Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Protest movements – United States'
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Biedermann, Richard Scott. "An analysis of the news media's construction of protest groups." Scholarly Commons, 2005. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/620.
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This study examines the news media's construction of protests. Previous research has found that the news media demonizes and marginalizes protests. Protesters are framed in a highly negative fashion and primarily categorized as "violent." This study employed focus groups, agenda setting and framing theories to analyze this phenomenon. Previous research has been primarily quantitative in nature and thus qualitative research will provide a more in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. This study supports the findings of prior research but offers new insights. The implications of this study suggests that the news media can influence what people think about and how they think about it. Additionally, the news media frame protesters in a negative manner. Protesters are framed as violent and deviant. This negative framing both helps and hurts the protesters' cause. Lastly, this study found the news media to maintain the status quo in this society
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Brohaugh, Paul Christoper. "Partnership, dependence and protest the United States and El Salvador, seen through pockets of internationals /." Diss., [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2007. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-12272007-070233/.
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Howard, Christopher Allen. "Black Insurgency: The Black Convention Movement in the Antebellum United States, 1830-1865." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron149929769388235.
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Tress, Benjamin. "The Jazz & People’s Movement: Rahsaan Roland Kirk’s Struggle to Open the American Media to Black Classical Music." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/593.
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Thesis advisor: Davarian BaldwinThe multi-instrumentalist Rahsaan Roland Kirk (1936-1978) was one of the most thrilling jazz performers of the Sixties and Seventies, wowing audiences with his lively blend of musical styles and his unique ability to play multiple saxophones at once. Still, one particularly exciting aspect of his life is unfamiliar to most, jazz fans included. In 1970, Kirk formed an activist group which he dubbed the Jazz and People’s Movement (JPM), with the purpose of lobbying television networks to broadcast more jazz and black musicians. And in order to ensure the networks took the call seriously, the JPM seized the television studios by storm – during the taping of major prime-time programs! The JPM was one among many self-help collectives working in New York and Chicago at the time, all seeking to mediate the material and cultural stresses facing musicians following jazz’s sharp decline in the 1960s. Kirk’s movement was unique, however, in identifying mainstream culture industries as a key site of struggle in the politics of production, documentation, and dissemination. And the JPM’s dynamic public disturbance tactics contrasted with the quieter, inward-looking programs of other collectives. Its aesthetic inclusivism also set it apart from most other jazz community groups which heavily favored avant-garde music. Under Kirk’s leadership, the JPM demonstrated that the mass production and consumption of art and culture had important political relevance and power for the liberation of black music specifically, and of black America more generally. Although the movement was short-lived and did not achieve many of its stated goals, it provides a visible intersection of music, race, and society, and is thus a highly valuable historical subject. This thesis explores the impact of Kirk’s political and aesthetic ideals on his conception of the JPM; the consistently interconnected material and cultural underpinnings of the movement’s agenda; the group’s protest actions, and the accompanying reactions in the music community and the press; the causes of the JPM’s dissolution; and the movement’s broader impact and legacy
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Friedensen, Victoria Pidgeon. "Protest Space: A Study of Technology Choice, Perception of Risk, and Space Exploration." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1999. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-120899-134345.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1999.Cover title. Computer printout. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. [103]-112). Available electronically via Internet.
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Wright, Devon A. "Conservative Right-Wing Protest Rhetoric in the Cold War Era of Segregationist Mobilization." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3457.
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In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.
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AMORIM, Guilherme Marques de. "Communication networks and protests: investigating the “Occupy Movement” in the United States." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17514.
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This article investigates the influence of broadband Internet availability in the occurrence of events of civil unrest, both with theory and empirical evidence. We first expand a recent model of protests considering the hypothesis that the Internet sets an environment for communication and information exchange that boosts collective dissatisfaction towards unfair policies. We then use collected data on the locations of 2011’s Occupy Movement in the United States to estimate the impact of one extra Internet Service Provider on the probability of evidencing protests in a given location. To identify the effect of broadband provision, we use an instrumental variable approach based on topographic elevation as a source of exogenous variations in the cost of building and maintaining cable infrastructure. As an alternative approach, we also use identification through heteroskedasticity, which does not rely on exclusion restrictions. In accordance with our theoretical predictions, our results show that the availability of broadband services during the time of the Occupy protests was greatly associated with the occurrence of such events.
Este artigo investiga a influência que o acesso à rede de Internet banda larga pode exercer na ocorrência de eventos de inquietação civil, através de uma argumentação teórica e de evidências empíricas. Primeiro, expandimos um recente modelo de decisão sobre o ato de protestar, considerando a hipótese de que a Internet define um ambiente para comunicação e troca de informações que aumentaria a insatisfação coletiva contra políticas injustas. Em seguida, utilizamos dados recolhidos sobre os locais das manifestações relacionadas ao Movimento Occupy nos Estados Unidos em 2011 para estimar o impacto que um provedor de serviços de Internet a mais exerceria sobre a probabilidade de evidenciar protestos em um determinado local. Para identificar o efeito do fornecimento de banda larga, usamos uma abordagem de variável instrumental utilizando elevação topográfica como fonte de variações exógenas no custo de construção e manutenção de infraestrutura de Internet a cabo. Como abordagem alternativa, também realizamos identificação através de heterocedasticidade, que não depende de restrições de exclusão. Em concordância com nossas previsões teóricas, nossos resultados mostram que a disponibilidade de serviços de banda larga durante a época dos protestos do Movimento Occupy esteve fortemente associada com a ocorrência de tais eventos.
