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1
Young, Michael P. "Confessional Protest: The Religious Birth of U.S. National Social Movements." American Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (October 2002): 660–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700502.
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Western forms of protest were fundamentally altered in the early nineteenth century. Scholars from a “contentious politics” perspective have identified this rupture in protest forms with the emergence of the “national social movement” and explain the rupture as the result of interactions with national states. Scholars from a “life politics” perspective argue that the paradigmatic movements of today have moved beyond the political struggles of the nineteenth century and toward a new form of protest that unfolds within civil society and fuses matters of personal and social change. Protests in the United States in the 1830s, however, raise serious doubts about both of these claims. The first U.S. national social movements were not a heritage of the state and they engaged in a form of life politics. The temperance and antislavery movements emerged in interaction with religious institutions—not state institutions—and pursued goals that mixed personal and social transformation. A cultural mechanism combining the evangelical schemas of public confession and the special sins of the nation launched sustained and interregional protests. The intensive and extensive power of these confessional protests called individual and nation to repent and reform, and mobilized actors and resources within a national infrastructure of religious institutions to challenge drinking and slavery.
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Hadden, Jennifer, and Sidney Tarrow. "Spillover or Spillout? The Global Justice Movement in the United States After 9/11." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.4.t221742122771400.
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This article focuses on a seemingly paradoxical sequel to the 1999 Seattle WTO protests: the weakening of the global justice movement in the United States. While the movement has flourished in Europe, it seems largely to have stagnated in the American context. This outcome cannot be explained by either American exceptionalism or by a general decline in activism in the wake of the tragedies of 9/11 and the Iraq War. First comparing expressions of the American and European global justice movements and then turning to original data on social movement organizing in Seattle after 1999, we argue that the weakness of the American global justice movement can be tied to three key factors: (a) a more repressive atmosphere towards transnational protest; (b) a politically inspired linkage between global terrorism and transnational activism of all kinds; and (c) what we call "social movement spillout." We further argue that the strongest movement since September 11th—the antiwar movement—exemplifies a broader trend in the United States towards the "spillout" of transnational activism into domestic protest.
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Smith, Geoffrey S., Madeleine Adams, and Seth Borgos. "This Mighty Dream: Social Protest Movements in the United States." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142882.
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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. "The New Upper Class: Revolutionary Elite Rotation in the USA." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 4-1 (December 23, 2020): 162–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.1-162-190.
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The article analyzes the emergence of a new political class or elite in the United States, which is called the minority elite. This article is the first in a series dedicated to this topic. The author formulates three interrelated prerequisites that have caused the emergence of the new elite: the spread of the Affirmative Action (AA) to all spheres of public life and, above all, to the education system; the phenomenon of “woke” capitalism; a long history of minority protest movements. Experts take the current protests for a revolution; the author proves the opposite statement: protests are a direct consequence and one of the stages of a step-by-step revolution. Its roots lie in the long-term training of personnel for the revolution and social technologies for it, in the creation of financial, informational and organizational infrastructures of protest movements, and in moral defeat and the surrender of the intellectual class. Over the decades, hundreds of protest movements of various sizes have been co-organized in the United States and dozens of professional protest organizations have been formed. One of them, Black Lives Matter, has its own program, strategy, tactics and a solid budget. The goal of the organization is to create its own ruling elite. The Protestant (WASP) elite ruled the country for more than two centuries, in the second half of the 20th century it was replaced by the so-called intellectual elite. Harvard University, by its decision to raise the level of acceptance tests in the 1960s, spawned new, intellectual elite, California universities, by abolishing tests in the 2010-2020s, bring to power a new social group – the beneficiaries of the AA. The black movement is confidently entering the final phase of its development – the placement of its representatives in state and federal authorities, political parties and other social institutions. Ideologues of identity politics, primarily racial, have arrogated to themselves the position of mentors and experts on social justice and the protectors of civil rights in society. Other protest organizations have joined the BLM, with socialist-oriented organizations in the lead. These organizations have effectively “hijacked” a wave of protests and are already working on a socialist agenda for the Biden-Harris administration, if elected.
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Soule, Sarah, and Christian Davenport. "Velvet Glove, Iron Fist, or Even Hand? Protest Policing in the United States, 1960-1990." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.y01123143t231q66.
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Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers.
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Martin, Andrew. "Bureaucracy, Power, and Threat: Unions and Strikes in The United States, 1990-2001." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.2.a3723r8621271126.
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The bureaucratization of many social movements has generated controversy among scholars and activists alike. While there is considerable evidence that formalized social movement organizations (SMOs) tend to be successful, critics maintain that such actors invariably shift resources away from protest, reducing their disruptive potential. The current research seeks to reorient this debate by introducing the concept of threat as an integral, but overlooked, dimension of protest. Specifically, I hypothesize that the costs associated with collective action will motivate formalized SMOs to leverage the threat of protest to achieve new gains. The empirical case is made using data from a sample of labor unions and their strike activity from 1990-2001, a period of growing acrimony between organized labor and firms that is particularly well suited for analyzing threat. The findings highlight the role of threat in movement challenges and how it interacts with the broader environment within which the SMO is embedded.
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Laajalahti, Anne. "A Historical Analysis of Media Practices and Technologies in Protest Movements: A Review of Crisis and Critique by Anne Kaun." Media and Communication 5, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i2.976.
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Dr. Anne Kaun’s book, <em>Crisis and Critique: A Brief History of Media Participation in Times of Crisis</em> (London: Zed Books, 2016, 131 pp., ISBN: 978-1-78360-736-5), is a concise but comprehensive analysis of the changing media practices and technologies in protest movements. The book overviews the topic within the context of major economic crises and scrutinises three richly detailed case studies in the United States: (a) the unemployed workers’ movement during the Great Depression in the 1930s, (b) the tenants’ rent strike movement of the early 1970s, and (c) the Occupy Wall Street movement following the Great Recession of 2008. Kaun begins her book with an introduction to economic crises and protest movements and highlights the relationship of crisis and critique to media practices. She goes on to investigate historical forms of media participation in protest movements from three different perspectives: (a) protest time, (b) protest space, and (c) protest speed. The book contributes to the recent discussion on the emerging role of social media in protest by providing a historically nuanced analysis of the media participation in times of crisis. As a whole, the book is valuable to anyone interested in media and social activism.
