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1
Ignatovskiy, Yaroslav R., Dmitriy G. Mikhailichenko, Vladimir G. Ivanov, Nikolai A. Evdokimov, and Maria A. Pushkina. "Protestnyye nastroyeniya v Rossii na fone Yevropeyskikh gosudarstv: analiz keysov 2017-2019 godov." Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (March 30, 2020): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.12.
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The last two years of development of the Russian political system were characterised by the protest mood increasing. Social discontent and various forms of political protest have become a noticeable element of social and political life. It is symptomatic that the protest mood develops during electoral campaigns (that predetermined the victory of the opposition in the elections in a number of regions), and also as a result of development and implementation of the current governmental processes. Considering that elections have been held in the majority of Russian regions during 2017-2019, the attention to the protest movement from various political actors will increase. The authors analyze the forms, main actors and technologies of protests, worked out their typology based on case studies. The current protest mood in Russia is compared with the situation in several EU countries (primarily in France, as well as in Portugal, Poland, Serbia and Greece). In conclusion of the article will be presented the forecasts of the socio-political situation development in the Russian Federation.
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Sokolov, Aleksandr, and Asya Palagicheva. "FEATURES OF POLITICAL MOBILIZATION OF CITIZENS IN PROTEST IN MODERN RUSSIA." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-82-95.
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The article deals with the concept of political demobilization of citizens. The weakening of citizen participation in protests is regulated through political demobilization, which divides and reduces the ability of social movements to develop. The processes of demobilization in modern Russia are most clearly reflected in the conflict between the participants of collective actions and the authorities. The applied mechanisms of demobilization have an impact on the political behavior of citizens, the development of civil activity in general, as well as on the further interaction between the government and society.Based on the data of an empirical study conducted by a survey of experts in the subjects of the Russian Federation in the period from 2014-2020, as well as the analysis of a number of protest campaigns by the case study method, the impact of demobilization measures on civil activity, the system of interaction between the authorities and society, and the reaction of citizens to the demobilization actions of the authorities is revealed.The increase in mobilization processes in 2020 indicates the existing imbalance in public relations. The increased intensity of the implementation of measures to counter protest activity leads to radicalization of online activity, the growth of apathy and social tension offline.
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Antoshin, V. A., A. V. Antoshin, and K. I. Kolesnikova. "Protest potential and protest activity of modern Russian youth: value dominants, dynamics and trends." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 12 (December 2021): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.12-21.093.
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This study analyzed the phenomenon of youth protest activity in modern Russia. The purpose of the work is to identify the specifics of the formation and development of the phenomenon of youth protest in the Russian Federation. Currently, there is an increase in social tension among young people, which is due to a large number of phenomena and factors. By analyzing the cases of protest activity in the Russian Federation over the past 10 years, their causes, mechanisms of organization, actors, stages, resources, and results have been identified in the dynamics. Based on the analysis of the results of sociological studies of protest activity of modern Russian youth and cases of protest activity, the article analyzes value orientations, dynamics and trends in the development of this phenomenon, presents concepts containing an analysis of the specifics of social protest, considers factors associated with the strengthening of various effects of the influence of digital communications on the political interaction of citizens and processes associated with the complexity of the nature and structure of political communication. Two structural levels of the system of social factors of protest behavior are identified: individual protest behavior and protest social movement, the most significant factors of protest social activity of young people are characterized. Based on the analysis of the results of a number of sociological studies devoted to the study of the role of digital communications on the protest social activity of Russian youth, it is concluded that the influence of digital networks on the political activity of citizens is increasing, while at present there is not a decrease in the civic activity of young people, but a change in the models of their participation in political events.
