To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Protest movements – Turkey.
Journal articles on the topic 'Protest movements – Turkey'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Protest movements – Turkey.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Doğu, Burak. "Political Use of Twitter in Post-Gezi Environmental Protests." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 12, no. 2 (September 13, 2019): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01202007.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Twitter has often been associated with recent social movements, particularly in the Middle East region. It was also used widely in Turkey during and after the nationwide Gezi protests of 2013. In this article, I study the political engagement practices on Twitter with a particular focus on the post-Gezi environmental protests, and reflect on how emergent protest ecologies are shaped through the participation of the diverse stakeholders. Based on an analysis of three environmental protests in Yirca, Iztuzu and Cerattepe, I highlight the role of Twitter as a political platform connecting players across protests. Findings indicate that Twitter plays a significant role in expanding protest networks and enabling the congregation of a wide variety of players, such as environmental movement organizations, media, political figures and activists who then help to sustain their resistance movements.
2
Bal, Haluk Mert, and Lemi Baruh. "Sustainability and communication practices in grassroots movements in Turkey following Gezi Park Protests: Cases of Dogancilar Park Forum, Macka Park Forum and Validebag Volunteers." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00074_1.
Full textAbstract:
Recent social movements, as exemplified by the informal organizations formed during and after the Occupy Movement in the United States and Gezi Park Protests in Turkey, are characterized by distrust towards institutional political bodies and hierarchical organizations (Boler et al. 2014). Also, the debate on the relationship between social movements and digital media technologies often highlights the opportunities that these technologies provide for ‘largely unfettered deliberation and coordination of action’ (Castells 2012). Scholars critical towards the concept argue that horizontal grassroots organizations may suffer from problems of continuity and formation of a durable movement (Calhoun 2013). This article aims to investigate the organizational characteristics and media practices of grassroots organizations that were established or mobilized following Gezi Park Protests, a nation-level social protest in Turkey. Drawing on participant observation of three grassroots social movement organizations in Istanbul ‐ Dogancilar Park Forum and Imrahor Garden; Macka Park Forum and Komsu Kapisi Association and Validebag Volunteers ‐ this analysis will aim to contextualize opportunities and obstacles associated with the horizontal structures of such movements. The article will particularly focus on the strategies that these organizations utilize to maintain the sustainability of the respective movements and approaches they employ in media and communication practices at a local level.
3
Alper, Emin. "Reconsidering social movements in Turkey: The case of the 1968-71 protest cycle." New Perspectives on Turkey 43 (2010): 63–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089663460000577x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe years between 1968 and 1971 in Turkey were unprecedented in terms of rising social protests instigated by students, workers, peasants, teachers and white-collar workers. However, these social movements have received very limited scholarly attention, and the existing literature is marred by many flaws. The scarce literature has mainly provided an economic determinist framework for understanding the massive mobilizations of the period, by stressing the worsening economic conditions of the masses. However, these explanations cannot be verified by data. This article tries to provide an alternative, mainly political explanation for the protest cycle of 1968-71, relying on the “political process” model of social movement studies. It suggests that the change in the power balance of organized groups in politics, which was spearheaded by a prolonged elite conflict between the Kemalist bureaucracy and the political elite of the center-right, provided significant opportunities to under-represented groups to organize and raise their voices.
4
Kreicberga, Zane. "POLITICAL ACTIVISM AS A FORM OF THEATRE." Culture Crossroads 8 (November 13, 2022): 146–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol8.172.
Full textAbstract:
Nowadays political activism can be considered as a form of theatre: its strategies and tactics often employ the means proposed by Brecht and other thinkers of the political theatre. However, there is a paradox if artistic activism is being practised exclusively in the artistic context, it can find itself in a deadlock. The article is dedicated to the phenomenon of artistic activism, exploring such examples as protest movements born in the UK “Reclaim the Streets” and “Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army”, “Nano-rallies” in Barnaul, Russia, the act of “The Standing Man” in Turkey, and the activities in media space by the American activist collective “The Yes Men”. The artists create the language and aesthetics of protest merging the borders of life, art and protest.
5
Hasan, Ezhan. "Why Regimes Repress: The Factors that Lead to Censorship of Social Media." American Journal of Undergraduate Research 16, no. 3 (December 29, 2019): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33697/ajur.2019.028.
Full textAbstract:
Social media have made it easier to create mass political action. Prominent examples include the Arab Spring movements, which took place in regions where information was previously tightly controlled by authoritarian regimes. Fearing radical change, several regimes have repressed social media use, but not all authoritarian regimes have taken the same measures. Previous research suggests that regime leadership is motivated to ensure its own survival but also influenced by a strong independent media and the need for citizens to vent grievances. To understand the relationship of these factors to social media repression, this research conducts a comparative process-tracing case study of Iran, Turkey, and Venezuela from 2004 to 2017, using a hypothesis-testing approach. It concludes with discussion of the findings for the nature of regime response to the role of social media in protest. KEYWORDS: Internet; Media; Protest; Authoritarian; Iran; Turkey; Venezuela; Comparative; Case-Study
6
Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.
7
Aytaç, S. Erdem, Luis Schiumerini, and Susan Stokes. "Protests and Repression in New Democracies." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 1 (March 2017): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716004138.
Full textAbstract:
Elected governments sometimes deal with protests by authorizing the police to use less-lethal tools of repression: water cannons, tear gas, rubber bullets, and the like. When these tactics fail to end protests and instead spark larger, backlash movements, some governments reduce the level of violence but others increase it, causing widespread injuries and loss of life. We study three recent cases of governments in new democracies facing backlash movements. Their decision to scale up or scale back police repression reflected the governments’ levels of electoral security. Secure governments with relatively unmovable majorities behind them feel freer to apply harsh measures. Less secure governments, those with volatile electoral support, contemplate that their hold on power might weaken should they inflict very harsh treatment on protesters; they have strong incentives to back down. Our original survey research and interviews with civilian authorities, police officials, and protest organizers in Turkey, Brazil, and Ukraine allow us to evaluate this explanation as well as a number of rival accounts. Our findings imply that elected governments that rest on very stable bases of support may be tempted to deploy tactics more commonly associated with authoritarian politics.
8
Holston, James. "Metropolitan rebellions and the politics of commoning the city." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618812324.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the remarkable wave of metropolitan rebellions that inaugurated the 21st century around the world (2000–2016). It argues that they fuel an emergent politics of city-making in which residents consider the city as a collective social and material product that they produce; in effect, a commons. It investigates this politics at the intersection of processes of city-making, city-occupying, and rights-claiming that generate movements for insurgent urban citizenships. It develops a critique of the so-called post-political in anthropological theory, analyzes recent urban uprisings in Brazil and Turkey, distinguishes between protest and insurgent movements, evaluates digital communication technologies as a new means to common the city, and suggests what urban citizenship brings to politics that the national does not.