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Soule, Sarah, and Jennifer Earl. "A Movement Society Evaluated: Collective Protest in The United States, 1960-1986." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.730350353753l022.
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In an attempt to make sense of shifts in the social movement sector and its relationship to conventional politics over the past forty years, some have proposed that Western nations are increasingly becoming "movement societies." Accordingly, there are four key characteristics of the movement society: (1) over time expansion of protest; (2) over time diffusion of protest; (3) over time institutionalization of protest; and (4) over time institutionalization of state responses to protest. Using newly available data on over 19,000 protest events occurring in the U.S. between 1960 and 1986, we evaluate these four claims. Our findings suggest that movement society scholars are correct in some respects: the size of protest events has grown over time, the percentage of events at which at least one social movement organization is present has increased over time, the number of distinct protest claims has increased over time, and violent forms of protest policing have decreased over time. However, our findings call into question other movement society claims: the number of protests has declined over time, fewer organizations were present at each protest event over time, fewer new groups initiated events over time, fewer new claims emerged over time, and there was more significant activity by groups on the right in the 1960s and 1970s than expected. We suggest potential explanations for some of the negative findings in an attempt to refine the movement society arguments.
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Yaqoub, Muhammad, Khaled Al-Kassimi, and Haizhou Wang. "The evolution of research on digital communication and social protests: A bibliometric analysis." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 8, no. 7 (July 23, 2024): 4618. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v8i7.4618.
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The rise of digital communication technologies has significantly changed how people participate in social protests. Digital platforms—such as social media—have enabled individuals to organize and mobilize protests on a global scale. As a result, there has been a growing interest in understanding the role of digital communication in social protests. This manuscript provides a comprehensive bibliometric analysis of the evolution of research on digital communication and social protests from 2008 to 2022. The study employs bibliometric methodology to analyze a sample of 260 research articles extracted from the SCOPUS core collection. The findings indicate a significant increase in scholarly investigations about digital communication and its role in social protest movements during the past decade. The number of publications on this topic has increased significantly since 2012—peaking in 2022—indicating a heightened interest following COVID-19. The United States, United Kingdom, and Spain are the leading countries in publication output on this topic. The analysis underlines scholars employing a range of theoretical perspectives—including social movement theory, network theory, and media studies—to identify the relationship between digital communication and social protests. Social media platforms—X (Twitter), Facebook, and YouTube—are the most frequently studied and utilized digital communication tools engaged in social protests. The study concludes by identifying emerging topics relating to social movements, political communication, and protest, thereby suggesting gaps and opportunities for future research.
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Case, Benjamin S. "CONTENTIOUS EFFERVESCENCE: THE SUBJECTIVE EXPERIENCE OF RIOTING." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-2-179.
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How do violent protests affect social movement participants? Riots are common in civilian movements, but the effects of protester violence remain under-researched, in part due to an association of civilian protest with nonviolent methods and an association of violent protest with irrational chaos. Specifically, few studies have examined the experiences of rioters themselves. I use theoretical analysis and qualitative in-depth interviews with activists from the United States and South Africa to explore the subjective impact that moments of violent protest have on participants. Activist accounts indicate that many experience what I call “contentious effervescence,” a heightened state and sense of political empowerment amidst low-level violent actions, with long-term effects that raise consciousness and deepen and sustain activists’ resolve. I argue that examining the experiential and emotional effects of riots enhances our ability to understand contentious politics from below.
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Goodman, Mark, Stephen Brandon, and Melody Fisher. "1968: Music as Rhetoric in Social Movements." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 9, no. 2 (November 29, 2017): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v9.v2.p4.
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<p>In 1968 social movements sparked rhetorical discourses which occurred in many nations and on hundreds of colleges and in communities across the United States. These rhetorical discourses ultimately changed the direction of human events. Sometimes these points of ideological protests shared views on specific issues, especially demonstrations against the Vietnam War, but each conflict was also its own local conflict. There is no evidence that any specific group organized the protests, or that speakers motivated demonstrations, or that the rhetoric of one protest caused other protests. Yet, the protests were not just spontaneous fires that happened to occur in the same year. So, how is it that so many protesters shared the desire for change and shared rhetoric, but each protest was sparked by local issues? Answering that question provides insight into how the rhetoric of social movements occurred in 1968. </p><p> Many scholars call for the study of the social movements of the 1960s. Jensen (1996) argues, “The events of the 1960s dramatically increased the interest in studying social movements and forced rhetorical scholars to reconsider their methods for studying public discourse” (p. 28). To Lucas (2006), “Words became weapons in the cultural conflict that divided America” (x). Schippa (2001) wrote, “Many accounts identify the 1960s as a turning point. For better or for worse, there was a confluence of changing rhetorical practices, expanding rhetorical theories, and opportunities for rhetorical criticism. The cultural clashes of the 1960s were felt perhaps most acutely on college campuses. The sufficiency of deliberative argument and public address can be said to have been called into question, whether one was an antiwar activist who hated LBJ's war in Vietnam or a pro-establishment stalwart trying to make sense of the rhetoric of protest and demonstration. Years later, scholars would characterize war itself as rhetorical. What counted as rhetorical practice was up for grabs”(p. 261).</p> First, this paper will frame the protest movement of 1968. Then, we will search for the common factors that shaped the protests of 1968, focusing on the role of music. This analysis will provide insight into how music became a rhetorical force in a significant social movement of the 20th Century.