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Makarenko, Kirill. "Online and Offline Protest Discourse in Modern Russia." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2022): 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.1.19.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the formation and spread of protest discourse in new practices of protest behavior. Online rallies, which appeared in 2020 in the public space of Russia, remained an unobtrusive practice, despite their potential applicability within the framework of a single logic of “competitive politics”. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on the theory of “relative deprivation” (T. Garr), “competitive politics” (C. Tilly) and the theory of “network society” (M. Castells). As specific research methods, the author used a selective analysis of cases of protests in the period 2018–2021 (42 actions in 26 regions of the Russian Federation), as well as discourse analysis, which made it possible to determine the topic of protest actions. Analysis. The political discourse of protest is a communicative space for the construction of common symbols and identity of the movement. The formation of discourse takes place in the online space, which is due to the development and simplicity of communication between individuals. Results. On the basis of the analysis, some conclusions were drawn about the specifics of the formation of protest discourse in the online environment: 1. Discourse is formed in open online platforms, such as groups in VKontakte, Telegram chats or Internet forums; 2. Protest communities are engaged in information and mobilization functions regardless of the number of participants (at the same time, the effectiveness of audience engagement and, as a result, feedback will differ significantly); 3. The main topic of protest actions is represented by opportunistic problems of a civil nature, where there is an immanent opportunity for the transformation of discourse into a political (anti-political) one; 4. The most popular (the number of likes and comments) are posts in groups on social networks containing a direct call to participate in rallies, as well as short emotional slogans and memes.
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Agapov, Pavel, and Vera Smyslova. "Prosecutor's Supervision over Law Enforcement in Countering Extremism in the Conditions of Radicalization and Growth of the Protest Activity of Population: Issues of Theory and Practice." Russian Journal of Criminology 14, no. 6 (December 30, 2020): 855–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2020.14(6).855-871.
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In spite of the undertaken legislative, organizational, law enforcement and preventive measures, the Russian Federation witnesses a trend towards an increase in extremism crimes. The key methods of destabilizing the socio-political and socio-economic situation in Russia include the dissemination of political, religious, nationalistic ideas that acquire the features of extremist ideology and provoke certain groups of citizens to forcible counteraction to the state; they also provoke the escalation of internal and external extremism threats from «pro-western political forces». It is stated that the most urgent problems currently include radicalization, and the involvement of underage children and young people into protest and extremism activities. The authors use the results of a survey of prosecution bodies’ employees in their analysis of the causes and conditions of the radicalization of Russian young people as well as the assessment of the effectiveness of the work of state bodies to counteract the activities of radical unions and groups using religious and extremist ideology. The authors present a brief analysis of the causes of radicalization, protest activities and manifestations of extremism among young people taking Southern and North Caucasian Federal Districts of the Russian Federation as examples. Using the conducted analysis of the condition of law and order and the practice of law enforcement in the sphere of counteracting extremism, the authors conclude that law enforcers make a number of mistakes in the application of criminal law norms with administrative prejudice (Art. 212.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation), in the interpretation of the concept of «social group» when qualifying crimes of extremism, in the legal assessment of the activities of sub-culture (mainly, youth) movements and unions when prosecutors exercise their right to petition courts with administrative claims to recognize information materials as forbidden for dissemination on the territory of the Russian Federation, as well as on recognizing unions as extremist and banning their activities. In this connection, the authors draw attention to the necessity of changing approaches to the organization of procuratorial supervision over the enforcement of laws on counteracting extremism in the conditions of radicalization and a growing protect activity of the population, they point out deficiencies in the conducted work, and present a number of specific measures aimed at improving the effectiveness of procuratorial supervision in the sphere of counteracting extremism in the conditions of radicalization and a growing protest activity of the population.
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Ross, Wiktor. "Instytucja prezydenta w systemie politycznym Federacji Rosyjskiej." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 1, 2011): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.3.