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Russial, Paul. "Analysis of General Accounting Office bid protest decisions on A-76 studies." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FRussial.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Contract Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Jeffrey R. Cuskey, Peter P. Russial, Jr. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-106). Also available online.
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Denton, Georgina. "Motherhood and protest in the United States since the sixties." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8270/.
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Focusing on Women Strike for Peace, the welfare rights struggle, the battle against busing and the anti-abortion movement, this thesis highlights the integral role ideologies of motherhood played in shaping women’s activism during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. In doing so, it challenges conventional understandings of maternalism, social protest since the sixties, and second-wave feminism in important ways. Indeed, the activists in this study, most of them mothers, many of them middle-aged, do not fit with popular images of the 1960s – centred, as they often are, on youth protests, student movements and a vibrant, colourful counterculture. Meanwhile, studies of mothers’ movements tend to focus disproportionately on white, middle-class women’s reform work during the early twentieth century, eliding maternalism with progressivism, the politics of respectability and nonviolence. However, by revealing the persistence of this political tradition into the 1960s and beyond, and exploring how motherhood was used by activists across the political spectrum during this turbulent era, this study underscores the flexibility, malleability and lasting appeal of maternalism. Within all of these movements, women shared a belief in motherhood as a mandate to activism and a source of political strength. But, as this thesis will show, they ultimately forged distinctive versions of maternalism that were based on their daily lives, and informed by an intersection of race, ethnicity, class, religion and local context. And as a result, there were important differences in the way these activists understood and deployed motherhood. The women in this study also combined more traditional forms of maternal protest with modes of activism popularised during the 1960s, employing direct action tactics to dramatise their maternal concerns in the public arena. Furthermore, some activists espoused a militant brand of maternalism that did not preclude the use of force if deemed necessary to protect their own or others’ children. Finally, although experiences varied widely, many of the women examined here were influenced by, engaged with, and contributed to the era’s burgeoning feminist movement. Thus, this study challenges the popular assumption that maternalist politics are inherently incompatible with women’s liberation – while also providing a vital reminder that second-wave feminism took multiple forms.
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Perry, Molly FitzGerald. "Influencing Empire: Protest And Persuasion In The Stamp Act Period." W&M ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1593091610.
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"Influencing Empire" examines the period of imperial crisis and community disruption which followed the passage of the Stamp Act by Parliament in 1765 to repeal in 1766. Amid fears of a rising national debt, the revenue measure imposed a small tax in the twenty-six British American colonies to defray the expense of postwar military installations in the mainland interior. In response, crowds violently threatened royal officials and their property prompting resignations and the removal of tax documents into protective custody. With the stamped papers removed from circulation by the legislated collection date, the protests largely prevented the payment of the tax. Without stamped documents the courts and customs houses could not legally operate, preventing critical business of the British Empire. This dissertation traces how and why colonists from Nova Scotia to St. Kitts engaged in a series of unprecedented street protests, examining the process of imperial coalition-building. To achieve their goal of repeal, colonists recognized the importance of convincing imperial powerbrokers to act. The design of protests and strategies of dissent appropriated British cultural traditions, contemporary politics, and economic pressure points. Described by past historians as the "prologue to Revolution" and "the first act on the road to independence," this dissertation explores the imperial political and cultural contexts, restores the diverse choices and actions of individuals and communities, and emphasizes contingency to understanding the "perplexing situation" following the Stamp Act. At the forefront of this effort were the activities of British subjects far beyond the thirteen mainland colonies. This dissertation refocuses our understanding of the Stamp Act crisis by restoring the imperial dimensions of the repeal efforts uniting historiography of crowd studies with scholarship on the Caribbean, the British Empire, the American Revolution and the African Diaspora. Countering the tendency to write towards American independence, this study explores contemporaneous sources to demonstrate the rapidly shifting strategies of imperial influence, as well as the variety of political and economic arguments emerging during this brief period. Broadening the study of protest to an imperial scale embeds the emergence of crowd action amid a broader campaign of influence involving communities in the West Indies, England, Scotland, and Ireland as well as the mainland colonies. Far from a break with empire, this dissertation demonstrates the diversity of opinions and experiences both within a crowd and across the British Empire suggesting new avenues for understanding colonial protest strategies and the contours of the subsequent revolutionary coalition. Protest was exceptional and controversial. Critically, the dissertation argues that protest cannot be understood without closely examining the actions and choices of the majority of the population in colonial ports. Free and enslaved people of color, dockside laborers, and itinerant sailors inhabited these port communities dramatically influencing and shaping imperial politics. This dissertation demonstrates how these populations participated in this moment of community disruption, shaping strategies of dissent and influence. Their presence on the streets occurred in a variety of ways both supporting and opposing street protest. The surviving evidence suggests how their actions were manipulated as part of an imperial debate on protest which reveal imperial discourses on class and race. The dissertation argues that these early actions on the streets in the colonial period demonstrate a long-term struggle to define the British body politic. At no point was repeal assured, and contingency plays a central role in this dissertation. This dissertation demonstrates how rapidly shifting political coalitions within England, pressure from colonial agents and interests, as well as members of the crowd all played central roles in the repeal effort. A sympathetic print media spread supportive accounts of crowd action, while royal officials and stamp officers reported a competing narrative of violent mobs. This work overlays these traditional accounts of protest with shipping logs, marine intelligence, government documents, imperial correspondence, and private diaries to shed new light on core dynamics of the protest movement. Using a variety of contemporaneous evidence, the work demonstrates the flow of knowledge and rumor which shaped individual and community decision-making. Ultimately, this archival research prompts a fresh look at the "Stamp Act Crisis" as a critical test of the structure and functioning of the British Empire, revealing how a small tax enabled a period of panic, negotiation, innovation, and creativity.