9
TUNÇ, Ferit. "ANALYSIS OF DISCOURSES OF POLITICAL ACTORS IN TURKEY REGARDING SYRIAN REFUGEES IN THE NATIONAL PRESS." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 29 (January 15, 2022): 184–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.538.
Full textAbstract:
After the protest movements, which are described as the "Arab Spring", spread to Syria since the beginning of 2011, an important part of the Syrians, who had to leave their country with the civil war, took shelter in Turkey. Turkey has implemented an open door policy within the framework of humanitarian sensitivities in the face of this crisis. However, it did not remain indifferent to this influx for historical, religious and cultural reasons and tried to provide all necessary assistance from the very first moment.In the last ten years, the number of people who took refuge in Turkey has reached 4 million. This study focuses on the discourses of political actors in the national press regarding Syrians under temporary protection in Turkey. In this context, the news with the keywords “Syria” and “Syrians” in the newspapers YeniŞafak, Cumhuriyet and Hürriyet throughout 2017, when intense discussions were experienced in all areas regarding Syrian refugees, was analyzed by Van Dijk's discourse analysis method. According to the main findings of the study, it is seen that the discourses of political actors related to Syrians under temporary protection are shaped within the framework of discussions on living together, cooperation, economic burden, national threat and citizenship. In this context, it is understood that there are critical differences in the discourses of political actors belonging to the government and opposition.
10
Uysal, Mete Sefa, Yasemin Gülsüm Acar, Jose-Manuel Sabucedo, and Huseyin Cakal. "‘To participate or not participate, that’s the question’: The role of moral obligation and different risk perceptions on collective action." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 10, no. 2 (August 26, 2022): 445–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.7207.
Full textAbstract:
The current research investigates whether moral obligation and perceived close vs. distant risks of high vs. moderate risk collective actions are associated with willingness to participate in collective action in the case of Turkey. Two studies were conducted: one with re-placed university students after the July 15, 2016 coup d'état attempt (high-risk context; N₁ = 258) and one with climate strikes (moderate risk context; N₂ = 162). The findings showed that moral obligation predicts collective action in both studies, however, the strength of this relationship is contingent on the level of subjective likelihood of protest risk in the high-risk collective action (Study 1), but not in the moderate-risk collective action (Study 2). Study 2 extended the findings of Study 1 by showing that higher perceived climate crisis risks (e.g., extinction of many species, destroying the vast majority of vital resources; distant risk), but not risks of protest (e.g., being arrested, blacklisted; close risk) predicts higher willingness to participate in collective action. We discussed the role of moral obligation and different risk perceptions (e.g., distant, close, moderate, high) on climate movements and collective action of marginalized groups in repressive political contexts.
11
Çıdam, Çiğdem. "From Aesthetics of Resistance to Aestheticization of Politics." Critical Times 5, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 310–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9799702.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In 2016, as the Turkish military's “security operations” targeting Kurdish towns in southeastern Turkey were in full swing, a series of disturbing photographs began to appear on social media. The photographs, which showed soldiers posing in front of derelict houses covered with graffiti written only a few moments before, had an almost “playful” quality to them whereby the act of killing was presented as an object of amusement. To achieve this effect, those who shot the photographs appropriated certain aesthetic practices of resistance, specifically the use of street art by protest movements in Turkey. This article calls the appropriation of these practices and their presentation in the photographs “the grotesque mimicry of joyful dissent.” The photographs' mimicry seeks to serve multiple, and seemingly contradictory, purposes including the erasure of the memory of both the atrocities that were being committed at the time and the former struggles against the regime. What lies underneath this project of erasure and becomes visible in the photographs' display of power is the instability and fragility of the regime's violent rule, both within the region, which it treats as an internal colony, and beyond.
12
Mehdiyev, E. T. ""NEO-OTTOMANISM" IN THE REGIONAL POLICY OF TURKEY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-32-39.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the ideology of Turkey's foreign policy. The term "neo-Ottomanism" is increasingly used in recent years in relation to the Turkish foreign policy. The concept of neo-Ottomanism, which ideology is the Prime Minister Davutoglu, implies a relationship of foreign policy of modern Turkey with the historical heritage of the Ottomans and its focus on return "last Ottoman", taking into account today's realities. The author examines this phenomenon in the context of the regional policy of Turkey in this period. The main directions of the strategy of neo are the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, and the Balkans. Particular attention is paid to manifestations of neo-Ottomanism in the post-Soviet region and the Middle East, as well as "soft power" strategy in the Turkish neo-Ottomanism. Activities of Ankara in the regions belonging to the sphere of its geopolitical interests is carried out on political, economic, religious, cultural and educational levels. Rapprochement with the political and business circles of influence of countries in the region is aimed at the formation of pro-Turkish lobby. "Arab Spring" has given Turkey a historic opportunity to realize its neo-Ottoman ambitions and create a new order in the Middle East. Turkey's rapprochement with the Islamic world during the 'Arab Spring' demonstrated that Ankara supported in conjunction with the Western nations protest and opposition movements in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, aims to demonstrate to the West the growth of its influence in the region. Mediation is used in regional conflicts Turkish leadership as an instrument of "soft power", with which Ankara aims to increase its international and regional credibility. The result of "neo-Ottoman" Turkey's policy in relations with Russia became a serious crisis in all spheres of cooperation. Strategic mistakes made by the head of the republic R. Erdogan in the settlement of the Syrian crisis, may lead to instability of the entire region. The author considers the possible directions of neo-Ottoman Turkey's policy in the studied regions in the near future.