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This article presents the course that passed the political system of USSR going from the old soviet structure to the modern form of the state. Total economic and political crisis forced the last General Secretary of the Communist Party Mikhail Gorbatchev to seek the new political institutions and were helpful in the process of maintaining socialist character of the state and social relations and, simultaneously, to carry out the changes of the political system which became necessary. These efforts were a failure because of strong resistance, on the one hand, communist nomenklatura and the other hand, the new democratic movement in the Russian Federation conducted by Boris Yeltsin and independent movements in Soviet Republics. After the trial to stop the process of reforming of the state undertaken by communist leaders of USSR during coupé d'etat in August 1991 the initiative passed to the democratic forces in Russia. The fall of the USSR and foundation of the CIS as the platform of the reintegration of Post-Soviet area started the new stage of the political conflict in the Russian Federation. The objective needs occurred in the process of reforming of the economic structures, growing of the protest attitudes, necessity to relief the mood of the local authorities in order to attain their support for the course of modernization, pushed President Yeltsin to concentrate enormous power. The old Soviet Constitution was more comfortable for such political conditions than modern solutions based on the power's division in three branches - Parliament, Government and independent jurisdiction. Contradictions of the Post-Soviet period brought to the deep conflict between President Yeltsin and Supreme Soviet in October 1993. The defeat of the conservative forces in this confrontation meant the end of Soviet system in Russia, however political system that was created on such ground had authoritarian features, which was used all Yeltsin's presidential decade bringing, as a result, the system very far to the principles of the democracy.
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Лагутин, О. В. "МОДЕЛИ ОНЛАЙН-МОБИЛИЗАЦИИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ПРОТЕСТА СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИЙСКОЙ МОЛОДЕЖИ (РЕЗУЛЬТАТЫ ЭМПИРИЧЕСКОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ)." Konfliktologia 16, no. 1 (April 14, 2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2021-16-1-9-20.
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The paper considers the problem of empirical search for models of online mobilization of the youth protest movement in the modern Russian metropolis. In the political practice of many countries, young people have become one of the most important objects of influence of various political actors, both internal and external. Also, in Russian political protest, young people are traditionally the driving force. In the last decade, the online environment has become the most effective and operational communication field for the construction of the political process. The greatest political impact was achieved by the online organization of protest actions, the key element of the strategy of which was the mobilization of the masses. The objectives of the study are to use multidimensional methods of analysis to identify the features that influence the formation of online mobilization models, and to give a descriptive description of each of the models. To study the problem, an online survey of representatives of the younger generation in all megacities of the Russian Federation was conducted, during which latent factors of political action in the online environment, online mechanisms for attracting the attention of users of social networks to political problems that play the role of a protest trigger, and types of political participation were identified. With the help of classification methods, the obtained factors were obtained four models of online mobilization of the political prosthesis of the youth of modern Russia.
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Shabaev, Yuri. "YOUTH CHALLENGE IN THE RUSSIAN PERIPHERY: THE SITUATION OF YOUTH IN KARELIA, KOMI, UDMURTIA, MARI EL AND MORDOVIA." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 3 (2021): 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.305.
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The article analyzes the views developed and positions taken by young people from the so-called "Finno-Ugric republics" of the Russian Federation. This analysis is based on a series of surveys conducted in the five republics in 2020, as well as on official statistics and other materials. It is shown that the multilateral crisis that takes place in these republics has a serious impact on the positions and orientations of the young people and it results in an increase of their protest sentiments, a decrease of their trust in regional and federal political institutions as well as other negative phenomena. The mass migration of young people away from their republics represents the main form of their protest. At the same time, a rather high degree of the young people’s readiness for active protest actions has been recorded. The significance of ethnicity for the social and cultural positioning of the young people is minimal. Ethnic conflicts do occur, but they are mostly of a routine and latent nature. Generally, young people support the idea of equality of representatives of all ethnic groups in the political and social life of the republics. The few ethnic prejudices present among the youth are more likely to be a consequence of the lack of an active integration policy in the regions rather than a result of an ethnic nationalist ideology or propaganda spread by ideologists and activists of ethnic movements. The majority of young people are not interested in ethnic organizations, and the influence of the older generation and its values (including the values of traditional culture) is limited, because the cultural environment of young people is formed primarily under the influence of information communication networks and Internet resources. Ethnic ideals and values do not fit into this space, which explains why the ethnic movements of the Finno-Ugric peoples lack a youth audience.