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Perry, Molly FitzGerald. ""Hearty Damnations" and "Ordered Resistance": Protest, Profit, and Power in Colonial Charleston, 1769." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626633.
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Ostertag, Robert H. "People's movements, people's press the journalism of social justice movements in the United States /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Boling, James Keith 1949. "EARTH-FISSURE MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH-CENTRAL ARIZONA, U.S.A. (UNITED STATES)." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291497.
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Ground-water pumping has led to subsidence and many earth fissures in unconsolidated alluvial basins in Arizona. Earth fissures result from tensile failure; however, mechanisms producing the tensile forces are not well understood. Horizontal displacement measurements (opening and closing) of seven earth fissures were made semi-monthly during 1976 to 1982 in the lower Santa Cruz Basin and Avra Valley. Permanent and temporary short-base extensometers with a resolution of ±2.54 μm were developed and perfected which use dial gauges and transducers. Among different fissure movements, the greatest total was 41.44 mm, the greatest single opening was 31 mm, and exclusive of that, the greatest net opening was 16.54 mm. Fissures opened and closed repeatedly, exhibiting smooth movements over long periods of time, punctuated by sudden jumps. Generally, old and new earth fissures exhibited similar behavior. Earth fissures tend to close after long, dry periods and to open after heavy rainfalls. The earth fissure with the greatest movement was closest to the area of the greatest subsidence.
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Searcy, David Keith. "The Politics of Christian Religious Movements in the United States." OpenSIUC, 2019. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1726.
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This dissertation is an exploration of the religious movements within Christianity in the United States. After discussing the common strategies used in the social science literature to classify religious belonging, I develop an alternative method that leverages associational ties between religious groups and people who are not active despite their identity. I develop theory-driven classifications for people whose religious identity cannot be determined solely on their identification. The remainder of the dissertation tests whether religious movements correspond to differences in the social and political behavior of those in these religious categories. I find significant differences on demographics, religious beliefs and behaviors, and political partisanship. Significant differences are also found when the analysis is narrowed down to a specific electoral context, the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Throughout the dissertation I will compare the explanatory power of my new scheme, RELMOVE, to existing classification schemes like RELTRAD. The dissertation concludes with some final thoughts for future researchers on the usefulness of the scheme moving forward.
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Earl, Jennifer S. "The banner versus the baton: Explaining protest policing inthe United States, 1960-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280018.
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Research on repression and protest policing has increasingly attempted to unpack the social, political and cultural factors that affect the policing of public protest events. This dissertation contributes to that collective scholastic enterprise by examining protest policing in the United States, and particularly within New York State, from 1960 to 1975. However, unlike existing "static" approaches, which largely focus on protest and protester characteristics, and existing "dynamic" approaches, which focus on the changing interests of political elites, this dissertation argues that students of protest control must examine the independent causal effects of the agents of repression. In the U.S., this leads to an emphasis on local, civilian law enforcement agencies, culminating in this dissertation in a "police-centered" approach. Using quantitative analyses including logistic, multinomial logistic and negative binomial regressions, this dissertation evaluates the explanatory power of existing approaches to protest policing in addition to elements of a police-centered approach. Findings reveal that some existing approaches to protest policing, such as the threat approach, provide important explanatory leverage. However, other approaches such as weakness received only mixed support and still others such as the threat and weakness interaction approach and stable political opportunity structures approach received no support. As well, the volatile political opportunities approach received only limited support. The same models also evaluate three prongs of the police-centered approach and find significant support for new "police threat" hypotheses with more mixed support for the effects of police agency and police field characteristics. In addition to these theoretically important findings, the quantitative models also innovate where measurement and modeling is concerned. Qualitative analyses further develop on the police-centered perspective by examining the development of and competition between approaches to protest policing in the 1960s and 1970s. Using new institutionalist theory, this dissertation focuses on internal and external institutional forces in explaining the rise of and competition between protest policing approaches. Specifically, four key institutions are discussed: policing, professionalism, law-making, and protest. While all of these institutions exerted important influences on the development of and/or competition between approaches, the professional reform movement within policing played a critical role.
