Relevant bibliographies by topics / Protest movements – United States

Academic literature on the topic 'Protest movements – United States'

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Published: 10 December 2022
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Journal articles on the topic "Protest movements – United States"

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Young, Michael P. "Confessional Protest: The Religious Birth of U.S. National Social Movements." American Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (October 2002): 660–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700502.

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Western forms of protest were fundamentally altered in the early nineteenth century. Scholars from a “contentious politics” perspective have identified this rupture in protest forms with the emergence of the “national social movement” and explain the rupture as the result of interactions with national states. Scholars from a “life politics” perspective argue that the paradigmatic movements of today have moved beyond the political struggles of the nineteenth century and toward a new form of protest that unfolds within civil society and fuses matters of personal and social change. Protests in the United States in the 1830s, however, raise serious doubts about both of these claims. The first U.S. national social movements were not a heritage of the state and they engaged in a form of life politics. The temperance and antislavery movements emerged in interaction with religious institutions—not state institutions—and pursued goals that mixed personal and social transformation. A cultural mechanism combining the evangelical schemas of public confession and the special sins of the nation launched sustained and interregional protests. The intensive and extensive power of these confessional protests called individual and nation to repent and reform, and mobilized actors and resources within a national infrastructure of religious institutions to challenge drinking and slavery.
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Hadden, Jennifer, and Sidney Tarrow. "Spillover or Spillout? The Global Justice Movement in the United States After 9/11." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.4.t221742122771400.

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This article focuses on a seemingly paradoxical sequel to the 1999 Seattle WTO protests: the weakening of the global justice movement in the United States. While the movement has flourished in Europe, it seems largely to have stagnated in the American context. This outcome cannot be explained by either American exceptionalism or by a general decline in activism in the wake of the tragedies of 9/11 and the Iraq War. First comparing expressions of the American and European global justice movements and then turning to original data on social movement organizing in Seattle after 1999, we argue that the weakness of the American global justice movement can be tied to three key factors: (a) a more repressive atmosphere towards transnational protest; (b) a politically inspired linkage between global terrorism and transnational activism of all kinds; and (c) what we call "social movement spillout." We further argue that the strongest movement since September 11th—the antiwar movement—exemplifies a broader trend in the United States towards the "spillout" of transnational activism into domestic protest.
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Smith, Geoffrey S., Madeleine Adams, and Seth Borgos. "This Mighty Dream: Social Protest Movements in the United States." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142882.

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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. "The New Upper Class: Revolutionary Elite Rotation in the USA." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 4-1 (December 23, 2020): 162–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.1-162-190.

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The article analyzes the emergence of a new political class or elite in the United States, which is called the minority elite. This article is the first in a series dedicated to this topic. The author formulates three interrelated prerequisites that have caused the emergence of the new elite: the spread of the Affirmative Action (AA) to all spheres of public life and, above all, to the education system; the phenomenon of “woke” capitalism; a long history of minority protest movements. Experts take the current protests for a revolution; the author proves the opposite statement: protests are a direct consequence and one of the stages of a step-by-step revolution. Its roots lie in the long-term training of personnel for the revolution and social technologies for it, in the creation of financial, informational and organizational infrastructures of protest movements, and in moral defeat and the surrender of the intellectual class. Over the decades, hundreds of protest movements of various sizes have been co-organized in the United States and dozens of professional protest organizations have been formed. One of them, Black Lives Matter, has its own program, strategy, tactics and a solid budget. The goal of the organization is to create its own ruling elite. The Protestant (WASP) elite ruled the country for more than two centuries, in the second half of the 20th century it was replaced by the so-called intellectual elite. Harvard University, by its decision to raise the level of acceptance tests in the 1960s, spawned new, intellectual elite, California universities, by abolishing tests in the 2010-2020s, bring to power a new social group – the beneficiaries of the AA. The black movement is confidently entering the final phase of its development – the placement of its representatives in state and federal authorities, political parties and other social institutions. Ideologues of identity politics, primarily racial, have arrogated to themselves the position of mentors and experts on social justice and the protectors of civil rights in society. Other protest organizations have joined the BLM, with socialist-oriented organizations in the lead. These organizations have effectively “hijacked” a wave of protests and are already working on a socialist agenda for the Biden-Harris administration, if elected.
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Soule, Sarah, and Christian Davenport. "Velvet Glove, Iron Fist, or Even Hand? Protest Policing in the United States, 1960-1990." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.y01123143t231q66.

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Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers.
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Martin, Andrew. "Bureaucracy, Power, and Threat: Unions and Strikes in The United States, 1990-2001." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.2.a3723r8621271126.