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DMITRIEV, S. S. "DIGITAL MOBILIZATION OF THE PARTY ELECTORATE (USING THE EXAMPLE OF THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN TO THE STATE DUMA OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN 2021)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 3 (2021): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2021-16-3-69-80.
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The purpose of the work is to determine the mechanisms of digital mobilization of the party electorate in the Internet. This problem is being updated due to the increasing popularity of the protest agenda among the population of the country, the pandemic of coronavirus infection and, as a result, the popularization of Internet resources, the change in the ways of obtaining new information among Russians in the 20s of the XXI century. As part of the study, the author conducted an expert interview of party workers, SMM-specialists, representatives of the scientific community. Also, the groups of United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were monitored in VKontakte for the tonality of information and the mechanisms of citizen mobilization presented, using content analysis. As a result of the analysis, the author came to the opinion that the feature of modern digital mobilization in 2021 is the pedaling of «covid» issues. The author identifies two modes of the tonality of mobilization: creative, based on party projects and volunteer movement, and protest, which is based on collective actions against the policies of the party in power. The paper draws conclusions according to which in 2021 the role of social media has changed, if earlier they acted more for the dissemination of information, then in modern realities within the framework of this topic they are used as tools for uniting people and motivating them to collective actions, whether it is voting or taking to the streets (rallies, marches, demonstrations).
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Boltivets, Sergij, and Olga Okhremenko. "Psychology of Terrorism: Intimidation by Destroying One’s Own Life in the Donetsk Basin." Internal Security 13, no. 1 (September 27, 2021): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.2900.
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The article presents the psychological genesis of terrorism in eastern Ukraine, referred to as the Donetsk Basin, during the Soviet era, which resulted from prioritising coal over the lives of Ukrainians affected by famine, executions, evictions and repression imposed by Russians. The replacement of the ethnic composition of the population by people from Russia led to the formation of a group of colonisers of Ukraine. This required creating an atmosphere of constant tension, fear and criminalised violence. As a consequence, the Donetsk Basin has become a favourable environment for Russians and their supporters, who were potentially prone to terrorist acts, and the most dangerous category of such persons — suicide bombers. The paper describes the emergence of a wave theory concerning terrorism in Europe, radical movements in Ireland, Macedonia, Serbia, Italy and Spain, as well as the current state of terrorism in Italy, Germany, Japan and many other countries. It covers the first terrorist act of Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine near the village of Kamyanka, in the Donetsk region, where a checkpoint of the Armed Forces of Ukraine was attacked by a suicide bomber using a minibus loaded with explosives. It was also a place where other similar terrorist acts took place and the manifesto of Australian terrorist Brenton Tarrant was distributed in the centre of Ukraine by a terrorist group from the Russian Federation in order to involve prone persons in subversive activities on racial and religious grounds. The study was created using a nonparametric typology, based on the analysis of at least two parameters: the nuclei of vulnerabilities (targets of influence) and the features of intrapsychic formations arising under their influence. This allowed identifying five psychotypes of potential suicide bombers: of a person who has lost emotional connection with the outside world; of a fanatic of faith, associated with the activation of ‘mortido’ — the desire for death; of a fanatic of an idea, which considers the cessation of life as a spiritual transformation, and martyrdom as an integral element of the spiritual path; of a potential suicide bomber associated with extreme manifestations of protest behaviour; persons with psychopathic changes in personality structure. The paper establishes the prevalence of these psychotypes and comparative possibilities of influencing each of them.