13
Ozturkcan, Selcen, Nihat Kasap, Muge Cevik, and Tauhid Zaman. "An analysis of the Gezi Park social movement tweets." Aslib Journal of Information Management 69, no. 4 (July 17, 2017): 426–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajim-03-2017-0064.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose Twitter usage during Gezi Park Protests, a significant large-scale connective action, is analyzed to reveal meaningful findings on individual and group tweeting characteristics. Subsequent to the Arab Spring in terms of its timing, the Gezi Park Protests began by the spread of news on construction plans to build a shopping mall at a public park in Taksim Square in Istanbul on May 26, 2013. Though started as a small-scale local protest, it emerged into a series of multi-regional social protests, also known as the Gezi Park demonstrations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach The authors sought answers to three important research questions: whether Twitter usage is reflective of real life events, what Twitter is actually used for, and is Twitter usage contagious? The authors have collected streamed data from Twitter. As a research methodology, the authors followed social media analytics framework proposed by Fan and Gordon (2014), which included three consecutive processes; capturing, understanding, and presenting. An analysis of 54 million publicly available tweets and 3.5 million foursquare check-ins, which account to randomly selected 1 percent of all tweets and check-ins posted from Istanbul, Turkey between March and September 2013 are presented. Findings A perceived lack of sufficient media coverage on events taking place on the streets is believed to result in Turkish protestors’ use of Twitter as a medium to share and get information on ongoing and planned demonstrations, to learn the recent news, to participate in the debate, and to create local and global awareness. Research limitations/implications Data collection via streamed tweets comes with certain limitations. Twitter restricts data collection on publicly available tweets and only allows randomly selected 1 percent of all tweets posted from a specific region. Therefore, the authors’ data include only tweets of publicly available Twitter profiles. The generalizability of the findings should be regarded with concerning this limitation. Practical implications The authors conclude that Twitter was used mainly as a platform to exchange information to organize street demonstrations. Originality/value The authors conclude that Twitter usage reflected Street movements on a chronological level. Finally, the authors present that Twitter usage is contagious whereas tweeting is not necessarily.
14
Aytekin, E. Attila. "A “Magic and Poetic” Moment of Dissensus: Aesthetics and Politics in the June 2013 (Gezi Park) Protests in Turkey." Space and Culture 20, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217697138.
Full textAbstract:
This article departs from analyses that underline the middle-class character of June 2013 (Gezi Park) protests in Turkey by focusing on the relationship between politics and aesthetics in the protest movement. The predominant form of protest in the movement was aesthetic political acts, which did not bring about any distinction based on class or cultural capital. Rather, the artistic practices and cultural symbols employed by protesters bridged gaps by bringing a large and diverse body of people around a common political position. The June protests constituted a moment of “dissensus” in the Rancièrean sense as the shared position was based on an essential claim for equality of the dēmos and the demands of the anonymous to be seen, heard, counted in, and to partake. The article focuses on the role Second New Wave poetry played in the protests, as the protesters appropriated the ironic and ambiguous verses of the Second New Wave poets to create a unified movement.
15
Odağ, Özen, Özden Melis Uluğ, and Nevin Solak. "“Everyday I’m Çapuling”." Journal of Media Psychology 28, no. 3 (July 2016): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105/a000202.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. This contribution examines the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey by drawing on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the slacktivism versus facilitation debate in the literature on digitally enabled collective action. Contrary to the slacktivism hypothesis that claims online collective action to lack an apparent impact on the real world, the current study indicates a facilitating role of online collective action in the Gezi Park protests. By means of a large-scale online survey (N = 1,127) and a subsequent latent path analysis, the study demonstrates that the endurance of the movement was kept alive by both offline and online collective actions. The relationship between offline/online action and protest motivations was mediated by three predictors of collective action derived from the SIMCA: perceived injustice, social identity, and perceived efficacy. Results show that protestors in Turkey, independent of whether they became active in the digital or the real world, were likely to protest again to the extent that they perceived developments in Turkey as unjust, identified strongly with the Çapulcus [Turkish for looters] as a social group, and perceived this group to be efficient in changing social injustice in the country.
16
Erol, Ali E. "Queer contestation of neoliberal and heteronormative moral geographies during #occupygezi." Sexualities 21, no. 3 (May 31, 2017): 428–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460717699768.
Full textAbstract:
During the summer of 2013, Turkey witnessed the largest protest movement in the history of the republic. The protests began with environmentalist concerns to save a public park in central Istanbul, Gezi Park, from becoming a shopping mall. However, in a matter of days, the protests turned into a reaction against what many protestors perceived to be the authoritarian rule of the prime minister at the time. While the mainstream protest discourses focused on reacting against such perceptions, which produced sexist and heterosexist discourses, queer discourses were centered on celebrating coexistence and diversity through resistance. Drawing on literatures of queer theory that focus on queer space and moral geography, this article builds on Foucault’s notion of heterotopic space. Using queer linguistics to investigate blog posts that were written at the time of the protest by queer individuals who were taking part in protest, this article investigates the ways in which queer discourses construct the moral geography of the Gezi Park and at the same time challenge neoliberal and heteronormative moral geographies.
17
Tunali, Tijen. "Humour as political aesthetics in street protests during the political Ice Age." European Journal of Humour Research 8, no. 2 (July 18, 2020): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2020.8.2.tunali.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses humour as a part of carnival aesthetics in urban social movements. It regards humour’s place in street protests as an aesthetic experience that brings forth an interplay of joy, imagination and freedom. Drawing from social movement theory regarding collective identity and collectivism, aesthetic theory and Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of carnivalesque, this paper examines the link between humour and carnival aesthetics in recent social movements. It argues that carnival laughter initiates a process of symbiosis that opens relationships with others and allows recognition of democratic diversity, aesthetic sensibility and political dignity—essential for the reconstruction of a new space that is resistant to the politically imposed world crisis. It asks: could humour be one of the social catalysts we need during the authoritarian turn in a political Ice Age instigated by conservative populism? Drawing on examples from the Gezi Movement in Turkey in 2013, the article demonstrates how humour is not just a tool to consolidate solidarities but a definitive aesthetic experience that, in the context of the street protests, becomes the antidote to hegemonic-sense-making mechanisms and the greyness of our collective thinking.
18
Snyder, Stephen. "Transvaluation and Aesthetic Displacement: Gezi Park and the Power of Art." Protest, Vol. 4, no. 2 (2019): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m7.026.art.
Full textAbstract:
The wave of demonstrations that developed out of the Gezi Park sit-ins manifested a form of aesthetic creativity that employed transvaluation and displacement in a way that set them apart from other protests in Turkey and the Arab world. Transvaluation and displacement were arguably among the primary forces that drove the protests following the forceful breakup of the Gezi Park sit-ins. The protests began when police forcefully removed sleeping demonstrators from Gezi Park. To most observers, the police use of violence to clear the park was deemed disproportionate, and the resistance countered the tear gas, truncheons, water cannons, and detentions with a level of aesthetic intensity that surprised detractors as well as supporters. The primary aim of the movement was to protect a park in the center of Istanbul, but the resistance represented a broad coalition of those who opposed what they perceived as the autocratic ruling style of then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. They ranged from anti-capitalist Muslims to students who simply opposed the Prime Minister’s Islamification of the Turkish public sphere. Examining the way in which transvalution and displacement were used as a response to the force employed by riot police at the direction of the Turkish government shows how political art was employed effectively in the Gezi Park protests. Keywords: aesthetics displacement, art and social power, Gezi Park, political, political art, politics and aesthetics, protest
19
Türkoğlu, Didem. "Student protests and organised labour: Developing a research agenda for mobilisation in late neoliberalism." Current Sociology 67, no. 7 (September 12, 2019): 997–1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119865768.