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Crowder, Craig Alan. "IDENTITY, SPECTACLE, AND EMBODIMENT IN SOCIAL PROTEST." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/english_etds/94.
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This dissertation examines the way rhetorical performances of identity function within a social movement. Examining the University of Kentucky chapter of a campus activist organization, United Students Against Sweatshops, I argue that embodied performances of identity often leverage spectacle in disruptive ways and work not only to solidify activists’ identities as part of a social movement but ultimately help to create solidarity within the movement, thereby working toward movement objectives. Historically under-examined in social movement literature in the rhetoric and composition tradition, identity performance examples are taken from an oral history project and archival materials to show how identity is constructed and reinforced in ways that make it an important tool with which to achieve social movement goals.
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Bohnlein, Ivy Briana 1974. "Wounded Knee in 1891 and 1973: Prophets, protest, and a century of Sioux resistance." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278658.
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Wounded Knee has been the site of two significant encounters between the United States and the Sioux nation: the massacre at Wounded Knee in 1891, and the takeover of Wounded Knee Village in 1973. These encounters are related to each other by more than location: both were the result of Sioux participation in a national movement. In the 1880s, that movement was the Ghost Dance, though Sioux involvement was characterized by a uniquely hostile approach. A century later, the Sioux of Pine Ridge reservation formed an alliance with the national American Indian Movement that resulted in a seventy-one day armed siege at Wounded Knee. During both time periods, similar historical factors, external forces, and internal conflicts resulted in the Sioux taking part in these movements, but the unique character of their resistance was shaped by internalized values and a cultural model which favored an aggressive response to perceived threats.
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Moyer, Paul Benjamin. "A Riot of Devils: Indian Imagery and Popular Protest in the Northeastern Backcountry, 1760-1845." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625915.
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Wegener, Laura Kay. "War, Peace, and Principled Action: A Study of Veterans and the Peace Movement." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/392.
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Throughout the history of the United States (U.S.), there have been service members who, upon leaving the service, have spoken out against U.S. involvement in wars. The current conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, and their increasing unpopularity, have contributed to this trend. Recently veterans have begun to come forward in larger numbers to speak out against the current wars and have self-identified as members of peace movements. The purpose of this research project was to explore veterans' understandings of the peace movement and their involvement in veterans' peace movement organizations. This study hoped to answer the following questions: 1) How does a veteran understand the current peace movement? 2) Which, if any, parts of the current peace movement does a veteran find to be in line with his or her own values? 3) What do veterans feel it means to be a veteran for peace? 4) How do veterans come to identify with the current peace movement? 5) How do veterans take a stand against the current peace movement? 6) What do veterans feel is gained by involvement in the peace movement? The study was conducted using a qualitative approach, and 27 interviews were conducted either face-to-face or over the phone with U.S. veterans from across the country, who have served since the Vietnam War. Veterans who were no longer serving in an active duty capacity were selected via a snowball sample of the researcher's circle of military colleagues and friends around the U.S. The identity of "veteran in the peace movement" is a complicated one, and the result of a long, complex, series of lived experiences. This study let participants describe the process of identity acquisition, or rejection in their own words in order to create a realistic and honest narrative about the emotional and mental processes, and life events that trigger or influence these, that influenced identification or not with a veterans' peace movement organization.
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Robinson, Joanna L. "Contested water : anti-water privatization movements in Canada and the United States." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26232.
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My dissertation compares two social movements opposed to water privatization in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada and Stockton, California, United States. While these movements emerged in response to similar global forces and institutions, they developed differently and had divergent outcomes. While the movement in Vancouver successfully prevented the privatization of local water services, the movement in Stockton failed to prevent water services from being privatized, although as a result of a legal challenge the private contract was eventually overturned.
Through a qualitative comparative analysis of data from 70 in-depth digitally recorded interviews with movement actors, I identify the specific underlying pathways that explain how cognitive, structural and relational mechanisms combine to shape mobilization, including how activists frame grievances, respond to opportunities, and utilize social networks to achieve their goals. My analysis also illuminates how each of these mechanisms is altered by the interplay between global and local processes, including international institutions and economic opportunity structures.
I identify four factors that explain mobilization emergence, trajectories and outcomes in the Vancouver and Stockton cases: 1) context-dependent socially constructed meanings of water, 2) differences in the use of frames, 3) differences in the nature of and responses to political opportunities 4) differences in the strength and cohesion of environmental-labour coalitions.