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The bureaucratization of many social movements has generated controversy among scholars and activists alike. While there is considerable evidence that formalized social movement organizations (SMOs) tend to be successful, critics maintain that such actors invariably shift resources away from protest, reducing their disruptive potential. The current research seeks to reorient this debate by introducing the concept of threat as an integral, but overlooked, dimension of protest. Specifically, I hypothesize that the costs associated with collective action will motivate formalized SMOs to leverage the threat of protest to achieve new gains. The empirical case is made using data from a sample of labor unions and their strike activity from 1990-2001, a period of growing acrimony between organized labor and firms that is particularly well suited for analyzing threat. The findings highlight the role of threat in movement challenges and how it interacts with the broader environment within which the SMO is embedded.
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Laajalahti, Anne. "A Historical Analysis of Media Practices and Technologies in Protest Movements: A Review of Crisis and Critique by Anne Kaun." Media and Communication 5, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i2.976.

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Dr. Anne Kaun’s book, <em>Crisis and Critique: A Brief History of Media Participation in Times of Crisis</em> (London: Zed Books, 2016, 131 pp., ISBN: 978-1-78360-736-5), is a concise but comprehensive analysis of the changing media practices and technologies in protest movements. The book overviews the topic within the context of major economic crises and scrutinises three richly detailed case studies in the United States: (a) the unemployed workers’ movement during the Great Depression in the 1930s, (b) the tenants’ rent strike movement of the early 1970s, and (c) the Occupy Wall Street movement following the Great Recession of 2008. Kaun begins her book with an introduction to economic crises and protest movements and highlights the relationship of crisis and critique to media practices. She goes on to investigate historical forms of media participation in protest movements from three different perspectives: (a) protest time, (b) protest space, and (c) protest speed. The book contributes to the recent discussion on the emerging role of social media in protest by providing a historically nuanced analysis of the media participation in times of crisis. As a whole, the book is valuable to anyone interested in media and social activism.
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Soule, Sarah, and Jennifer Earl. "A Movement Society Evaluated: Collective Protest in The United States, 1960-1986." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.730350353753l022.

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In an attempt to make sense of shifts in the social movement sector and its relationship to conventional politics over the past forty years, some have proposed that Western nations are increasingly becoming "movement societies." Accordingly, there are four key characteristics of the movement society: (1) over time expansion of protest; (2) over time diffusion of protest; (3) over time institutionalization of protest; and (4) over time institutionalization of state responses to protest. Using newly available data on over 19,000 protest events occurring in the U.S. between 1960 and 1986, we evaluate these four claims. Our findings suggest that movement society scholars are correct in some respects: the size of protest events has grown over time, the percentage of events at which at least one social movement organization is present has increased over time, the number of distinct protest claims has increased over time, and violent forms of protest policing have decreased over time. However, our findings call into question other movement society claims: the number of protests has declined over time, fewer organizations were present at each protest event over time, fewer new groups initiated events over time, fewer new claims emerged over time, and there was more significant activity by groups on the right in the 1960s and 1970s than expected. We suggest potential explanations for some of the negative findings in an attempt to refine the movement society arguments.
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Yaqoub, Muhammad, Khaled Al-Kassimi, and Haizhou Wang. "The evolution of research on digital communication and social protests: A bibliometric analysis." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 8, no. 7 (July 23, 2024): 4618. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v8i7.4618.

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The rise of digital communication technologies has significantly changed how people participate in social protests. Digital platforms—such as social media—have enabled individuals to organize and mobilize protests on a global scale. As a result, there has been a growing interest in understanding the role of digital communication in social protests. This manuscript provides a comprehensive bibliometric analysis of the evolution of research on digital communication and social protests from 2008 to 2022. The study employs bibliometric methodology to analyze a sample of 260 research articles extracted from the SCOPUS core collection. The findings indicate a significant increase in scholarly investigations about digital communication and its role in social protest movements during the past decade. The number of publications on this topic has increased significantly since 2012—peaking in 2022—indicating a heightened interest following COVID-19. The United States, United Kingdom, and Spain are the leading countries in publication output on this topic. The analysis underlines scholars employing a range of theoretical perspectives—including social movement theory, network theory, and media studies—to identify the relationship between digital communication and social protests. Social media platforms—X (Twitter), Facebook, and YouTube—are the most frequently studied and utilized digital communication tools engaged in social protests. The study concludes by identifying emerging topics relating to social movements, political communication, and protest, thereby suggesting gaps and opportunities for future research.
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Case, Benjamin S. "CONTENTIOUS EFFERVESCENCE: THE SUBJECTIVE EXPERIENCE OF RIOTING." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-2-179.