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Alaa Ahmed Abdullah. "Naked Truths as a Credo of Protest in Allen Ginsberg's "Howl"." مجلة آداب الفراهيدي 15, no. 52 (January 10, 2023): 493–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.51990/jaa.15.52.2.26.
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In the aftermath of the Second World War, the United States was abounded with darkened repercussions represented by waging wars such as the cold war, the Vietnam War, and the appearance of various ideologies as materialism, consumerism, sexual freedom, racial struggles and many other examples and consequently, new trends and movements appeared to rebel against the conventional norms that prevailed during that time. The rebellion took an upward trajectory crystalizing itself in diverse forms namely: the religious, political, social and literary ones. Unruly politics and queer activisms defied the commonplace hetero-normative ways of peaceful demonstrations. The beat movement burst out against what was believed as repressive, dehumanized, corrupt, and unjust in the United States of America. Allen Ginsberg's monumental poem "Howl" seems to be the manifesto of the movement. Most striking quality is the use of naked truth as an expression of the poet's own eccentricity. This quality makes the poem a landmark of eccentricity. "Howl" reflects and connotes a deeply celestial interpretation. A celestial reading of the poem will mend its presupposed deformed image, prove the opposite, and support the basic theme of protest which is at the center of the beat movement.
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Alekseev, A. V. "Cases of Hashtagging as a Facilitator of the Protest Movements." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 4 (February 8, 2021): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-4-91-103.
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The article is devoted to the study of the protest movement on social networks. The novelty of the study is in its comparative analysis of protests in different regions of the world. Its relevance is determined by the need to identify the main trends of the protest movement that began a few years ago and continues to play a huge role in the life of society today – particularly during this period of integration and digitalization – which is confirmed by the statistics given in this article. Special attention is paid to autopoietic organizations: loyal to the regime, limitrophe and radical communities. We emphasize that activism in social networks is characterized by cyclicality and orientation towards international recognition. The work presents universal patterns of the formation of lexical units, expressed in the form of hashtags. It provides information on specific political techniques for using social media platforms in the United States, highlighting the most effective ways of constructing social media posts and using slogans and text that attract the attention of the audience. The paper also reveals the vital role of social networks in the political agenda of African countries such as Uganda, Kenya, etc. The paper highlights the protest movements that took place in Muslim countries during the Arab Spring and provides a brief description of the Hong Kong Umbrella Revolution. And it is the totality of lexical units, expressed in the form of hashtags, that fully reveal the nature of protest movements, providing an opportunity to analyse a specific protest not by one word, but by a set of lexemes to view a subject in various ways.
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Chirot, Daniel, Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, Luis Roniger, and Adam Seligman. "Centre Formation, Protest Movements, and Class Structures in Europe and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 3 (May 1988): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069609.
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Selvanathan, Hema Preya, and Brian Lickel. "A field study around a racial justice protest on a college campus: The proximal impact of collective action on the social change attitudes of uninvolved bystanders." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 598–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.1063.
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Social movements often use protests and other collective actions to draw public attention to their cause, yet the psychological reactions to such actions from their targeted audience is not well understood. This research investigates uninvolved bystanders’ immediate responses to collective action using a quasi-experimental field study designed around a racial justice protest that took place at a large public university in the United States. We surveyed two student samples exactly one week apart at the same time and location, first in the absence of protest and then again at the time of a racial justice protest (Total N = 240). We found that participants who believed that racism was not a problem on campus had more negative attitudes toward racial justice protests and protesters, as well as lower support for anti-racist efforts on campus on the day of the protest, compared to the day without a protest. These findings provide initial evidence that a protest encounter may trigger a backlash effect amongst those who have the most resistant attitudes toward social change.
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Bal, Haluk Mert, and Lemi Baruh. "Sustainability and communication practices in grassroots movements in Turkey following Gezi Park Protests: Cases of Dogancilar Park Forum, Macka Park Forum and Validebag Volunteers." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00074_1.
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Recent social movements, as exemplified by the informal organizations formed during and after the Occupy Movement in the United States and Gezi Park Protests in Turkey, are characterized by distrust towards institutional political bodies and hierarchical organizations (Boler et al. 2014). Also, the debate on the relationship between social movements and digital media technologies often highlights the opportunities that these technologies provide for ‘largely unfettered deliberation and coordination of action’ (Castells 2012). Scholars critical towards the concept argue that horizontal grassroots organizations may suffer from problems of continuity and formation of a durable movement (Calhoun 2013). This article aims to investigate the organizational characteristics and media practices of grassroots organizations that were established or mobilized following Gezi Park Protests, a nation-level social protest in Turkey. Drawing on participant observation of three grassroots social movement organizations in Istanbul ‐ Dogancilar Park Forum and Imrahor Garden; Macka Park Forum and Komsu Kapisi Association and Validebag Volunteers ‐ this analysis will aim to contextualize opportunities and obstacles associated with the horizontal structures of such movements. The article will particularly focus on the strategies that these organizations utilize to maintain the sustainability of the respective movements and approaches they employ in media and communication practices at a local level.
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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.
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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
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Reynolds-Stenson, Heidi, and Jennifer Earl. "CLASHES OF CONSCIENCE:EXPLAINING COUNTERDEMONSTRATION AT PROTESTS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-3-263.
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Whether in contemporary protests or in key movements in United States history, protesters must often contend with police and sometimes also with counterprotesters. Clashes with counterprotesters are often tense, ripe with the possibility of violence, and increase the chance of a police response. Although there is research on countermovements, there is little on counterprotesting. We conduct a systematic, cross-movement analysis to forward a strategic threatbased explanation of counterprotesting. We examine the frequency of counterdemonstration, the relative merits of threat versus weakness explanations of counterdemonstrator mobilization, and the relationship between counterdemonstrating and protest policing. We find that counterprotesting is relatively uncommon, is more common at conservative protests, and is explained by the threat posed by, and strength of, the initial movement. Furthermore, policing and counterdemonstrating appear positively and reciprocally related: we find that recent police repression increases counterdemonstration, and existing research shows that counterdemonstrators, in turn, increase police response.
