the phone, it’s like choking off their air” (Telushikin). Interestingly, many Jewish teens who privately admit practicing half-Shabbat envision themselves as moving towards full observance in adulthood: they can see benefits in a wholehearted commitment to disengagement, even if it’s hard to disengage fully at this point in their lives. Hadlington et al.’s article “I Cannot Live without My [Tablet]” similarly evokes a broader community crisis around children’s dependence on digital media, noting that many children aged 8-12 have a tablet of their own before moving onto smartphone ownership in their teens (Common Sense Media 22). We appreciate that not every society has children and young people who are highly networked and integrated within digital dataflows. Nonetheless, while constant smartphone connectivity might appear to be a ‘first world problem’, preparing teens to be adults with optimal choice over their smartphone use includes identifying and promoting support for conscious disengagement from media as and when a young person wishes. Such a perspective aligns with promoting young people’s rights in digital contexts by interrogating the possible benefits of regularly disconnecting from digital media. Those putative benefits may be indicated by investigating perspectives around smartphone use held by Orthodox Jewish teenagers and comparing them with those held by teens who follow a liberal Jewish faith: liberal Jewish teens use smartphones in ways that resonate with broader community teens. A comparison of these two groups, suggests co-author Lynne Cohen, may indicate differences that can (in part) be attributed to Orthodox Jewish practices of digital disconnection, compared with liberal Jewish practices that don’t include disconnection. If smartphone disconnection has the potential to offer non-fungible benefits, it is incumbent upon researchers to investigate the possible advantages and drawbacks of such practices. That can be done through the comparative investigation of current practice as outlined above, and via an experimental intervention for approximately six months with a second Icelandic/Nordic community. The Potential Value of Investigating the (Non-)Fungibility of Digital Engagement and Digital Inactivity The overarching hypothesis addressed in this article is that a lived experience of regular smartphone disconnection may offer teenagers the opportunity to feel more in control of their personal technologies. Such a perspective aligns with many established media theories. These theories include the domestication of technology and its integration into daily life, helping to explain the struggle teens experience in detaching from digital media once they have become a fundamental element of their routine. Domestication theory asserts that technology moves from novelty to an integral aspect of everyday experience (Berker et al.). Displacement theory asserts that young people whose lives are replete with digital media may have substituted that media use for other activities enjoyed by the generations that grew up before them, while boyd offers an alternative suggestion that digital media add to, rather than displace, teens’ activities in daily contexts. Borrowing inputs from other disciplinary traditions, theories around mindfulness are increasingly robust and evidence-based, asserting that “attentiveness to what is present appears to yield corrective and curative benefits in its own right” (Brown et al. 1). Constant attention to digital media may be a distraction from mindful engagement with the lived environment. A detailed study of the non-fungible character of smartphone disconnection practices might offer an evidence base to support suggestions, such as those proffered by Beyond Blue, that a digital detox benefits mental health, resilience, and sociality. Such information might support initiatives by schools and other organisations central to the lives of teenagers to institute regular digital disconnection regimes, akin to Iceland’s experiments with television-free Thursdays. These innovations could build upon aligned social initiatives such as “no email Fridays” (Horng), which have been trialled in business contexts. Further, studies such as those outlined above could add authority to recommendations for parents, educators, and caregivers such as those recommendations contained in papers on the Common Sense Media site, for example, including Tweens, Teens, Tech, and Mental Health (Odgers and Robb) and Device-Free Dinners (Robb). Relevantly, the results from such observational and intervention studies would address the post-COVID era when parents and others will be considering how best to support a generation of children who went online earlier, and more often, than any generation before them. These results might also align with work towards early-stage adoption of the United Nations’ General Comment No. 25 on Children’s Rights in Relation to the Digital Environment (UNCRC). 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