Full textAbstract:
Students have a long history of protesting the introduction or rise of tuition fees. However, political parties do not often endorse their demands. Even the centre-left, which is known for its redistributive policies, does not necessarily ally itself with the student opposition to fees. In this article, the author focuses on the impact of social movement–organised labour alliances on the opposition of political parties to government policy. The author argues that such alliances have a unique impact on centre-left parties, especially in relation to non-labour issues. Two examples of this alliance are presented, emerging from the quite different political contexts of Germany and Turkey. In Germany, student movements failed to block the introduction of tuition fees in 2006. However, in 2008–2011, after students established a deeper alliance with organised labour, tuition fees were scrapped. In Turkey, student movements had been protesting tuition fees for a quarter of a century before an alliance with labour gained the support of social democrats in 2011. These case studies suggest that labour–movement alliances are effective in shifting social democratic politics in higher education policy because of labour’s experience and know-how in alliance building with centre-left parties and the student mobilisation’s potential to make tuition fees an electoral issue cross-cutting party allegiances. This finding suggests that scholars need to take the degree of engagement in opposition alliances into account, in addition to union density, in order to more accurately measure the political power of organised labour. This point has implications for analysing a variety of policy outcomes in policy areas exposed to permanent austerity measures.
20
Acik-Toprak, Necla. "The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to Resistance." Ethnopolitics 12, no. 1 (March 2013): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2013.764607.
Full text
21
Kaptan, Yeşim. "Laugh and Resist! Humor and Satire Use in the Gezi Resistance Movement." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 5 (October 10, 2016): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341407.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses on the local humor employed in the Gezi Park Protests, one of the most widespread protests in the history of modern Turkey. By analyzing examples of widely circulated graffiti in the social media during and after the Gezi Park protests, I explore the role of socio-cultural and political humor in the protests as a form of resistance, which is intertwined in many ways with local popular culture, as well as global cultural forms of resistance used in anti-capitalist movements such as the Occupy Wall Street movement and public protests in Greece, Egypt, Algeria, and Spain. The humor and laughter in political processes manifests relation to traditional Turkish cultural forms. However, context-bounded humor originating from local meanings and traditional folk stories in the humorous graffiti of the Gezi Protests is considered not only an artistic and creative form of opposition to the conservative-religiousakpgovernment, but also a local response to global capitalism.
22
Baki, Betül. "The Making of a Protest Movement in Turkey, edited by Umut Özkırımlı." Southeastern Europe 40, no. 2 (June 14, 2016): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04002009.
Full text
23
KARAÇELİK, Ali Rıza. "THE YOUTH PROTESTS OF 68 GENERATION IN TURKEY." NEW ERA JOURNAL OF INTERDISCIPLINARY SOCIAL STUDIES 7, no. 14 (July 25, 2022): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/newera.187.
Full textAbstract:
The pro imperialist atmospher which became widespread after the 2. World War, found hars responses in many states. Especially since the beginning of the 1960s, it gave birth tothe ’68 generation’, whose name will be referred to as the events of 1968 in history and will guide the next period. This movement, wich contains discourses such as freedom equality and dependence and was accepted espsciallyamong the universty youth of the period, tried to change and transform everything that was contrary to its discourses. In this study, the structure of the period in which the 1968 events, know as the ’68 generation’emerged in Turkey and how they affected the society, will be discussed in the light of the events experienced during the period.
24
Giglou, Roya Imani, Christine Ogan, and Leen d’Haenens. "The ties that bind the diaspora to Turkey and Europe during the Gezi protests." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (November 30, 2016): 937–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675441.
Full textAbstract:
The Gezi Park demonstrations across Turkey in the early summer of 2013 offered another opportunity to examine the role played by social media in a social movement. This survey of 967 ethnic (Turkish or Kurdish) minorities living in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany focuses on attitudes and behaviors alongside uses of offline and online networks to make connections with others during and after Gezi. We investigate whether the respondents living in the diaspora experienced communication-generated social capital. We also examine whether the social capital already built through lives spent in Europe, where connections to majority populations had been forged, was at least temporarily reversed through a process of re-bonding, as ethnic minorities turned their attention and loyalty to the social movement in Turkey.
25
Polat, Ferihan, and Ozlem Ozdesim Subay. "Political Movement By Apolitical Activist: Gezi Park Protests." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 8 (March 30, 2016): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n8p106.
Full textAbstract:
Gezi Park Protests leaving its mark in the June of 2015, is understood from so many perspectives by national and international academicians. On the one hand, some social scientists recognize this movement as apolitical action by analyzing the identity of activist, on the other hand, some of them claims that this movement is a political one by pointing out that the aim of the movement is against the Ak Party Government especially Erdoğan himself. This study aiming to understand Gezi Park Protests puts forward that having apolitical identity of activists is not enough to recognize the movement as apolitical one and also claiming that having political action cannot be explained by the idea that the movement is just against the Ak Party Government. This study justifying that this movement cannot be explained by the idea of domestic political conflict and separation as Turkey is a part of global capitalist order, focuses on dimensions of crossing national borders. Beyond the evaluation of Gezi Park Protests as an international conspiracy, interpretation of this movement as a part of the growing public protests against the system on a global scale is a more plausible perspective to understand the multidimensional social reality.
26
Ölçek, Abdulsamet. "Anti-HEPP initiatives in Turkey as an example of environmental movement." Review of Nationalities 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2022-0010.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract As one of the developing countries, Turkey’s demand for energy is increasing. This demand has led Turkey to the use of renewable energy sources after the 2000s. In this context, HEPPs (Hydro-electric Power Plants) have come to the fore in energy production. However, the widespread use of HEPPs has led to an increase in environmental problems. The problems experienced were protested by various social segments and created social opposition in the process. As a result of these protests and social opposition, an anti-HEPP social movement emerged in the context of environmentalism, which is a social movement in Turkey.
27
Malysheva, D. "Political Development in Modern Turkey." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-84-91.