The findings contribute to the sociological understanding of social change in a global era. By revealing how global processes are constituted and reconstituted by local social movements – as well as how they interact with frames, opportunities and networks – my research adds a more nuanced and complete understanding of the specific ways globalization is shaping social movement mobilization on the ground. The creation of local solidarity – achieved through the presence of global connectors and the synthesizing of transnational and situated frames – demonstrates the potential for social movements to move beyond identity or class-based politics to a more broad-based and inclusive counter-hegemonic movement. The findings demonstrate that successful challenges and alternatives to neoliberal globalization will not necessarily come from movements operating at the transnational level, but rather from locally-situated movements that are connected globally but rooted in local communities.
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Schussman, Alan. "Making Real Money: Local Currency and Social Economies in the United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194682.
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Local currencies have been founded in dozens of communities around the United States. By printing their own money that can only be used at participating local merchants or service providers, or in direct exchange with community members, advocates of local currencies try to reinvigorate local commerce, demonstrate community opposition to "big box" retailers and globalization, and support local employment. Although many local currencies have been founded, most of them have had only limited success, but even where local currencies fail to thrive, they raise important questions about the ways in which we organize institutions. This dissertation has two key concerns that emerge from those questions, the first of which is to explore the ways in which the meaning of money is reconfigured by the organizers and the users of local currencies. Second, this project seeks to explain the conditions under which local currencies operate, with the goal of building an understanding of how organizations successfully challenge the deeply embedded and institutionalized practices that surround the use of money. Local currencies are an innovative form of community economic organization that has previously gone under-studied by scholars. This project, the first to address local currencies with a large set of quantitative macro-level data as well as case-oriented archival and survey data, adds to knowledge of movement development and maintenance, and the social construction and use of money. Local currency reminds us that the systems of dollars and cents are socially constructed and that they therefore are changeable. But changing institutions that are part of our everyday life is difficult; because the use of money is so deeply embedded in routines and institutions, it's difficult to even ask questions about money: Where does money come from? Why do we trust it? And how might alternatives to money work? Local currency reminds us that money is not necessarily as "real" as we tend to think and it invites us to think about the system of institutions in which we live.
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Holbrook, Ellenore. "Quiet Politics: Opposition movements and policy stasis surrounding the United States' financial industry." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1492614098649269.
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Rausch, Scott Alan. "McCarthyism and Eisenhower's State Department, 1953-1961 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10401.
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Zierler, David. "Inventing Ecocide: Agent Orange, Antiwar Protest, and Environmental Destruction in Vietnam." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/20762.
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HistoryPh.D.
This project examines the scientific developments, strategic considerations, and political circumstances that led to the rise and fall of herbicidal warfare in Vietnam. The historical narrative draws on a wide range of primary and secondary source literature on the Vietnam War and the Cold War, the history of science, and American and international history of the 1960s and 1970s. The author conducted archival research in the United States in a variety government and non-government research facilities and toured formerly sprayed areas in Vietnam. This project utilizes oral history interviews of American and Vietnamese scientists who were involved in some aspect of the Agent Orange controversy. The thesis explains why American scientists were able to force an end to the herbicide program in 1971 and ensure that the United States would not engage in herbicidal warfare in the future. This political success can be understood only in the context of two major political transformations in the Vietnam Era: the collapse of Cold War containment as a salient model of American foreign policy, and the development of globally-oriented environmental politics and security regimes. The movement to end herbicidal warfare helped shift the meaning of security away from the Cold War toward transnational efforts to combat environmental problems that threaten all of the world's people.
Temple University--Theses
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Haedicke, Michael Anthony. "Adapting to contradiction competing models of organization in the United States organic foods industry /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307325.
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Detwiler, Dominic. "Bridging The Queer-Green Gap: LGBTQ & Environmental Movements inCanada, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the United States." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1587131806748671.
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Decoo, Ellen. "Changing Attitudes Toward Homosexuality in the United States from 1977 to 2012." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2014. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4091.
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Support for civil rights for gays and lesbians has been increasing nationally. Changes in attitudes may be due not only to the influence of younger, more progressive cohorts, but also to the influence of other factors such as education, religious attendance, political identity, and attitudes toward women's roles. This thesis utilized General Social Survey data from 1977 to 2012 and examined changes in response to attitudinal questions regarding civil rights for gays and lesbians, as well as demographic factors predictive of changing attitudes. Between 1977 and 2012, attitudes became more accepting of civil rights for homosexuals in the United States. Results from multivariate regression models indicate that younger birth cohorts are more accepting of civil rights for gays and lesbians, as are those with higher education. Higher tolerance of non-traditional roles for women is associated with the support of civil rights for gays and lesbians. In addition, religious attendance is negatively associated with acceptance of civil rights for homosexuals, whereas political identity has no association.
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Rainville, Brian Clement. "Walk to Freedom: How a Violent Response to the Civil Rights Protest at Alabama's Pettus Bridge Unwillingly Created the Voting Rights Act of 1965." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626610.
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Yung, Kai-chung Kenneth, and 容啟聰. "Personal sympathy and national interests: theformation and evolution of congressman Walter H. Judd's anti-communism, 1925-1963." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38969087.