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How do violent protests affect social movement participants? Riots are common in civilian movements, but the effects of protester violence remain under-researched, in part due to an association of civilian protest with nonviolent methods and an association of violent protest with irrational chaos. Specifically, few studies have examined the experiences of rioters themselves. I use theoretical analysis and qualitative in-depth interviews with activists from the United States and South Africa to explore the subjective impact that moments of violent protest have on participants. Activist accounts indicate that many experience what I call “contentious effervescence,” a heightened state and sense of political empowerment amidst low-level violent actions, with long-term effects that raise consciousness and deepen and sustain activists’ resolve. I argue that examining the experiential and emotional effects of riots enhances our ability to understand contentious politics from below.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Protest movements – United States"

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Biedermann, Richard Scott. "An analysis of the news media's construction of protest groups." Scholarly Commons, 2005. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/620.

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This study examines the news media's construction of protests. Previous research has found that the news media demonizes and marginalizes protests. Protesters are framed in a highly negative fashion and primarily categorized as "violent." This study employed focus groups, agenda setting and framing theories to analyze this phenomenon. Previous research has been primarily quantitative in nature and thus qualitative research will provide a more in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. This study supports the findings of prior research but offers new insights. The implications of this study suggests that the news media can influence what people think about and how they think about it. Additionally, the news media frame protesters in a negative manner. Protesters are framed as violent and deviant. This negative framing both helps and hurts the protesters' cause. Lastly, this study found the news media to maintain the status quo in this society
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Brohaugh, Paul Christoper. "Partnership, dependence and protest the United States and El Salvador, seen through pockets of internationals /." Diss., [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2007. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-12272007-070233/.

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Howard, Christopher Allen. "Black Insurgency: The Black Convention Movement in the Antebellum United States, 1830-1865." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron149929769388235.

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Tress, Benjamin. "The Jazz & People’s Movement: Rahsaan Roland Kirk’s Struggle to Open the American Media to Black Classical Music." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/593.

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Thesis advisor: Davarian Baldwin
The multi-instrumentalist Rahsaan Roland Kirk (1936-1978) was one of the most thrilling jazz performers of the Sixties and Seventies, wowing audiences with his lively blend of musical styles and his unique ability to play multiple saxophones at once. Still, one particularly exciting aspect of his life is unfamiliar to most, jazz fans included. In 1970, Kirk formed an activist group which he dubbed the Jazz and People’s Movement (JPM), with the purpose of lobbying television networks to broadcast more jazz and black musicians. And in order to ensure the networks took the call seriously, the JPM seized the television studios by storm – during the taping of major prime-time programs! The JPM was one among many self-help collectives working in New York and Chicago at the time, all seeking to mediate the material and cultural stresses facing musicians following jazz’s sharp decline in the 1960s. Kirk’s movement was unique, however, in identifying mainstream culture industries as a key site of struggle in the politics of production, documentation, and dissemination. And the JPM’s dynamic public disturbance tactics contrasted with the quieter, inward-looking programs of other collectives. Its aesthetic inclusivism also set it apart from most other jazz community groups which heavily favored avant-garde music. Under Kirk’s leadership, the JPM demonstrated that the mass production and consumption of art and culture had important political relevance and power for the liberation of black music specifically, and of black America more generally. Although the movement was short-lived and did not achieve many of its stated goals, it provides a visible intersection of music, race, and society, and is thus a highly valuable historical subject. This thesis explores the impact of Kirk’s political and aesthetic ideals on his conception of the JPM; the consistently interconnected material and cultural underpinnings of the movement’s agenda; the group’s protest actions, and the accompanying reactions in the music community and the press; the causes of the JPM’s dissolution; and the movement’s broader impact and legacy
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Friedensen, Victoria Pidgeon. "Protest Space: A Study of Technology Choice, Perception of Risk, and Space Exploration." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1999. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-120899-134345.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1999.
Cover title. Computer printout. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. [103]-112). Available electronically via Internet.
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Wright, Devon A. "Conservative Right-Wing Protest Rhetoric in the Cold War Era of Segregationist Mobilization." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3457.

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In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.
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AMORIM, Guilherme Marques de. "Communication networks and protests: investigating the “Occupy Movement” in the United States." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17514.