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Roth, Silke. "Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump." Sociological Research Online 23, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 496–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418768828.
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Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movements to the growing presence of right-wing, anti-immigrant, racist, nationalist, sexist, homophobic, anti-semitic and anti-Muslim movements throughout Europe and the United States. This rapid response issue surveys right-wing populist and left-liberal counter-movements which represent different responses to neoliberalism, globalization, austerity, and to each other. Social movements reflect and contribute to social change and need to be understood from an intersectional perspective. Networked media play an important role for both populist movements from the right and progressive counter-movements.
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Permut, Magda. "Psychological sense of community as an example of prefiguration among Occupy protesters." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 4, no. 1 (May 24, 2016): 180–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v4i1.533.
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This study examines psychological sense of community (PSOC) among participants in the Baltimore, Maryland and Washington, DC Occupy protests. The Occupy protests brought national attention to economic disparities in the United States. The movement was unique in its development of physical protest sites where participants developed communities, piloted direct democracy techniques, and tested out alternative ways of life. The current research examines 24 qualitative interviews using an integrative framework that draws upon sociology and community psychology concepts. This framework suggests that the Occupy movement created a protest space wherein participants experienced positive sense of community at the micro-level (the Occupy site), which often contrasted with their neutral or negative sense of community at the macro-level (the United States). Implications for the study of prefigurative politics are discussed. This research adds to extant literature in community psychology and prefigurative politics by systematically examining multi-level sense of community as an example of prefiguration within a social movement.
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Surguladze, V. Sh. "Social Media as a Tool of Socio-Political Destabilisation of Society: Lessons, Trends, Prospects." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 10, no. 1 (November 3, 2020): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2020-10-1-6-13.
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The article analyses the stages of information confrontation in social networks aimed at transforming protest activity from a virtual space into real life in the form of street actions and practical actions to change the current socio-political situation. The author considers one of the critical threats of social media to the socio-political stability of society the attempts of using them to influence changes in the collective psychology, motivation and behaviour of citizens. The author gives examples of the IT industry and government agencies of the United States, whose cooperation provides the United States with unprecedented opportunities to influence the global information space and analyses the experience and methodology of political mobilisation of the masses in social networks during the events of the Facebook revolution in Egypt 2010–2011. Based on the understanding of the real experience, the author identifies the stages and methods of reformatting virtual protest activity in the real one, as well as identifies the biographical features of the leaders of online protest movements and proposes measures to counteract the information threats of social media. According to the author, one of the most effective mechanisms to counter the threats of social media is the implementation of a comprehensive state identity policy focused on maintaining and developing the existing pivot points of the consensus collective national identity of the society.
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Zwerman, Gilda, Patricia Steinhoff, and Donatella Porta. "Disappearing Social Movements: Clandestinity in The Cycle of new Left Protest in The U.S., Japan, Germany, and Italy." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.1.0w068105721660n0.
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Research on social movements has paid little attention to the dynamics of clandestine mobilization as an integral element ofprotest cycles. Studies ofsixteen New Left clandestine groups in Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States demonstrate strong commonalities in the processes ofgoing underground and staying underground. Activists move from the public to the clandestine realm as a result of increased repression at the protest cycle's peak, commitment to specific ideological frames, and personal ties. Identity conflicts specific to underground roles and other aspects ofunderground life influence the nature ofclandestine violence, further affecting the protest cycle's course.
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Susser, Ida. "Introduction." Focaal 2017, no. 79 (December 1, 2017): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2017.790101.
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It seems crucial to research the transformative aspects of progressive grassroots movements in the face of the troubling turn to the right in elections in the United States and parts of Europe. This theme section considers “commoning” as one way to understand the emergence of social movements in Europe and the United States. The articles analyze different protests from housing movements, to anti-antiblack insurgency, redefinitions of the tax code, and the squares movement. The articles consider how movements around the urban commons change over time, differ from more traditional social movements, and address or emerge from the specifics of contemporary regimes. The aim is to develop a theoretical perspective on commoning, which will provide a framework for comparison across societies at this juncture.
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Markoff, John. "Overflowing Channels: How Democracy Didn’t Work as Planned (and Perhaps a Good Thing It Didn’t)." Sociological Theory 37, no. 2 (June 2019): 184–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275119850866.
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When eighteenth-century revolutionary elites set about designing new political orders, they drew on commonplace theoretical understandings of “democracy” as highly undesirable. They therefore designed government institutions in which popular participation was to be extremely limited. The new political constructions, in both France and the United States, never worked as planned. The mobilizations of the revolutionary era did not vanish as the constitutional designers hoped. More profoundly, challenging social movements were unintentionally woven into the fabric of modern democracy due to the confluence of three processes: The legitimacy claims of democratic powerholders also legitimate protest; the institutional architecture of modern democracy, especially the allocation of office through elections, provides structural support for social movements as well; and the practices of democracy recurrently trigger politically powerful emotions that energize protest. Understanding democracy therefore demands a theory of the interplay of social movements and governing institutions from the foundational moment.
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Carrola, Madeline Yu. "Activists in Red Capes: Women's Use of The Handmaid's Tale to Fight for Reproductive Justice." Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography 11, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/jue.v11i1.10869.
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This paper examines women’s use of the notable red and white handmaid costume from Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale at political demonstrations following the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Drawing on ten in-depth ethnographic interviews with women who participated in handmaid chapters, my study finds that interviewees began to wear the handmaid costume at political protests because they increasingly saw parallels between the United States and Gilead—the totalitarian society in Atwood’s novel—as a result of the 2016 election. Participants viewed the costume as a feminist symbol that enabled them to increase awareness about women’s issues, particularly related to reproductive justice. Additionally, interviewees saw the anonymity of the costume as a way to represent all women, especially those who were unable to participate in such protests. This study extends existing scholarship on social movements and women’s activism in the United States by exploring women’s reasons for involvement in this new form of protest and their use of dystopian popular culture as the basis of their performance activism.