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Abdalla, Neveen Shaaban. "Requirements, priorities, and mandates : a model to examine the US requirements and priorities process and its impact on the outcome of national security and foreign policy events." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/15854.
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Historically in the United States, after-action investigations have consistently accused the intelligence community of early warning in foreign policy and national security events. However, closer inspection shows that the intelligence community does provide timely and actionable estimates-when it is directed to do so. In some instances, the root cause of failure does not lie within the intelligence community. Rather, it is due to a malfunction in the Requirements and Priorities (R&P) process, a mechanism that integrates intelligence and policy communities. The R&P provides the "mandate" for the intelligence community- it delivers a ranking of intelligence priorities, and informs resource distribution, interagency cooperation, and operational authorisations for federal intelligence agencies. The R&P process has been highlighted consistently as a systemic weakness, has undergone numerous changes, and remains a source of tribulation. Yet it is rarely addressed, and absent from after-action investigations. The impact of the R&P becomes most visible when urgent, unexpected issues arise in low priority areas. These events force a "mandate shift" - a rapid escalation of the issue to a higher priority, commanding an immediate realignment of mandate-level functions. Faults in any component of the mechanism can delay or restrict critical actions, and often as manifest as errors of intelligence collection or analysis. These "symptoms" are often misdiagnosed as the root cause, leading to accusations of intelligence failure. This research sets forth a model to observe the impact of the R&P on the outcome of foreign policy and national security events, while simultaneously investigating core functions of the intelligence and policy communities. This R&P-centric model is applied to three cases of social movement escalation: el Bogotázo (1948), the Iranian Revolution (1979), and the Rwandan Genocide (1994). The cases trace the R&P structure at the time, to examine how faults in the R&P can impact the intelligence community's ability to provide early warning, and influence the overall outcome.
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Westin, Gustaf. "Voter Elasticity and Political Protest : A quantitative analysis in an American context." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431226.
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The purpose of this thesis is to study the relationship between prevalence of swing voters and the occurrence of political protest. Taking a Rational Choice approach, I hypothesize that fewer swing voters will lead to more protests, because it would incentivize polarizing behavior by political candidates. The hypothesis is tested using protest data from US congressional districts during six months of 2020 as the dependent variable, and the concept of voter elasticity as the main independent variable in a multiple regression analysis, along with various control variables. The results tentatively indicate that the hypothesis is correct, but exhibit high levels of uncertainty, highlighting potential for future research.
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Swords, Diane R. "Crossing the line: democracy, spirituality and politics in the United States anti-nuclear social movements /." Related electronic resource:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1342734541&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Steidley, Trent Taylor. "Movements, Malefactions, and Munitions: Determinants and Effects of Concealed Carry Laws in the United States." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1466007307.
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Yang, Victor. "Unleashing power : pathways to inclusion and representation in U.S. AIDS activist organisations : a comparative case study of political representation in the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b51086e-cd00-4d92-b39a-2865219ea5a1.
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The thesis proposes a theory for the development of substantive representation among social movement organisations (SMOs). Substantive representation (SR) is the extent to which political institutions advance the policy interests of their constituents, in particular the most disenfranchised. Despite their noble proclamations, institutions of representative democracy often fail to advance the interests of groups who have been ignored and absent at the proverbial table. The thesis establishes a causal process to explain the divergence in SR outcomes among informal SMOs, or all-volunteer groups that disavow formal hierarchy in favour of egalitarian modes of decision-making. It utilises a case study of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an umbrella organisation dedicated to ending the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States and worldwide. It explains an anomalous story of SR attainment through the ACT UP Philadelphia chapter, compared to sister groups in New York City and Boston. The analysis draws from 92 semi-structured interviews, 13 months of participant observation, periodical review, and archival databases. ACT UP Philadelphia translated common SMO intentions of inclusivity into the uncommon rituals of practice. It forged a deliberate pipeline to invest not only in the presence but also the power of disenfranchised people with HIV, people too dark and poor to interest counterpart groups in other cities. Through an analytic retelling of ACT UP's history, the thesis argues that the fulfilment of SR depends on the ability of SMOs to appeal to member self-interest. Critically, SMOs can offer material incentives and nurture feelings of debt and obligation: causal steps to recruitment and sustainability of a heterogeneous membership. In building a crucial if contentious core of dissimilar people and partnerships, SMOs can unleash an oft-unrealised power for collective action and SR, by and for disenfranchised peoples who had thought change to be impossible.
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Laux, Katie. "SONGS IN THE KEY OF PROTEST: HOW MUSIC REFLECTS THE SOCIAL TURBULENCE IN AMERICA FROM THE LATE 1950S TO THE EARLY 1970S." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1184767254.
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Lorenz, Robert. "Catholic Student Protest and Campus Change at Loyola University in New Orleans, 1964-1971." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2009. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1000.