Full textAbstract:
The transformation of political system in Turkey resulted in creation of a pluralistic society, while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) – the winner of the country’s last five national elections – provides with the most relevant political model which is unique for the country with a predominant Muslim population. Turkey has made an impressive progress since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his populist AKP came to power in 2002. The country entered the G20, its GDP tripled, while exports increased fivefold. Turkey's role in international affairs has grown significantly. For more than a decade of Erdoğan's leadership, the government has undertaken a limited democratization process through amendments to the Constitution and steps to eliminate the military tutelage over the civil authority. Nowadays domestic political process in Turkey is characterized by the erosion of secularism and the planting of a moderate (“soft”) Islam. The ruling Turkish elite seeks to transform local society into a more conservative one. In April 2013, Erdoğan initiated discussion by Parliament to the proposed new Constitution, including the transition from a parliamentary to a presidential form of government. The major breakthrough has been reached in relations with the Kurds. In March 2013, a truce was attained with the jailed PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) leader Abdullah öcalan. The PKK forces retreated hereupon to bases in the autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan. The Kurdish party – Peace and Democracy – is presented in the Parliament, along with the ruling AKP (which takes 50% of the seats) and the opposition Republican People's Party. At the same time Turkey has already seen societal polarization since the 2013 Gezi Park protests (“the Turkish Spring”) which grew into a nationwide protest movement. This, however, did not affect the determination of the AKP to build a model based on the market economy, parliamentary democracy and Islamic traditions. This model may be in demand in other countries with a prevailing Muslim population. Turkey’s political system can also inspire Arab neighbouring countries, where – like in Turkey – the pro-Islamic ruling parties are actively looking for alternative forms of development.
28
Andaç-Jones, Elif. "The Gezi Protests in Turkey: On Movement Spirit, Coalition Building, and Responding to Authoritarianism." SAIS Review of International Affairs 40, no. 2 (2020): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.2020.0026.
Full text
29
Ozduzen, Ozge. "‘Cinema as a common activity’." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 3 (March 25, 2020): 436–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18071.ozd.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper is concerned with the ways in which mediating spaces like film festivals function as alternative public spheres when social movements escalate, arguing that the Istanbul International Film Festival and Documentarist right before, during and following the Gezi protests turned into politically and socially inclusive spaces for marginalised groups in Turkey. To account for how audiences and organisers aimed to transform these mediating spaces into socially inclusive and heterogeneous outlets during the Gezi protests, the paper relies on an audience ethnography in the sites of these film festivals from 2013 until 2017 including participant observation, go-alongs and in-depth interviews with audiences, film crews and organizers. Although the spaces of these two film festivals functioned differently, the article shows that film festival spaces generally transformed into cosmopolitan outlets in Istanbul in this period, opening room for a dialogue between marginalised and dominant groups, which was fed by social movements
30
Nadein-Raevskiy, V. A. "THE STRUGGLE OF IDEAS AND «THE NEW TURKEY»." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-22-31.
Full textAbstract:
A famous Islamic philosopher Fethullah Gulen backed up the nowadays president Erdogan in the beginning of creation of his Justice & Development Party (AKP). Gulen though backed up Erdogan criticized some of his actions. He was against the "Freedom Flotilla" that was sent be Erdogan to raise the blockade of Gaza sector. He visited the Roma Pope while defending the idea of the "Dialog of civilizations" and was sharply criticized for this visit by the Islamists. In 2013 he criticized Erdogan for the police attacks against mass demonstrations of protest in Istanbul. Besides he sharply criticized corruption of the AKP officials. Erdogan was irritated by this criticism. In spite of many common ideas of contemporary «moderated Moslems» - the supporters of Erdogan and followers of Gulen severe inter-political struggle among them lead to massive attacks against gulenist's "Hizmet" Movement and Nurcilar (Nur movement - the followers of anti-secular cleric Said Nursi). In respond "Hizmet" started a broad campaign against corruption and nepotism among the Erdogan's supporters. The latter charged gulenists in conspiracy activities against the ruling party and "betrayal of Turkey". They closed gulenist's educational schools and started the cleansing campaign against "Hizmet" in the state structures. This struggle may influence on the ideologic basement and the future of Turkey.
31
Aydin, Ulviyye. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis: New Negotiation Chapter In European Union-Turkey Relations." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (July 2016): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.2.102.
Full textAbstract:
Syria is one of the countries where a revolution wave named Arab Spring uprose in early 2011. The most radical discourse from Arab Spring into the still ongoing civil wars took place in Syria as early as the second half of 2011. At the beginning it was a civil protest against Assad’s government. Nobody could not estimate the future developments in Syria. The cost of the war in Syria increases every day. More than 250,000 Syrians have lost their lives in four-and-a-half years of armed conflict, which began with anti-government protests before escalating into a full-scale civil war. More than 11 million others have been forced from their homes as forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other - as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State. Mixed featured developments and longer resistance of Assad’s regime than estimated escalated tension in Syria in last four and half years. As a result, many countries in the Middle East, such as Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, also Turkey, Serbia, Germany, Sweden, Hungary, Austria, Netherlands, Bulgaria are the sides that should pay a cost of the Syrian war. These states spend a remarkable budget for the Syrian refugees. Economic expenditure is just one dimension of Syrian refugee crisis. Movement of Syrian refugees to the European countries passing Turkish borders is one of the biggest migration crisis of the modern world history. Considering multifaced impacts of the migration, the aim of this paper is to analyze the Syrian refugee crisis as a new negotiation headline between the Europan Union and Turkey.
32
Dorroll, Philip. "“Post-Gezi Islamic Theology: Intersectional Islamic Feminism in Turkey”." Review of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (August 2016): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2016.138.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe legacy of the 2013 Gezi Park protests has been controversial and its impact on Turkish politics difficult to assess. At the same time, there has been little reflection on contemporary Islamic feminist thinking in English sources. This essay argues that one important political and intellectual legacy of the Gezi movement has been the development of certain intersectional discourses in Islamic feminism in Turkey, whereby the shared experience of marginalization felt by pious Muslims, women, ethnic and religious minorities, and the LGBTIQ community has begun to broaden and complicate the scope of Islamic feminist discussions of liberation and social justice. By delineating and linking some important connecting threads of Islamic feminist theological thought in Turkey of the past 30 years, this essay will attempt to summarize key developments in the history of Islamic feminism in contemporary Turkey, demonstrating how they have led to new strands of intersectional feminist thinking in the post-Gezi era of Turkish politics.
33
Klein, Janet, David Romano, Michael M. Gunter, Joost Jongerden, Atakan İnce, and Marlies Casier. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 1, no. 1 (September 2, 2013): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v1i1.387.