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Ingui, Mary Jane. "Bolt, The Women's Movements In The United States And Britain From The 1790S To The 1920S." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 19, no. 2 (September 1, 1994): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.19.2.102-103.
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In tracing the history of the women's movements in Britain and the United States from the late eighteenth century through the 1920s, detailing both differences and similarities, Christine Bolt has provided the reader with a fine example of comparative history. In a unique way, Professor Bolt consistently provides the reader with a chronological sense of the issues that pervade the feminist movements in both countries, weaving the themes of sex and morality; marriage; education; politics; protest and reform; women's organizations; work; ideology, and anti-feminism with the historical developments occurring throughout the time covered by the book. Professor Bolt uses an extensive array of primary ( e.g. Mary Putman Jacobi Papers) and secondary sources ( e.g. The Bonds of Womanhood) to substantiate her research.
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Giugni, Marco. "Useless Protest? A Time-Series Analysis of the Policy Outcomes of Ecology, Antinuclear, and Peace Movements in the United States, 1977-1995." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.1.b05j1087v7pxg382.
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I confront three models of the policy impact of social movements with data on the mobilization of ecology, antinuclear, and peace movements in the United States between 1975 and 1995 by means of time-series analysis: the direct-effect model, the indirect-effect model, and the joint-effect model. My analysis suggests that social movements have little, if any, impact on public policy and that, if they are to have an impact, it depends on the combination of overt protest activities, the type of issues they raise, and external resources such as public opinion and political alliances with institutional actors. Thus, it appears that, if they are to have a policy impact, movements need the joint occurence of mobilization, support from political allies, and public opinion favorable to the cause.
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Herrada, Julie. "Collecting Anarchy: Continuing the Legacy of the Joseph A. Labadie Collection." RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, and Cultural Heritage 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rbm.8.2.287.
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The Joseph A. Labadie Collection at the University of Michigan is one of the oldest and most comprehensive collections of radical history in the United States, bringing together unique materials that document past as well as contemporary social protest movements. In addition to anarchism and labor movements, topics that were its original focus, the Collection today is particularly strong in civil liberties (with an emphasis on racial minorities), socialism, communism, colonialism and imperialism, American labor history through the 1930s, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or the Wobblies), the Spanish Civil War, sexual freedom, women’s liberation, gay liberation, the . . .
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Elmes, Michael B. "Economic Inequality, Food Insecurity, and the Erosion of Equality of Capabilities in the United States." Business & Society 57, no. 6 (November 10, 2016): 1045–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650316676238.
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This article explores how economic inequality in the United States has led to growing levels of poverty, food insecurity, and obesity for the bottom segments of the economy. It takes the position that access to nutritious food is a requirement for living and for participating fully in the workplace and society. Because of increasing economic inequality in the United States, growing segments of the U.S. economy have become more food insecure and obese, eating unhealthy food for survival and suffering an erosion of “equality of capabilities” that undermines their ability to play a “full and active part in the functioning of (their) community.” Unequal access to nutritious foods in the United States is attributable in part to an industrial food system that is designed to produce short-term profits for industrial food producers, processors, and distributors that extract surplus labor value through market concentration and opportunistic behavior at the expense of the long-term benefits for consumers, food workers (including farmers), and ecosystems. Economic inequality, food insecurity, and the erosion of equality of capabilities in the United States have given rise to protest movements, social movements, social innovations, and some modest strengthening of regulations to make access to and consumption of healthy food a right for every person. Implications for business and society research are explored.
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Acheme, Doris E., and Ioana A. Cionea. "Protest Structures: Responses From Nigerians in the United States to Police Brutality and #BlackLivesMatter Protests." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 41, no. 1 (October 30, 2021): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x211049473.
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This study examined how Nigerian immigrants communicated about, and got involved in, #BlackLivesMatter protests and/or advocacy due to racialized violence against Blacks in the United States during the summer of 2020. Using a qualitative open-ended questionnaire, a purposive sample of Nigerians ( N = 70) was assembled. Constant comparative analysis revealed that communication about and participation in the BLM movement consisted of affective (feelings associated with protests), cognitive (psychological processes triggered by thinking about protests), and behavioral (actions and engagement in protests) responses. This process is labeled protest structures, a term that captures the socio-psychological processes that shape the communication of and involvement in protests and/or advocacy. We discuss further how social positioning impacts active participation in the fight for racial equality and social change.
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Martynov, Andriy. "American memory war of the protest movement «Black live matter»." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.1.
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Americans as a nation are more focused on the present and the future than on the past. Until recently, various «historical traumas» have not been the subject of current American political discourse. The American dream focuses on the needs of everyday life, not on the permanent experience of the past. The aim of the article is to highlight the peculiarities of symbolic conflicts over the sites of the Civil War in the United States in the context of the 2020 election campaign. Research methods are based on a combination of the principles of historicism and special historical methods, in particular, descriptive, comparative, method of actualization of historical memory. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is determined by the historical and political analysis of the “wars of memory” during the presidential election campaign in the United States in 2020. Radical political confrontation exacerbates the conflicts of collective memory. This process is not prevented by the postmodern state of collective consciousness, the virtualization of political processes, attempts to form a «theater society». The coronavirus pandemic has raised the issue of choosing a strategy for the development of the globalization process as harshly as possible. Current events break the link between the past and the present, which makes the future unpredictable. Developed liberal democracy is considered the «end of history». Multiculturalism has created different interpretations of US history. Conclusions. Trump’s victory deepened the rift between different visions of the history of the Civil War. The Democratic majority unites African Americans, Latinos, women with higher education, and left liberals. Attacks on the memorials of the heroes of the former Confederacy became symbols of the war of memory. The dominant trend is an increase in the democratic and electoral numbers of non-white Americans. The «classic» United States, dominated in all walks of life by white Americans with Anglo-Saxon Protestant identities and relevant historical ideas, is becoming history. The situation is becoming a political reality when white Americans become a minority. It is unlikely that such a «new minority» will abandon its own interpretation of any stage of US history, including the most acute. This means that wars of memory will become an organic element of political processes.