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Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2016-07-21T18:47:50Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação de Mestrado - Guilherme Amorim.pdf: 691520 bytes, checksum: faf9df2d03171350e2b7678a0b3638e3 (MD5)
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This article investigates the influence of broadband Internet availability in the occurrence of events of civil unrest, both with theory and empirical evidence. We first expand a recent model of protests considering the hypothesis that the Internet sets an environment for communication and information exchange that boosts collective dissatisfaction towards unfair policies. We then use collected data on the locations of 2011’s Occupy Movement in the United States to estimate the impact of one extra Internet Service Provider on the probability of evidencing protests in a given location. To identify the effect of broadband provision, we use an instrumental variable approach based on topographic elevation as a source of exogenous variations in the cost of building and maintaining cable infrastructure. As an alternative approach, we also use identification through heteroskedasticity, which does not rely on exclusion restrictions. In accordance with our theoretical predictions, our results show that the availability of broadband services during the time of the Occupy protests was greatly associated with the occurrence of such events.
Este artigo investiga a influência que o acesso à rede de Internet banda larga pode exercer na ocorrência de eventos de inquietação civil, através de uma argumentação teórica e de evidências empíricas. Primeiro, expandimos um recente modelo de decisão sobre o ato de protestar, considerando a hipótese de que a Internet define um ambiente para comunicação e troca de informações que aumentaria a insatisfação coletiva contra políticas injustas. Em seguida, utilizamos dados recolhidos sobre os locais das manifestações relacionadas ao Movimento Occupy nos Estados Unidos em 2011 para estimar o impacto que um provedor de serviços de Internet a mais exerceria sobre a probabilidade de evidenciar protestos em um determinado local. Para identificar o efeito do fornecimento de banda larga, usamos uma abordagem de variável instrumental utilizando elevação topográfica como fonte de variações exógenas no custo de construção e manutenção de infraestrutura de Internet a cabo. Como abordagem alternativa, também realizamos identificação através de heterocedasticidade, que não depende de restrições de exclusão. Em concordância com nossas previsões teóricas, nossos resultados mostram que a disponibilidade de serviços de banda larga durante a época dos protestos do Movimento Occupy esteve fortemente associada com a ocorrência de tais eventos.
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Russial, Paul. "Analysis of General Accounting Office bid protest decisions on A-76 studies." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FRussial.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Contract Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Jeffrey R. Cuskey, Peter P. Russial, Jr. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-106). Also available online.
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Denton, Georgina. "Motherhood and protest in the United States since the sixties." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8270/.

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Focusing on Women Strike for Peace, the welfare rights struggle, the battle against busing and the anti-abortion movement, this thesis highlights the integral role ideologies of motherhood played in shaping women’s activism during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. In doing so, it challenges conventional understandings of maternalism, social protest since the sixties, and second-wave feminism in important ways. Indeed, the activists in this study, most of them mothers, many of them middle-aged, do not fit with popular images of the 1960s – centred, as they often are, on youth protests, student movements and a vibrant, colourful counterculture. Meanwhile, studies of mothers’ movements tend to focus disproportionately on white, middle-class women’s reform work during the early twentieth century, eliding maternalism with progressivism, the politics of respectability and nonviolence. However, by revealing the persistence of this political tradition into the 1960s and beyond, and exploring how motherhood was used by activists across the political spectrum during this turbulent era, this study underscores the flexibility, malleability and lasting appeal of maternalism. Within all of these movements, women shared a belief in motherhood as a mandate to activism and a source of political strength. But, as this thesis will show, they ultimately forged distinctive versions of maternalism that were based on their daily lives, and informed by an intersection of race, ethnicity, class, religion and local context. And as a result, there were important differences in the way these activists understood and deployed motherhood. The women in this study also combined more traditional forms of maternal protest with modes of activism popularised during the 1960s, employing direct action tactics to dramatise their maternal concerns in the public arena. Furthermore, some activists espoused a militant brand of maternalism that did not preclude the use of force if deemed necessary to protect their own or others’ children. Finally, although experiences varied widely, many of the women examined here were influenced by, engaged with, and contributed to the era’s burgeoning feminist movement. Thus, this study challenges the popular assumption that maternalist politics are inherently incompatible with women’s liberation – while also providing a vital reminder that second-wave feminism took multiple forms.
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Perry, Molly FitzGerald. "Influencing Empire: Protest And Persuasion In The Stamp Act Period." W&M ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1593091610.