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This study analyzes the development of the student protest movement at Loyola University New Orleans from1964 to 1971. It focuses on student protests against racial discrimination and the Vietnam War, student agitation for greater freedom on campus, and battles that Loyola's faculty had with the university administration. This study argues that Loyola's student protesters were acting as Catholics against situations they believed were immoral and unjust. In this sense, they were ahead of the Jesuit clergy at Loyola, who took action only after student protest on those issues. Indeed, student protest filled a void of moral leadership that the Jesuit administration at Loyola failed to provide. Moreover, in the areas of student participation in university governance, changes in curriculum and university restrictions, and student rights and freedoms, the student protesters joined with Catholic commentators who advocated for major changes at the country's Catholic universities.
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Luna, Alfredo. "Implications of social movements in the present global environmental dynamics: the case of the United States." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Centro de Investigación en Geografía Aplicada, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/119683.
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Social movements are mobilization groups of stakeholders who seek to change the status quo, given the unfavorable conditions regarding their demands, rights, warrants, etc. As a fundamental effect of the change, social movements become leading actors of institutional change. One of these effects is given in the environmental issues, in the use, control, legislation and appreciation of nature. The insurgent policies developed by these movements are, in the current context of globalization and development of information technology and communication, the center of analysis in this paper, focusing on the U.S. environmental movement. We, therefore, believe that insurgent policies determine the beginning of institutional change.Los movimientos sociales son grupos movilizados de actores sociales que buscan cambiar el status quo dadas las condiciones no favorables en relación con sus demandas, derechos, garantías,etc. Como efecto fundamental de dicho cambio, los movimientos sociales se constituyen como actores protagónicos del cambio institucional. Uno de estos efectos se da en el tema ambiental, en el uso, control, legislación y valoración de la naturaleza. Las políticas insurgentes que desarrollan dichos movimientos serán, en el actual contexto de la globalización y desarrollo de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación, el centro de análisis de este documento, enfocándose en el movimiento ecologista de Estados Unidos. Por tanto, creemos que las políticas insurgentes determinan el inicio del cambio institucional.
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Wong, Sin Kiong. "The genesis of popular movements in modern China a study of the anti-American boycott of 1905-1906 /." access full-text, 1995. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?9540027.pdf.
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Sohi, Seema. "Echoes of mutiny : race, empire, and Indian anticolonialism in North America /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10364.
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Yee, Shirley J. "Black women abolitionists : a study of gender and race in the American antislavery movement, 1828-1860 /." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148733599290494.
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McNiece, Matthew A. ""Un-Americans" and "Anti-communists" the rhetorical battle to define twentieth-century America /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2008. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-12042008-164541/unrestricted/McNiece.pdf.
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Thomas, Joyce. "The "Double V" was for victory : black soldiers the black protest and World War II /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148784688577963.
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Schupp, Justin Lane. "Where does local food live? An examination of farmers’ markets in the United States." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1394792719.
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Klekamp, Jesse Janice. "Intentioned Network Convergence: How Social Media is Redefining, Reorganizing, and Revitalizing Social Movements in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/96.
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This analysis seeks to understand the power of social media to create sustainable social movements. The 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle were one of the first internet-supported acts of protest and illustrate the power of the Internet and social media to bring together diverse coalitions of actors and maintain decentralized power structures. Next, the analysis studies the non-profit advocacy organization Invisible Children and the recent media explosion of their Kony 2012 campaign to make sense of how uses of the Internet have expanded since 1999. The Kony 2012 case illustrates the power of committed networks in disseminating information but also alludes to some of the new challenges social media presents. Ultimately, this analysis concludes that social media has simultaneously empowered and crippled social media, calling for an intentioned use of the Internet applications, strong leadership, and cultural framing to sustain mobilization.
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Johnsen, Oyvind Mikal Rebnord. "Global, transnational and national social movements : the case study of occupy wall street." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86540.