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Leavey, Sean T. "Mutiny on the Bay: Investigating the Presentation of the Scott Olsen Police Assault on the Websites of San Francisco Bay Area Local Television Stations." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, no. 3 (May 1, 2017): 757–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699017699560.
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In the fall of 2011, the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) protests emerged, becoming a global movement. In the United States, the Occupy Oakland demonstrations witnessed instances of violence, most notably in the injury of Scott Olsen, an Occupy Oakland supporter and former U.S. Marine who was struck by a police projectile. This article investigates the presentation of the Olsen injury on the websites of five major local television stations in the San Francisco Bay area, as a way to illustrate the negative coverage of dissident social movement activists, even when they are former military veterans, a group treated respectfully in the media. In this case, Olsen’s presence created a conflict in the application of the themes and devices composing the “protest paradigm.” The findings of this study suggest the existence of a “patriotism paradigm,” a news treatment that neutralizes the credibility of individuals or groups seeking a claim to the positive associations of patriotism and military service of the post-9/11 United States, and can allow news treatments such as the “protest paradigm” to exist without being contradicted.
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Alfonzo, Paige. "A Topology of Twitter Tactics: Tracing the Rhetorical Dimensions and Digital Labor of Networked Publics." Social Media + Society 7, no. 2 (April 2021): 205630512110255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211025514.
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This study draws from the broad range of cross-disciplinary theories examining digitally networked action (DNA) to offer a rhetorical topology that traces the repeated patterns of communication and digital actions marking the formation and maintenance of protest counterpublics. Grounded in the concepts of collective identity building and network theory, the rhetorical characteristics and digital tactics that scholars have uncovered over the past 10 years were synthesized into a series of a priori classifications (i.e., topoi). These topoi were then applied to the exploration of how Black Lives Matter (BLM) activists used Twitter in service of protest. While the topoi constituting the topology guided the analysis, this study also details the unique and contextually specific personalized communication styles, protest action approaches, and digital affordances used by BLM advocates to constitute a movement that has brought the persistent oppression of Black individuals living in the United States to the forefront of political conversation. This approach sheds light on the elements contributing to the subject positions that encouraged others to commit to BLM as well as provides a resource for those seeking to integrate unified findings from studies focused on the nexus of digital media and social movements in their work.
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Khairur Rizki, Ayu Putri Khairunnisa, and Mahmuluddin. "GERAKAN STOP ASIAN HATE: SEBUAH RESPONS RASISME TERHADAP KETURUNAN ASIA DI AMERIKA SERIKAT." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 2 (August 30, 2022): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v6i2.404.
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This paper analyzes the response to racism experienced by Asian descent in the United States through the Stop Asian Hate movement. By using qualitative research methods and the use of critical race theory, it can be seen the various impacts of racism. This paper also uses the theory of new social movements which is elaborated with the concept of Connective Action to dissect the collective movements of society such as forming non-profit organizations, demonstrations, advocacy, and campaigns through digital media as an effort to protect Asian descendants in America. Racism against Asian descent in the United States continues to escalate even to the point of murder. Racism against Asian descent also experienced an increase in the era of President Donald Trump's leadership along with the spread of the Covid-19 Virus Pandemic in the United States in early 2020. Trump's racist personality has increasingly made hate crimes against Asian descent flourish
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Morgan, Eric J. "The World Is Watching: Polaroid and South Africa." Enterprise & Society 7, no. 3 (September 2006): 520–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700004390.
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This article examines the Polaroid Corporation’s “experiment” in South Africa during the 1970s, which began after African American workers pressured the company to pull its operations out of South Africa in protest of the white minority government’s apartheid policies. It argues that Polaroid’s initiatives, little studied until now, led other American companies to question their presence in South Africa and inspired both student divestment movements at Harvard and other colleges and universities and the efforts of Leon Sullivan, whose 1977 “Sullivan Principles” urged American companies to treat their workers in South Africa as they would treat their counterparts in the United States in an effort to battle racism and apartheid. Despite Polaroid’s efforts, engagement with South Africa and apartheid proved futile, which initiated a larger movement to completely disengage from South Africa.
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Waidzunas, Tom. "Intellectual Opportunity Structures and Science-Targeted Activism: Influence of the Ex-gay Movement on the Science of Sexual Orientation." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 18, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.18.1.8353777g2t72j408.
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Social movements frequently seek to shape knowledge-producing institutions, including those found within the sciences. This essay takes up and refines the concept of intellectual opportunity structure to describe factors that enable or constrain movement efficacy in these efforts. Based on interviews with key claimants, participant observation at conferences, and content analysis of media, scientific, and activist literature, this article explains how the ex-gay movement in the United States mobilized knowledge and protest to shape mainstream science. Since 1973, gay-affirmative policies in mainstream mental health institutions have increasingly blocked construction of scientific facts based on the pathologization of homosexuality. Yet, the ex-gay movement has more recently found limited success blending theological premises and science-based methodologies. Shifts in intellectual opportunities, including formal acknowledgement of religious diversity by psychologists, have led the American Psychological Association (APA) to incorporate some ex-gay movement ideas even as the APA maintains that sexual orientation, newly defined, cannot be therapeutically altered.
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Leach, Colin Wayne, and Aerielle M. Allen. "The Social Psychology of the Black Lives Matter Meme and Movement." Current Directions in Psychological Science 26, no. 6 (November 15, 2017): 543–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721417719319.