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"Influencing Empire" examines the period of imperial crisis and community disruption which followed the passage of the Stamp Act by Parliament in 1765 to repeal in 1766. Amid fears of a rising national debt, the revenue measure imposed a small tax in the twenty-six British American colonies to defray the expense of postwar military installations in the mainland interior. In response, crowds violently threatened royal officials and their property prompting resignations and the removal of tax documents into protective custody. With the stamped papers removed from circulation by the legislated collection date, the protests largely prevented the payment of the tax. Without stamped documents the courts and customs houses could not legally operate, preventing critical business of the British Empire. This dissertation traces how and why colonists from Nova Scotia to St. Kitts engaged in a series of unprecedented street protests, examining the process of imperial coalition-building. To achieve their goal of repeal, colonists recognized the importance of convincing imperial powerbrokers to act. The design of protests and strategies of dissent appropriated British cultural traditions, contemporary politics, and economic pressure points. Described by past historians as the "prologue to Revolution" and "the first act on the road to independence," this dissertation explores the imperial political and cultural contexts, restores the diverse choices and actions of individuals and communities, and emphasizes contingency to understanding the "perplexing situation" following the Stamp Act. At the forefront of this effort were the activities of British subjects far beyond the thirteen mainland colonies. This dissertation refocuses our understanding of the Stamp Act crisis by restoring the imperial dimensions of the repeal efforts uniting historiography of crowd studies with scholarship on the Caribbean, the British Empire, the American Revolution and the African Diaspora. Countering the tendency to write towards American independence, this study explores contemporaneous sources to demonstrate the rapidly shifting strategies of imperial influence, as well as the variety of political and economic arguments emerging during this brief period. Broadening the study of protest to an imperial scale embeds the emergence of crowd action amid a broader campaign of influence involving communities in the West Indies, England, Scotland, and Ireland as well as the mainland colonies. Far from a break with empire, this dissertation demonstrates the diversity of opinions and experiences both within a crowd and across the British Empire suggesting new avenues for understanding colonial protest strategies and the contours of the subsequent revolutionary coalition. Protest was exceptional and controversial. Critically, the dissertation argues that protest cannot be understood without closely examining the actions and choices of the majority of the population in colonial ports. Free and enslaved people of color, dockside laborers, and itinerant sailors inhabited these port communities dramatically influencing and shaping imperial politics. This dissertation demonstrates how these populations participated in this moment of community disruption, shaping strategies of dissent and influence. Their presence on the streets occurred in a variety of ways both supporting and opposing street protest. The surviving evidence suggests how their actions were manipulated as part of an imperial debate on protest which reveal imperial discourses on class and race. The dissertation argues that these early actions on the streets in the colonial period demonstrate a long-term struggle to define the British body politic. At no point was repeal assured, and contingency plays a central role in this dissertation. This dissertation demonstrates how rapidly shifting political coalitions within England, pressure from colonial agents and interests, as well as members of the crowd all played central roles in the repeal effort. A sympathetic print media spread supportive accounts of crowd action, while royal officials and stamp officers reported a competing narrative of violent mobs. This work overlays these traditional accounts of protest with shipping logs, marine intelligence, government documents, imperial correspondence, and private diaries to shed new light on core dynamics of the protest movement. Using a variety of contemporaneous evidence, the work demonstrates the flow of knowledge and rumor which shaped individual and community decision-making. Ultimately, this archival research prompts a fresh look at the "Stamp Act Crisis" as a critical test of the structure and functioning of the British Empire, revealing how a small tax enabled a period of panic, negotiation, innovation, and creativity.
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Books on the topic "Protest movements – United States"

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Adamson, Madeleine. This mighty dream: Social protest movements in the United States. Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985.

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Gillard, Arthur. Social protest. Farmington Hills, Michigan: Greenhaven Press, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning, 2014.

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Tarrow, Sidney G. Contentious politics in Western Europe and the United States. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 2000.

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Collective, Team Colors, ed. Uses of a whirlwind: Movement, movements, and contemporary radical currents in the United States. Edinburgh: AK Press, 2010.

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Hughes, Craig, Stevie Peace, and Kevin Van Meter, eds. Uses of a Whirlwind: Movement, Movements, and Contemporary Radical Currents in the United States. Edinburgh, Scotland: AK Press, 2010.

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Eisenstadt, S. N. Centre formation, protest movements, and class structure in Europe and the United States. London: Pinter, 1987.

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Eisenstadt, S. N. Centre formation, protest movements, and class structure in Europe and the United States. New York: New York University Press, 1987.

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Meyer, David S. The politics of protest: Social movements in America. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Klimke, Martin. The other alliance: Student protest in West Germany and the United States in the global sixties. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009.

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Klimke, Martin. The other alliance: Student protest in West Germany and the United States in the global sixties. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Protest movements – United States"

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Türkoğlu, Didem. "Ever Failed? Fail Again, Fail Better: Tuition Protests in Germany, Turkey, and the United States." In Student Movements in Late Neoliberalism, 269–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75754-0_11.

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Cantor, Norman F. "Black Liberation in the United States." In The Age of Protest, 227–59. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003189060-11.

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Uba, Katrin. "Estonian protest waves." In Handbook of Civil Society and Social Movements in Small States, 235–47. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341536-20.

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Johnson, Erik W., and Jordan Burke. "Environmental Movements in the United States." In Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research, 495–515. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77712-8_24.

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Mayer, Margit. "Social Movement Research in the United States: A European Perspective." In Social Movements, 168–95. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23747-0_9.