Full textAbstract:
Uğur Ümit Üngör, The Making of Modern Turkey: Nation and State in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1950, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, 352 pp. (ISBN: 9780199603602).Mohammed M. A. Ahmed, Iraqi Kurds and Nation-Building. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, 294 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-137-03407-6), (paper). Ofra Bengio, The Kurds of Iraq: Building a State within a State. Boulder, CO and London, UK: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012, xiv + 346 pp., (ISBN 978-1-58826-836-5), (hardcover). Cengiz Gunes, The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey, from Protest to Resistance, London: Routledge, 2012, 256 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-415—68047-9). Aygen, Gülşat, Kurmanjî Kurdish. Languages of the World/Materials 468, München: Lincom Europa, 2007, 92 pp., (ISBN: 9783895860706), (paper).Barzoo Eliassi, Contesting Kurdish Identities in Sweden: Quest for Belonging among Middle Eastern Youth, Oxford: New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 234 pp. (ISBN: 9781137282071).
34
Pursley, Sara, and Beth Baron. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813001256.
Full textAbstract:
Interest in the study of space was already increasing in Middle East studies, as in other areas of scholarship, before the 2011 Arab uprisings and the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey—combined with the Occupy movement in the United States and similar phenomena elsewhere—turned worldwide attention to the politics of public spaces in the era of globalization and neoliberalism. This issue of IJMES reflects both the ongoing “spatial turn” in the scholarship and the more immediate and contingent attempts, sparked by recent events, to (re-)theorize public space in particular.
35
Dolgov, Boris V. "The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-655-670.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.
36
Turer, Ahmet. "Conservation of Heritage Structures in Turkey: Practice and Difficulties." Advanced Materials Research 133-134 (October 2010): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.133-134.31.
Full textAbstract:
Conservation studies in developing countries might have additional problems to those that are being experienced by leading developed countries. The problems and difficulties mentioned here do not reflect the common practice in Turkey and mostly list rare cases for information purposes. Countries located in Asia and Middle East have rich structural heritage, in number and significance, which are sometimes even a few millenniums old. On the other hand, often times financial or bureaucratic constraints make the conservation studies more difficult, while technical problems remain to be an issue. It is quite interesting that sometimes having available financial support for conservation studies turns out to be the main source of problem, since quick and not well thought interventions end up damaging hundreds of years old surviving structures, rather than conserving them. Other most common application problems include use of Portland cement in humid environments causing salt contamination (which is now widely being avoided), infilling and freezing cracks that used to work as seasonal water table movement based motion or thermal expansion joints that are cyclic in nature, covering the structure to protect but forming unintentional green house effect – micro climates forming fungus, improper drainage to cause support settlements, removing earth fill or structural members to cause structural movements and cracks, strengthening parts of a flexible structure only to make it more rigid and cause to attract more earthquake forces, disable its energy dissipating mechanisms, applying improper chemicals, using incompatible material or irreversible techniques etc. are just a few to mention. The problem solution strategies in conservation studies should include internationally accepted conservation rules. Multi disciplinary teams are always recommended since combination of various expertise areas are mutually needed in conservation studies; architects, geotechnical and structural engineers, geology and material science specialists, archeologists, art historians are among the most important team members. Analytical modeling and simulations, on-field non destructive testing, instrumented monitoring (SHM), and small scale field treatment tests are recommended to be merged and used in conservation studies, because conventional methods or commercial repair/treatment materials available over-the-counter may not always suitable for a given specific case. Reversibility, minimum intervention, and respect to authenticity should be among the main principles to avoid serious conservation problems.
37
Resdifianti, Femri, Dini Septianti Nurkhasanah, and Ratih Kusuma Dewi. "TUNTUTAN MASYARAKAT TERHADAP KELUARNYA TURKI DARI KONVENSI ISTANBUL." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v6i1.302.
Full textAbstract:
On March 20, 2021, Turkey withdrew from the Istanbul Convention, a human rights treaty against violence against women and domestic violence. The decision was inseparable from the demands of the Turkish people in the public sphere, who intensively lobbied the Turkish government to reject and withdraw from the Istanbul Convention. This article aims to analyze the influence of Turkish public demands on Turkey's decision to leave the Istanbul Convention using Habermas' public sphere theory. The author first describes Turkey's anti-gender discourse and movement. This anti-gender movement is backed by a pro-Islamic and traditional pro-gender ruling government. President Erdogan even expressed his disapproval of the feminist movement and the concept of gender equality. In addition, the author also describes the political background in Turkey's exit from the Istanbul Convention. The writing method uses a descriptive qualitative approach with a literature review technique. The result of this research is that the Turkish people use the public sphere to form and disseminate public opinion in the form of demands to reject and withdraw from the Istanbul Convention. The intense lobbying efforts of the Turkish people in the public sphere show that they can influence and mobilize the state to protect family values in Turkey, thus prompting the Turkish government to decide to leave the Istanbul Convention.
38
Bilgin, Recep, Seydali Ekici, and Fatih Sezgin. "Turkey’s syrian policy under justice and development party rule after 2009." Revista Amazonia Investiga 11, no. 56 (October 18, 2022): 264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2022.56.08.26.
Full textAbstract:
The Justice and Development Party's Syria policy has followed a volatile and pragmatic line. Prior to 2011, when the Arab Spring began in Syria, strategic cooperation was established within the framework of liberal and zero-problem policies with neighbors. When Turkey's democratic reform proposals against the opposition movements that emerged in 2011 did not realize, Turkey changed its position against the Assad regime and started to support the opposition. During this period, weapons aid was also given to the dissidents. Later, with the involvement of Russia and the USA, the balances in Syria changed and Turkey turned to defensive policies that would protect its internal and border security. In this context, military operations were carried out against Syria. However, these operations were carried out with the consensus of Russia and the USA. Although the JDP declared the Assad regime to be an enemy after 2011, it has come to the point where it is possible to negotiate with the Assad regime in the later period. This study makes a process analysis of Turkey's changing Syria policy.
39
Kolluoğlu, Poyraz. "Umut Özkırımlı, ed., The Making of a Protest Movement in Turkey: #occupygezi. New York: Palgrave Pivot, 2014, xx+154 pages." New Perspectives on Turkey 52 (May 2015): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2015.10.