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Since the 2012 killing of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin, a string of publicized police killings of unarmed Black men and women has brought sustained attention to the issue of racial bias in the United States. Recent Department of Justice investigations and an expanding set of social science research have added to the empirical evidence that these publicized incidents are emblematic of systemic racism in the application of the law. The Black Lives Matter meme and movement are prominent responses to racism that have animated intense interest and support, especially among African Americans. We summarize recent social science research on Black Lives Matter. As a first step toward understanding the social psychology of the meme and the movement, we apply the dynamic dual-pathway model of protest to Black Lives Matter. Examinations of the dynamics of real-world movements such as Black Lives Matter may enrich psychology conceptually, methodologically, and practically.
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Larson, Jeff, and Sarah Soule. "Sector-Level Dynamics and Collective Action in the United States, 1965-1975." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.3.h67h423m0864672h.
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To explain varying levels of collective action by social movement organizations in the United States operating during the height of the 1960s protest cycle, this article examines social movement sector-level dynamics alongside indicators of resources and political opportunities. Drawing on hypotheses from neoinstitutional, organizational ecology, and embeddedness perspectives, the paper emphasizes the importance of understanding the sector-level dynamics of legitimacy, competition, and embeddedness when explaining levels of collective action. Results show strong support for neoinstitutional, organizational ecology, and embeddedness theories, but more mixed support for arguments about how political opportunities and resources affect levels of collective action by social movement organizations.
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Gillham, Patrick F., Nathan C. Lindstedt, Bob Edwards, and Erik W. Johnson. "The Mobilizing Effects of Economic Threats and Resources on the Formation of Local Occupy Wall Street Protest Groups in 2011." Sociological Perspectives 62, no. 4 (December 13, 2018): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121418817249.
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This paper examines how threatening economic conditions and preexisting community resources facilitated the spread of Occupy Wall Street protest groups to more than 600 counties in the continental United States in 2011. Using a generalized linear mixed model, we find that economic threats and accessible resources are complementary facilitators of movement mobilization. But contrary to the expectations based on earlier media and scholarly accounts, the “disruptive threats” caused by the Great Recession failed to predict the formation of Occupy groups. Instead, groups were more likely to mobilize in counties that had the “positional threats” of relatively higher income inequality and relatively lower median incomes in comparison to state norms. However, the effect of positional economic threats was nuanced as counties with lower than average unemployment more likely had groups mobilized. In addition, resources continue to demonstrate empirical importance in explanations of social movement mobilization, as Occupy groups were more likely to form in counties with greater access to social-organizational and human resources. Combined, these findings suggest that scholars can strengthen their analyses by considering threats and resources as complementary facilitators of local protest mobilization and by focusing greater attention on how differing types of threats may influence the mobilization of social movements.
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Zwerman, Gilda, and Patricia Steinhoff. "The Remains of the Movement: The Role of Legal Support Networks in Leaving Violence While Sustaining Movement Identity." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 1 (February 1, 2012): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.1.b56l107q2n175778.
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This article examines disengagement from political violence and the persistence of a movement identity as concurrent and interrelated processes. Our inquiry is based on long-term qualitative data on 90 individuals associated with twelve underground organizations in the United States and Japan during the 1970s and 1980s. We find that as armed activists face the challenges of arrest and detention, trial, and imprisonment, the network of trial support groups and defense committees that was central to their capacity to engage in violence at the peak of the protest cycle also facilitates the process of disengaging from violence as the cycle declines. The distinctive characteristics of this network (herein referred to as the legal support network or LSN) permit insurgents to retain a movement identity while disengaging from violent activity. The study contributes to a small but expanding literature on post-recruitment dynamics in marginalized, high-risk social movements as well as to research on disengagement from political violence.
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Beck, Thomas J. "Revolution and Protest Online." Charleston Advisor 23, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.23.2.43.
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Revolution and Protest Online is an Alexander Street resource, which provides documents, images and videos on revolutions and resistance, protest, and social movements from the eighteenth to the twenty-first centuries. It can be purchased as a standalone collection with a perpetual access license, or it can be accessed as a Related Collection through a subscription to Global Issues Library, another Alexander Street resource. This database contains original documents and images in PDF format, as well as e-books, monographs, journals, and videos. These are drawn from a variety of national and international sources, and collectively represent several hundred images, almost 200 videos, and nearly 100,000 pages of content.This database is not difficult to navigate, and finding materials there is relatively easy, using either the basic or advanced searches or through browsing. These various search and browse functions can produce useful results, and are easily understandable, though the advanced search is arguably the most flexible and effective (but also the most complex!). Pricing for this database is based on an institution's budget, FTE, and whatever consortia arrangements it and other institutions make with the vendor. As a consequence, its price can vary considerably from one subscriber to another! For a specific price quote, contact Alexander Street. Its licensing agreement is quite average in its length and composition and is apparently the standard one for the vendor. The quality, quantity, and variety of materials in this database is notable. It will certainly be of use to those researching the political, historical, and social aspects of revolution and protest, both in the United States and around the world. However, given its price variability, it may only be of marginal value to institutions with a high purchase/subscription price and a low demand for these kinds of materials.
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Danley, Stephen. "Pragmatic Urban Protest: How Oppression Leads to Parochial Resistance." Sociological Research Online 23, no. 2 (February 26, 2018): 518–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418757538.
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Protests struggle to gain traction in societies that are either too open (undermining the need for protest) or too closed (suppressing the possibility of protest). In the United States, there has been a sharp counter-movement responding to the election of President Donald Trump and conservative shift in ideology toward nativism. Given this shift and movement, an inquiry into the possibility of protest is both timely and critical. This ethnographic study of Camden, New Jersey, examines the ways local activists respond to oppression, finding that they use Alinsky-style community organizing that focuses on discrete, local actions and avoid direct confrontation with oppressive forces. These strategies differ from activists in adjacent communities joining in wide-scale, partisan resistance to nativism and President Donald Trump. The Camden strategy appears to be a learned response to failures in opposing wide-scale oppression and fear of loss of access and opportunity. In the face of such continued oppression, Camden activists target pragmatic urban issues to protest in the hopes of gaining small victories. Such a finding indicates that oppression may reify by making systemic changes seem unlikely or even impossible, causing activists in oppressed communities to make the strategic decision to avoid challenging oppression directly by focusing on pragmatic protest.