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Roth, Benita. "Women’s and Feminist Movements in the United States." In Women's Movements in the Global Era, 241–61. Second edition. | Boulder, CO : Westview Press, [2017]: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429495557-9.

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Gioielli, Rob. "Urban Environmental Justice Movements in the United States." In Environmental Justice in North America, 33–58. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003214380-3.

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Briguglio, Michael. "Environmental protest in Malta during the COVID-19 pandemic." In Handbook of Civil Society and Social Movements in Small States, 62–73. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341536-6.

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Palma, Paul J. "Grassroots Pentecostal Movements: US and Brazilian Origins." In Grassroots Pentecostalism in Brazil and the United States, 25–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13371-8_2.

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Soper, J. Christopher. "The Future of Evangelical Social Movements." In Evangelical Christianity in the United States and Great Britain, 161–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379305_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Protest movements – United States"

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Locatelli, Marcelo Sartori, Josemar Caetano, Wagner Meira Jr., and Virgilio Almeida. "Characterizing Vaccination Movements on YouTube in the United States and Brazil." In HT '22: 33rd ACM Conference on Hypertext and Social Media. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3511095.3531283.

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Zavarella, Vanni, Hristo Tanev, Ali Hürriyetoğlu, Peratham Wiriyathammabhum, and Bertrand De Longueville. "Tracking COVID-19 protest events in the United States. Shared Task 2: Event Database Replication, CASE 2022." In Proceedings of the 5th Workshop on Challenges and Applications of Automated Extraction of Socio-political Events from Text (CASE). Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/2022.case-1.29.

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Gurbuz, Mustafa. "PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.

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This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Anglim, Christopher. "Documenting Justice - Archivists and the Fight Against Covert Racism in the Contemporary United States." In 2nd Annual Faculty Senate Research Conference: Higher Education During Pandemics. AIJR Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21467/proceedings.135.2.

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Pursuing an archival perspective, this study emphasizes documenting the experiences of activists involved in contemporary social justice movements (such as Black Lives Matter) to develop the historical record more fully, especially the need to include the voices of those from underrepresented groups. This study analyzes how archival practices can help develop and preserve a fuller record of the social justice movements and the ideas of those who fought covert racism both within academic settings and the greater society. To answer our research issues, the study used a literature review and a survey of activists and archival institutions. Our findings establish the value of archival research in academic institutions for students and the community in developing a fuller understanding of historically underrepresented and marginalized groups. Therefore, we conclude archives can play a major contribution to the understanding of contemporary social justice movements and to the issues of concern to these movements.
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Radomska, Ewa. "SCOTLAND’S INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENTS – THE MAIN CHALLENGES IN THE ECONOMIC SPHERE IN THE ASPECT OF POTENTIAL SEPARATION OF SCOTLAND FROM THE UNITED KINGDOM." In EU AND MEMBER STATES – LEGAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/8991.

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Beukes, Giancarlo L., Sarthak Patnaik, and Sudesh Sivarasu. "In Vitro Functional Verification of a Novel Laxity Measurement Stress Radiography Device." In 2018 Design of Medical Devices Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/dmd2018-6943.

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The human knee is a hinge joint, primarily facilitating locomotion. Knee joint instability, due to ligament injuries (anterior cruciate ligament [ACL], posterior cruciate ligament [PCL], medial collateral ligament [MCL] and lateral collateral ligament [LCL]), is a result of direct or indirect trauma, non-anatomical stresses during pivoting movements about the knee, imbalanced landing during jumping and rapid deceleration during high intensity locomotion [1]. Biomechanical indications of an unstable knee joint include decreased joint integrity, hyper laxity, abrupt locking and catching combined with clicking noises during locomotion. Approximately, two hundred and fifty thousand ACL injuries occur in the United States of America, annually [2].
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Bolmin, Ophelia, Benjamin Young, Philip Noell, and Brad Boyce. "Interlocking metasurfaces: a joining technology for bio-inspired fast moving robots." In Proposed for presentation at the Fast Movements: Nature, Robotics and Materials held July 19-21, 2022 in Durham, NC United States. US DOE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/2003913.

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Asher, Jana. "Teaching Concepts of Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Social Responsibility Through Elementary Statistics." In Bridging the Gap: Empowering and Educating Today’s Learners in Statistics. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.icots11.t1f3.

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The use of antiracist and critical pedagogy has become a growing movement across higher education within the United States but has not been generally considered within STEM curricula. Similarly, community-engaged learning, a decades-old movement in civics learning within higher education, has made relatively little headway in STEM coursework. These two movements, however, complement each other, and both have much to contribute to how we teach statistics. Over the past five years, I have leveraged these two approaches to civic learning to incorporate themes around diversity, equity, and inclusion into my elementary statistics class. This paper outlines those efforts and provides a preliminary analysis of student-provided course evaluation data.
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Rahmani, Ayad. "Urban Farming: Localizing Narratives." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.42.