Full text
40
Gundlach, Erich R., Murat Cekirge, Robert Castle, Hamish Reid, and Paul Sutherland. "OIL SPILL RESPONSE AND EQUIPMENT FOR THE BTC PIPELINE SYSTEM IN TURKEY." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2005, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 1099–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2005-1-1099.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT The BTC (Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan) Project includes a 42 in (107 cm) crude oil pipeline extending west from the Caspian Sea across Azerbaijan (433 km, 260 mi), through Georgia (250 km, 150 mi), and then southward through eastern Turkey (1076 km, 645 mi) to a new marine terminal at Ceyhan on the Mediterranean Sea. In Turkey, the pipeline crosses significant mountainous terrain (>2800 m, 8,500 ft), several major rivers as well as five fault zones. The marine terminal includes 7 storage tanks and a 2.7 km (1.6 mi) jetty able to handle two 300,000-dwt tankers simultaneously. The system is designed to transport 1 million barrels per day (∼145,000 t/day). The oil spill contingency plan is designed to protect sensitive areas, catchment basins, and to prevent the migration of spilled oil. Sensitive features were determined by pre-construction surveys and risk analyses, and updated by additional fieldwork focusing on the potential movement and impacts of spilled oil. Response guidelines based on risk and logistics determined the location of equipment depots and the level of equipment necessary to recover Tier 2 spill volumes. Pipeline equipment and depots are selected to rapidly recover spilled oil and to prevent its downslope and downstream movement. The marine response strategy focuses on protection of adjacent lagoons by on-water containment at the berthing area using an oil spill response vessel (OSRV), tugboats, and other workboats, and various lengths and types of booms, skimmers and storage capabilities.
41
Unal, Didem. "“Are You God? Damn Your Family!”: The Islam–Gender Nexus in Right-Wing Populism and the New Generation of Muslim Feminist Activism in Turkey." Religions 13, no. 4 (April 16, 2022): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040372.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities, practices, and subjectivities that confront the epistemological conditions whereby right-wing populist (RWP) gender politics operates in Turkey. Relying on frame theory in social movement research and the Foucauldian approach to resistance, dissent, and protest, it explores Muslim feminist critique of RWP gender discourse mainly with a focus on the following issues: (i.) Instrumentalization of the headscarf, (ii.) familialist policies, and (iii.) violence against women and the Istanbul Convention (the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence). As a result, it demonstrates that young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities and subjectivities generate a new “political project”, i.e., a set of new meanings and social goals directed at bringing about social change, which comes into being through the act of resistance against RWP gender grammar and carves out new forms of knowledge reclaiming the Islam–gender nexus for a progressive feminist agenda.
42
Collinsworth, Didem Akyel. "Cengiz Güneş, The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to Resistance, (London, UK: Routledge, 2012), 185 pp. ISBN: 978-0-415-68047-9." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 68–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785328-00501008.
Full text
43
Abgaryan, Jetta, George Chakhvadze, Levan Jakeli, and Jānis Grasis. "Reconciling Conflicting Interests of Coastal and Riparian States: The Hard Case of Black Sea Straits." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 1, no. 19 (2021): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.19.2020.1.195-200.
Full textAbstract:
There are two basic understandings of the regime of the Black Sea straits: the Black Sea straits as a legal regime and the Black Sea straits as a political regime [1]. The legal assessment of the Black Sea Straits regime requires determining what the existing regulation of the Straits is, how open the Straits are to international navigation, and if closed, whether there are real legal grounds for closing straits while the reference to the Black Sea Straits as a political regime allows for the possibility that straits may be closed for ensuring the security of Turkey and the Black Sea riparian states [1]. It is worth noting that arguments advanced by international legal scientists on the Black Sea straits as legal regime fundamentally differ from each other. Some scientists consider the Montreux Convention to be a major problem in the legal regulation of the Black Sea straits. They consider it necessary for Turkey to recognise the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea as a legally binding treaty [2]. Others argue that the main problem in regulating the Black Sea straits is the unilateral regulations adopted by Turkey (1994, 1998 and 2003 Regulations), which, in their view, violate the basic norms of the Montreux Convention, especially the regime of free passage through the straits established by this Convention [3; 4]. Another group of scientists believes that although the regime of the Black Sea straits is significantly restricted by Turkish unilateral regulations, these acts are aimed at protecting the marine environment and safety, and, therefore, the Turkish policy of regulating the Black Sea Straits is legally justified [1; 5]. This article is dedicated to the international legal regulation of navigation in the Black Sea Straits. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the current regime of the Black Sea Straits, the relationship and differences between the regime established by the Montreux Convention and the unilateral acts adopted by Turkey on the regulation of traffic in the Black Sea Straits, and to answer the question whether the urgent need to protect the natural environment and maritime safety entitles Turkey to restrict the regime established by the Montreux Convention. Thus, special attention will be drawn to the Montreux Convention, the rules and recommendations adopted by the International Maritime Organisation and the case law of international courts. In the view of the authors, the environmental and safety arguments put forward by Turkey for restricting navigation through the Black Sea Straits have two conceptual dimensions. First, these arguments are acceptable when it comes either to introducing norms related to the movement of ships to ensure safety of navigation or providing an obligation of notification to the Turkish authorities [6]. Another important thesis advanced by this article is that in each particular case, the regulations adopted by Turkey should be interpreted in the light of the recommendations made by the International Maritime Organisation. The main rationale of this argument is that under the existing regulations, Turkish authorities can still suspend the movement of ships in the straits for various reasons, some of which are quite vague. However, the article showcases that Turkey can, in case of pressing environmental need, when there is an urgent interest in the protection of the natural environment, act with the motive of protecting the natural environment, regardless of whether this action derives from a particular international treaty.
44
Gunes, Cengiz. "A COMMENT ON MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN'S REVIEW OF CENGIZ GUNES, THE KURDISH NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN TURKEY: FROM PROTEST TO RESISTANCE (IJMES 45 [2013]: 643–45)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 4 (October 9, 2014): 843–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001329.
Full textAbstract:
I am humbled that Martin van Bruinessen, a leading figure in the field of Kurdish Studies, has reviewed my book in IJMES. However, the review contains a number of inaccuracies and misrepresentations with which I take issue in this response.