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Soule, Sarah A. "The Student Divestment Movement in the United States and Tactical Diffusion: The Shantytown Protest." Social Forces 75, no. 3 (March 1997): 855. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580522.
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Soule, S. A. "The Student Divestment Movement in the United States and Tactical Diffusion: The Shantytown Protest." Social Forces 75, no. 3 (March 1, 1997): 855–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/75.3.855.
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Meyer, David S. "MOVEMENT ANALYSIS ON THE FLY: THE LIMITS AND PROMISE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-2-137.
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Disciplined academic study of social movements should help us make sense of the movements and politics of our time, but social science often leads us astray. Particularly, the ideal of limiting the frame of analysis in terms of independent and dependent variables and in terms of time routinely neglects the disparate causes and effects of social protest. These challenges are particularly acute when considering contemporaneous campaigns, that is, analysis on the fly. Using the case of the first Women’s March, staged the day after Donald Trump became president of the United States, I elaborate the false steps that social science analysis encourages by identifying patterned errors of exclusion: applying misplaced models; producing unduly narrow fields of action; the difficulty of evaluating practical possibilities; the challenge of assessing institutionalization; and the necessity of truncating time. I conclude with suggestions for continuing to engage in analysis of contemporary movements and ways to avoid egregious errors while doing so.
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Beyerlein, Kraig, and John Hipp. "A Two-Stage Model for a Two-Stage Process: How Biographical Availability Matters for Social Movement Mobilization." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 299–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.3.8p1758741377684u.
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We model differential participation in protest as a two-stage mobilization process: willingness to engage in protest and conversion of willingness into participation. Treating mobilization as a two-stage process resolves an important puzzle in the literature on differential participation: the lack of constraining effects for biographical unavailability. Using a nationally representative sample of individuals in the United States, we find that while our measures of biographical unavailability have no effect on the second stage of the mobilization process (converting willingness to protest to actual behavior), they show robust negative effects on the first stage of the mobilization process, removing people from the pool of willing protest participants. We also find that gender moderates the relationship between some of our measures of biographical unavailability-particularly marital status-and protest willingness.
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Little, J. I. "The Short Life of a Local Protest Movement: The Annexation Crisis of 1849-50 in the Eastern Townships." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 3, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031044ar.
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Abstract This paper examines the annexationist movement on the border region of the Eastern Townships, where the American-descended majority felt that union with the United States would end their economic isolation and stagnation as well as remove them from the growing threat of French-Canadian political domination. Leading proponents of this genuinely bi-partisan movement were careful not to appear disloyal to Britain, however, and they actively discouraged popular protest at the local level. Fearful of American-style democracy, the local élite also expressed revulsion towards American slavery and militaristic expansionism. Consequently, the movement died as quickly in the Eastern Townships as it did in Montreal after Britain expressed its official disapproval and trade with the United States began to increase.
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Turret, Erica, Chelsea Parsons, and Adam Skaggs. "Second Amendment Sanctuaries: A Legally Dubious Protest Movement." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 48, S4 (2020): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110520979408.
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This article assesses the origins and spread of the Second Amendment sanctuary movement in which localities pass ordinances or resolutions that declare their jurisdiction's view that proposed or enacted state (or federal) gun safety laws are unconstitutional and therefore, local officials will not implement or enforce them. While it is important to assess Second Amendment sanctuaries from a legal perspective, it is equally as important to understand them in the context of a broader protest movement against any efforts to strengthen gun laws. As the gun violence prevention movement has gained strength across the United States, particularly at the state level, gun rights enthusiasts have turned to Second Amendment sanctuaries in order to create a counter narrative to the increasing political power of gun safety. By passing these ordinances or resolutions, local officials legitimize and fuel Second Amendment absolutism which poses real risks to public safety and democracy.
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Starnes, John Eric. "Black Flag under a Grey Sky. Forms of Protest in Current Neo-Confederate Prose and Song." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 1 (August 16, 2020): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7587.
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Abstract: While ‘tragic’ protest and protest songs are normally conceived of as originating on the political left of American culture, in recent years protest from the political right, specifically the racist right has flown under the cultural radar of most researchers of American studies. This article strives to explore the ways in which the neo-Confederate movement is currently protesting the state of cultural, political, and social affairs in the contemporary American South. The neo-Confederate movement is one of the oldest forms of ‘conservative’ protest present in the United States, originating out of the defeat of the Confederacy and the civic religion of the ‘Lost Cause’ of the last decades of the 1800s into the first three decades of the 1900s. Since the neo-Confederate movement is both revolutionary and conservative, it is possible to derive some valuable insights into the contemporary reactionary politics of the right by examining a brief sampling of the protest songs, novels and essays of this particular subculture.
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Rich, Miriam. "The discontinuation of routine smallpox vaccination in the United States, 1960-1976: an unlikely affirmation of biomedical hegemony." Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 16, no. 2 (February 2011): 471–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1413-81232011000200010.
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This article seeks to understand the discursive context of the cessation of routine smallpox vaccination in the United States in the early 1970s. The United States has a long tradition of opposition to compulsory smallpox vaccination, usually expressed in terms of concerns about personal liberties, the extent of state authority, and challenges to the hegemony of orthodox biomedicine. The practice of routine smallpox vaccination continued in the United States until its termination in the 1970s, following a 1971 recommendation against the practice issued by the United States Public Health Service. This history investigates the ways in which opposition to compulsory smallpox vaccination in the 1960s and 70s was articulated and understood by contemporaries through an analysis of the rhetoric used in leading medical journals and popular newspapers. It finds that this ultimately successful movement to end routine smallpox vaccination drew upon the language of biomedical authority rather than political protest.