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This paper will look at the historical and contemporary narratives behind urban farming. It will start with the transcendentalists (for this short paper limited to Thoreau) and their manner of seeing in the return to the land the capacity for social reform, and end with an examination of the ideas that have not only blurred the distinction between the urban and the rural, but that in doing so have spawned a new awareness and appreciation in local culture, including local food and slow food movements. Today community gardens across the United States are busy forging relations with nearby outfits, including restaurants and schools, serving as stewards of social, economic and intellectual growth.
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Bolmin, Ophelia, Benjamin Young, Philip Noell, and Brad Boyce. "Interlocking Metasurfaces: a joinint technology for bio-inspired fast moving robots." In Proposed for presentation at the Fast Movements: Nature, Robotics and Materials Symposium held July 19-21, 2022 in Durham, North Carolina United States. US DOE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/2003312.

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Reports on the topic "Protest movements – United States"

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Gethin, Amory, and Vincent Pons. Social Movements and Public Opinion in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w32342.

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Coffman, James H., and Jr. The Gordian Knot: Analysis of United States Support to Ethnic-Based Resistance" Movements". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada404255.

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Richardson, Allissa V. Trends in Mobile Journalism: Bearing Witness, Building Movements, and Crafting Counternarratives. Just Tech, Social Science Research Council, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/jt.3010.d.2021.

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This field review examines how African American mobile journalism became a model for marginalized people’s political communication across the United States. The review explores how communication scholars’ theories about mobile journalism and media witnessing evolved since 2010 to include ethnocentric investigations of the genre. Additionally, it demonstrates how Black people’s use of the mobile device to document police brutality provided a brilliant, yet fraught, template for modern activism. Finally, it shows how Black mobile journalism created undeniable counternarratives that challenged the journalism industry in 2020 and presented scholars with a wealth of researchable questions. Taken together, the review complicates our understanding of Black mobile journalism as a great equalizer—pushing us to also consider what we lose when we lean too heavily on video testimony as a tool for political communication.
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Villwock-Witte, Natalie, Karalyn Clouser, and David Kack. In Search of Simultaneous Benefits of Infrastructure Provisions on Freight & Bicycle Movements. Western Transportation Institute, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15788/1700174082.

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The United States has three million miles of rural roadways (U.S. Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration, 2000). Some bicyclists enjoy recreating on low-volume rural roadways because they are looking for long rides to physically challenge themselves. Some rural Americans commute to work by bicycle or travel by bike for other trips (e.g., to the grocery store), whether they are driven by environmental motivators (they do not want to further pollute the environment) or practical purposes (they have limited or no vehicles in their households but still need to make trips). Regardless of the reason, bicyclists can be found on rural roadways. While many riders may self-select onto lower-volume roadways and roadways where there are fewer large vehicles, the limited redundancy of some rural roadway networks may force bicyclists to travel on roadways with higher traffic volumes, with higher posted speed limits, and with large vehicles. With extensive miles in the rural context, the question then becomes: can providing additional pavement in the form of wide shoulders benefit both motorists, particularly those in large vehicles carrying freight, and bicyclists on roadways used by both, or should a separated facility, like a cycle highway, be considered instead? Thus, the purpose of this project is to consider whether wider road shoulders could benefit both freight and bicyclists traveling along rural roadways. Through a literature review focused on the crash experience of bicyclists, the impact of the road design on a bicyclist’s crash experience, the impact of the vehicle type and vehicle technology on a bicyclist’s crash experience, and policies impacting how and where a bicyclist may travel, recommendations and conclusions are made regarding if benefits can be had by both bicyclists and freight (a.k.a., large vehicles) within a corridor.
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Heymsfield, Ernie, and Jeb Tingle. State of the practice in pavement structural design/analysis codes relevant to airfield pavement design. Engineer Research and Development Center (U.S.), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21079/11681/40542.