45
Harrington, Heather. "«Get in Your Theatres; the Street is Not Yours»: The Struggle for the Character of Public Space in Tunisia." Nordic Journal of Dance 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njd-2017-0012.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract How people move and appear in public spaces is a reflection of the cultural, religious and socio-political forces in a society. This article, built on an earlier work titled ’Site-Specific Dance: Women in the Middle East’ (2016), addresses the ways in which dance in a public space can support the principles of freedom of expression and gender equality in Tunisia. I explore the character of public space before, during, and after the Arab Spring uprisings. Adopting an ethnographic and phenomenological approach, I focus on the efforts of two Tunisian dancers – Bahri Ben Yahmed (a dancer, choreographer and filmmaker based in Tunis, who has trained in ballet, modern dance and hip hop) and Ahmed Guerfel (a dancer based in Gabès, who has trained in hip hop) – to examine movement in a public space to address political issues facing the society. An analysis of data obtained from Yahmed and Guerfel, including structured interviews, videos, photos, articles and e-mail correspondence, supports the argument that dance performed in public spaces is more effective in shaping the politics of the society than dance performed on the proscenium stage. Definitions and properties of everyday choreography, site and the proscenium stage are analysed, along with examples of site-specific political protest choreography in Egypt, Turkey and Tunisia. I engage with the theories of social scientist Erving Goffman, which propose that a public space can serve as a stage, where people both embody politics and can embody a protest against those politics.
46
Arda, Balca. "The Construction of a New Sociality through Social Media: The Case of the Gezi Uprising in Turkey." Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation 2, no. 1 (October 2, 2015): 72–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tjcp.v2i1.22271.
Full textAbstract:
During Turkey’s Gezi Park Protests in the summer of 2013, millions of people became connected as fellow pro- testers. In the early days of the Gezi movement, the increase in participatory activism through social media made visible the police brutality exercised in the last days of May 2013 against a small group of environmentalists who were protecting Gezi Park from being demolished in order to build a shopping mall. Throughout Turkey’s political history, there has been no other example of this kind of spontaneous mass movement resisting the state apparatus with the large participation of diverse groups and self-convened protesters, without any dominant ideological appeal or leader affiliation. In this article, I will analyze the ways in which these patterns of contra- dictory interactions formed, evaluated, or triggered various types of social relationships, by critically examining the content of viral images, memes, and widely shared posts by Gezi protesters on social media. In the absence of internal cohesion or an ideological and organizational agenda, I argue that widely shared viral images, memes, and text messages provided the content to collaboratively construct and publicly frame the autonomous logic of the “Gezi spirit” by the Gezi protesters. I aim to analyze this new understanding of collective identity in autono- mous logic processed through social media as a being-with (mit-sein), rather than a fusion of the individual to an enigmatic we-ness in order to represent “I”. I claim that this autonomous collectivity is driven by fluidarity as a public experience of the self in relation to the other without intermediary apparatuses and hence can be conceptualized as having built a new sociality.
47
van Bruinessen, Martin. "Cengiz Gunes, The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to Resistance, Exeter Studies in Ethno Politics (London and New York: Routledge, 2012). Pp. 244. $136.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 643–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000779.
Full text
48
Kornetis, Kostis. "Cultural Resistances in Post-Authoritarian Greece: Protesting the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus in 1974." Journal of Contemporary History 56, no. 3 (February 4, 2021): 639–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420961455.
Full textAbstract:
The July 1974 invasion of Cyprus by Turkey caught the Greek Colonels (1967–74) off guard, as they proved entirely incapable of responding to the casus belli, partly provoked by their own actions. Greece remained technically in the state of military mobilisation for about four months and with the democratic transition well underway. This article catalogues the ways in which this conflict mobilised Greek civil society in unprecedented ways. Using oral testimonies, press clippings and three major documentaries of the time (Nikos Koundouros’ The Songs of Fire, Michael Cacoyannis’ Attila 74, and Nikos Kavoukidis’ Testimonials), the article dissects the cultural resistances against the war in one of the most traumatic moments in contemporary Greek history. It analyses the gigantic concerts that took place in the largest stadiums of Athens to protest the war, next to mass demonstrations and popular films protesting the invasion. It argues that these cultural events and artifacts re-enacted facets of the anti-Vietnam War movement and the respective countercultural scene in the US of the late 1960s. The article concludes that these modes of cultural and political resistance activated post-authoritarian Greek civil society, renegotiating the parameters of political participation and partly resetting the agenda of the country’s foreign policy following popular demand.
49
Malashenko, A. "Conflicts in the Middle East: prospects for escalation in the context of general regional instability in the 2020s." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-120-132.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses Middle Eastern conflicts in the early 2020s. The main focus is on the situation in Syria, Libya, and Yemen, three Middle Eastern conflicts that are progressing, with no solution in sight. These conflicts motivated by social, economic and political reasons became a progression of those protests that have started in 2011 and have been called “The Arab Spring”. These “revolutions” have been promoted by Islamist movements and groups whose activity became one of key factors of perpetual tensions in the region. So far, attempts by conflict parties to find consensual solutions have remained rather unsuccessful. Positive resolution of actual and potential conflicts in the Greater Middle East to a significant extent still depends on external regional and non-regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, Iran, and the United States. However, each actor involved in these conflicts and in conflict management pursues its own goals. These actors try to retain their positions and influence in these Middle Eastern countries and in the region as a whole. According to the forecast made in the article, more conflicts in the region may be foreseen (in Iraq, the Persian Gulf states etc.) that could form the next wave of the “Arab Spring”.
50
Bayraktar, Sevi. "Choreographies of Dissent and the Politics of Public Space in State-of-Emergency Turkey." Performance Philosophy 5, no. 1 (November 30, 2019): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.21476/pp.2019.51269.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates a recent period in which dissenting activism has been shifted in Istanbul under the state of emergency (2016-2018). Based on an ethnography conducted with activists in feminist and LGBTQI+ demonstrations, anti-emergency decree vigils, and the Presidential Referendum protests, the study discusses how activists resist and undermine mobilization of violence through using the hegemonic tools of repression tactically, and choreographically. By employing Hannah Arendt’s concepts of “politics” and “isolation,” I examine that state agencies like the police forcefully disperse protesters and display authority, oppression, and occupation of public spaces by constantly creating an atmosphere of fear and insecurity. In opposition, dissenters practice and rehearse dispersal as a resilient choreography to once again relate each other against the forces of isolation. I suggest the term “tactics of dispersal” to define and analyze how activists depart from the central assembly of the social movement to create smaller, mobile, and ephemeral assemblies. In the city-scale, by scattering themselves in the city of Istanbul and mobilizing peripheries of the urban space, dissenters re-choreograph and subvert a thanatopolitical strategy of dispersal in favor of pluralism under political hardship. In the bodily-scale, activists claim the public sphere through the transience of folk dance. Whenever protesters depart from folk dance collectives to create new ones, they perpetually re-configure the area and initiate novel actions contingent upon their temporal and positional assessments during the dance. Such tactical applications of dispersal characterized by the smaller scale and transitory gatherings with ever-changing combinations of bodies at the peripheral space of urban activism manifest its great potential for collective agency and plural politics.