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite their lack of merits and demands, Occupy Wall Street (OWS) did become a defining feature in the short aftermath of the Financial Crisis and a part of the global occupy-movements during the protest year of 2011. As the founders and organisers behind the first encampments in Zuccotti Park called out for a "Tahrir moment" in the United States of America (US), few scholars or pundits had seen the leaderless movement coming. OWS spread across the US in the matter of months, hitting the media headlines gradually and more rapidly than any previous protest movement. Scholarly responses to OWS have been plentiful, and their categorisations of the OWS’ structure, demands and impact have been going in many different directions. This study attempts to debate and analyse the main research question; is OWS a new kind of a social movement? Even though there are several ways in which one may approach this question, the following will focus on the organisational structures, the political opportunity structures and the global linkages of OWS. The organisational structures has been debated by most, as the movement has a leaderless structure, it is ruled by consensus and supported by protesters from all social spheres, who came, protested and left as they pleased. The political and economic deficits, which gives way to the political opportunity structures of the movement, has not been this dramatic since the Great Depression. The Financial Crisis of 2008 has not only been defined as an economic crisis, but also a crisis of representative democracy. Furthermore, the global protest movements of 2011 have been similar in several ways. Even as all of them, be it Tahrir, 15M, in Greece or OWS, has been unique in matters of context, time and space, they share similarities in tactics, methods and fundamental demands - democracy and prosperity. The concluding statement to the research question is not clear-cut. Rather, it revokes former debates, which distinguished between old and new social movements, and implements a globalising civil society. A new kind of a social movement has come and gone, with elements of the earlier movements. It has added new modes of tactics, structures and demands, all formed by the present context. OWS is not an exception.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van hul gebrek aan eise en tasbare sukses, het “Occupy Wall Street (OWS) wel ’n definiërende kenmerk geword tydens kort naloop van die Finansiële Krisies, asook ’n deel van die globale beset-bewegings tydens die 2011 protesjaar. Daar was min akademici en kenners wat, ten tye van die eerste kamperings in Zuccotti Park en die eis deur die stigters en organiseerders van OWS vir ’n “Tahrir oomblik”, die opkoms van hierdie leierlose beweging voorsien het. Binne ’n kwessie van maande het OWS dwarsoor die VSA versprei, eers stadig en daarna vinniger die hoofopskrifte van die media gehaal as enige ander protes-beweging wat dit voorafgegaan het. Daar is heelwat akademiese bydraes (uit verskillende dissiplines) wat daarop gemik is om OWS te verstaan in terme van hoe om dit te kategoriseer, die struktuur daarvan, die eise wat gestel is en die impak daarvan. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die hoofnavorsingsvraag te bespreek en analiseer, naamlik; is OWS ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging? Die benadering wat gevolg word is om te fokus om organisatoriese strukture, politieke geleentheidstrukture and die globale verbintenisse van OWS. Die organisatoriese strukture het die meeste aandag gekry in die literatuur tot dusver, aangesien die organisasie ’n leierlose struktuur het. Besluite word deur middel van konsensus geneem en ondersteuning word gewerf van protesteerders uit ’n verskeidenheid van sosiale sfere. Hierdie protesteerders het opgedaag, protes aangeteken, en weer vertrek na willekeur. Die politieke en ekonomiese terkortkominge van die kapitalistiese stelsel in die VSA, waarin die politieke geleentheidstrukture van die beweging geanker is, was, sedert die Groot Depressie, nie so skynbaar dramaties nie. Die Finansiële Krisies wat in 2008 sy hoogtepunt bereik het, word gedefinieer nie alleen as ’n ekonomiese krisies nie,maar ook as ’n krisies van verteenwoordigende demokrasie. Daarby is daar bevind dat die globale protesbewegings wat in 2011 gedy het, soortgelyke kenmerke gehad het. Nieteenstaande die feit dat Tahrir in Egipte, 15M, die Griekse protes-aksies en OWS wel as uniek gesien kan word in terme van konteks, tyd en ruimte, is daar ooreenkomste in taktiek, metodes en fundamentele eise: deelnemende demokrasie en welvaart vir almal. Die slotsom waartoe die tesis kom is nie definitief nie. Eerder, is die gevolgtrekking dat daar teruggegaan moet word na vorige debatte wat onderskeid getref het tussen ou en nuwe sosiale bewegings, en ook na die literatuur oor die moontlikheid van ’n globale burgerlike samelewing. Wat wel vasstaan is dat ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging verskyn het en weer gekwyn het, wat aspekte van vorige bewegings omvat maar ook in duidelike terme van hulle verskil. In die opsig is OWS nie ’n uitsondering nie, met nuwe taktiek, strukture en eise wat almal gevorm is binne die huidige konteks.
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Lynn, Denise M. "Women on the march gender and anti-fascism in American communism, 1935-1939 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Thomas, Julia. "Buses, But Not Spaces For All: Histories of Mass Resistance & Student Power on Public Transportation in Mexico & The United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1068.
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Public spaces—particularly buses, which often carry a larger proportion of low-income to middle class individuals and people of color—serve as shared places for recreation, travel, and labor, and are theoretically created with the intention of being an “omnibus,” or a public resource for all. While buses have been the sites of intense state control and segregation across the world, they have also been places in which groups have organized bus boycotts, commandeered control of transportation, ridden across state lines, and taken over spaces that allow them to express power by occupying a significant area. Buses have become spaces of exchange and power for the people who have, in some cases, been marginalized by ruling private interests and institutionalized racism to ride in masses on particular routes. From the turn of twentieth century to 1968 in Mexico, the Civil Rights movement in the mid twentieth century United States, to the contemporary era in the U.S. and Mexico, public spaces have been historically reclaimed as key instruments in social movements. By analyzing these moments, this thesis explores the complex relations over power on buses for riders—university students in in Mexico, and African Americans in the U.S.—and show how they have been both key vehicles in mobilization and resistance against state oppression and the sites of targeted violence and racism.
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Gordon, James. "Food Rebellion: Contemporary Food Movements as a Reflection of Our Agrarian Past." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/145.
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Yung, Kai-chung Kenneth. "Personal sympathy and national interests the formation and evolution of congressman Walter H. Judd's anti-communism, 1925-1963 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38969087.
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Malki, Mostafa Thompson Henry. "Essays in applied international economics." Auburn, Ala., 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1307.
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