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An airfield pavement structure is designed to support aircraft live loads for a specified pavement design life. Computer codes are available to assist the engineer in designing an airfield pavement structure. Pavement structural design is generally a function of five criteria: the pavement structural configuration, materials, the applied loading, ambient conditions, and how pavement failure is defined. The two typical types of pavement structures, rigid and flexible, provide load support in fundamentally different ways and develop different stress distributions at the pavement – base interface. Airfield pavement structural design is unique due to the large concentrated dynamic loads that a pavement structure endures to support aircraft movements. Aircraft live loads that accompany aircraft movements are characterized in terms of the load magnitude, load area (tire-pavement contact surface), aircraft speed, movement frequency, landing gear configuration, and wheel coverage. The typical methods used for pavement structural design can be categorized into three approaches: empirical methods, analytical (closed-form) solutions, and numerical (finite element analysis) approaches. This article examines computational approaches used for airfield pavement structural design to summarize the state-of-the-practice and to identify opportunities for future advancements. United States and non-U.S. airfield pavement structural codes are reviewed in this article considering their computational methodology and intrinsic qualities.
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Derby, Martin, and Mark Saunders. PR635-203904-R01 In-situ Instrumentation and Remote Sensing Methods for Slope Monitoring for Pipelines. Chantilly, Virginia: Pipeline Research Council International, Inc. (PRCI), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55274/r0012207.

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This research project will focus on a comparison of several in-situ methods and two remote sensing technologies, GBInSAR and InSAR. Geo-monuments and extensometers were used to measure the changes in surface movements (i.e., tension cracks) over time, and then compared to GBInSAR data for accuracy. This research project includes a comparison of spatial and in-situ monitoring systems that was performed on a steep slope with natural gas pipeline located in the Appalachian region of the United States. This report includes an integrated approach to characterize landside movement using the GBInSAR, InSAR, and in-situ methods for monitoring an active slope with an existing natural gas pipeline. The overall objective of the comparison research is to determine the reliability of the remote sensing methods compared with in-situ instrumentation for slope monitoring, that will ultimately reduce risk and increase pipeline infrastructure integrity. Related Webinar
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Lamontagne, M., K. B. S. Burke, and L. Olson. Felt reports and impact of the November 25, 1988, magnitude 5.9 Saguenay, Quebec, earthquake sequence. Natural Resources Canada/CMSS/Information Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/328194.

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The November 25, 1988, moment magnitude 5.9 (Mw) Saguenay earthquake is one of the largest eastern Canadian earthquakes of the 20th century. It was preceded by a magnitude (MN) 4.7 foreshock and followed by very few aftershocks considering the magnitude of the main shock. The largest aftershock was a magnitude (MN) 4.3 event. This Open File (OF) Report presents a variety of documents (including original and interpreted felt information, images, newspaper clippings, various engineering reports on the damage, mass movements). This OF updates the report of Cajka and Drysdale (1994) with additional material, including descriptions of the foreshock and largest aftershock. Most of the felt report information come from replies of a questionnaire sent to postmasters in more than 2000 localities in Canada and in the United States. Images of the original felt reports from Canada are included. The OF also includes information gathered in damage assessments and newspaper accounts. For each locality, the interpreted information is presented in a digital table. The fields include the name, latitude and longitude of the municipality and the interpreted intensity on the Modified Mercalli Intensity (MMI) scale (most of which are the interpretations of Cajka and Drysdale, 1996). When available or significant, excerpts of the felt reports are added. This OF Report also includes images from contemporary newspapers that describe the impact. In addition, information contained in post-earthquake reports are discussed together with pictures of damage and mass movements. Finally, a GoogleEarth kmz file is added for viewing the felt information reports within a spatial tool.
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Saldivar-Carranza, Enrique D., Howell Li, Jijo K. Mathew, Jairaj Desai, Tom Platte, Saumabha Gayen, James Sturdevant, Mark Taylor, Charles Fisher, and Darcy M. Bullock. Next Generation Traffic Signal Performance Measures: Leveraging Connected Vehicle Data. Purdue University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284317625.

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High-resolution connected vehicle (CV) trajectory and event data has recently become commercially available. With over 500 billion vehicle position records generated each month in the United States, these data sets provide unique opportunities to build on and expand previous advances on traffic signal performance measures and safety evaluation. This report is a synthesis of research focused on the development of CV-based performance measures. A discussion is provided on data requirements, such as acquisition, storage, and access. Subsequently, techniques to reference vehicle trajectories to relevant roadways and movements are presented. This allows for performance analyses that can range from the movement- to the system-level. A comprehensive suite of methodologies to evaluate signal performance using vehicle trajectories is then provided. Finally, uses of CV hard-braking and hard-acceleration event data to assess safety and driver behavior are discussed. To evaluate scalability and test the proposed techniques, performance measures for over 4,700 traffic signals were estimated using more than 910 million vehicle trajectories and 14 billion GPS points in all 50 states and Washington, D.C. The contents of this report will help the industry transition towards a hybrid blend of detector- and CV-based signal performance measures with rigorously defined performance measures that have been peer-reviewed by both academics and industry leaders.
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Map and tabulation of quaternary mass movements along the United States-Canadian Atlantic continental slope from 32 degrees 00 minutes to 47 degrees 00 minutes N. latitude. US Geological Survey, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.3133/mf2027.

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