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Litvinova, T. N. "Territorial disputes in the North Caucasus as a source of regional instability." Journal of Law and Administration 17, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2021-2-59-3-12.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to territorial interethnic disputes in the North Caucasus of the Russian Federation, both “frozen” and ongoing, and their impact on regional political processes.Materials and methods. The theoretical and methodological foundations of the study are the concept of ethnic boundaries and social distance by F. Barth, the works on ethnopolitical conflicts by D. Horowitz, M. Toft, as well as the research of Russian scientists, such as A.V. Avksentiev, D.A. Dmitriev and others. For the North Caucasus, the issue of land ownership, the historical territory of the people has always been painful, it has been the main reason for and factor of interethnic distancing. This research is based on: 1) analysis of official documents of federal and regional authorities; 2) studying declarations of ethic movements and interviews of politicians; 3) media monitoring; 4) classification and situational analysis.Results. The considered territorial disputes in the North Caucasus can be classified in terms of the factors underlying the conflicts: territorial disputes as consequences of deportation (North Ossetia and Ingushetia, Dagestan); the problem of divided peoples (Lezgins); disputes over unsettled land ownership (Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia and Dagestan); disputes over administrative boundaries (Chechnya and Ingushetia, Chechnya and Dagestan).Discussion and conclusion. Taking into account the fact of significance of the “historical territory” for the North Caucasian peoples, the resolution of territorial disputes should be carried out with respect for historical memory, with the involvement of conciliation procedures that have strong traditional foundations in North Caucasian societies. Territorial conflicts and grievances lead to mobilization of the people, the growth of protest moods and regional political instability, therefore land issues should be resolved with the involvement of the public opinion. This will help to avoid clashes on an ethno-territorial basis and increase the trust in the authorities.
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Mironova, O. A. "RESPONSIBILITY FOR VIOLATION OF THE ESTABLISHED ORDER OF MOVEMENT WITHIN THE TERRITORY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Scientific Notes of V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Juridical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2) (2022): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1733-2021-7-3(2)-35-41.
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Human and civil rights and freedoms are recognized as an inalienable value by the state. One of the most pressing and controversial rights at the present stage is the right to freedom of movement. The article analyzes the current legislation regulating the issues of liability for violation of the established procedure for movement, including in the context of the spread of a new coronavirus infection. The author comes to the conclusion that restriction of the right to freedom of movement is a mechanism for the protection and implementation of another human right — the right to protect the health of citizens, which is due to the fact that COVID-19 is recognized in Russia as an infectious disease that poses a danger to others. The right of governors and governments of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation has been substantiated, in accordance with the norms of the current legislation, to introduce restrictive measures aimed at preventing the spread of coronavirus infection, but only by order of the Chief State Sanitary Doctor of the Russian Federation.
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Easter, Gerald M. "Policing Protest in Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.4.74.
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As Russia’s post-communist regime descends deeper into authoritarianism, protest politics has become a regular feature of the political landscape. As such, President Putin increasingly faces the “dictator’s dilemma”: How much coercion to deploy against protesters without incurring a social backlash against the regime? That question more generally is now part of analytical consideration in comparative scholarship on social movements and contentious politics. This article contributes to the comparative discussion, first, through an elaboration of an original conceptual typology of protest-policing strategies, applicable to democratic and authoritarian regime types. Second, the article applies this conceptual scheme to Russia to illustrate the variant protest-policing strategies employed during the post-communist period. The research explains how Putin’s authoritarian regime responded to the challenge of the dictator’s dilemma by enacting protest-policing reforms. Inspired by policing trends in the Western democracies, these reforms entail a shift from confrontation-based to containment-based tactics. The article shows variation and adaptation in the way protesters were policed across Russia’s transition from unconsolidated democracy to consolidated authoritarianism. Finally, the article suggests the consequences of protest-policing reform for the ruling regime.
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Kazantseva, E. V. "LEGAL REGULATION OF RESTRICTIONS ON FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT DURING THE SPREAD OF COVID-19." Scientific Notes of V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Juridical science 7 (73), no. 1 (2021): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1733-2021-7-1-211-217.
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The article analyzes the norms of international and national legislation regulating the procedure for re-stricting the right of a person (a citizen of the Russian Federation and a foreign citizen) to freedom of movement and the grounds for such restriction. It is concluded that the restriction of human rights to freedom of movement is a consequence of the protection of the highest human value «the right to protect human health». Based on the study of legal acts of constituent entities of the Russian Federation with different names, such as «the emergency», «On the restriction of the right to freedom of movement and the introduction of high alert» and so on, taken to prevent the spread of coronavirus infection (2019-nCoV), the author points out the shortcomings of the highest officials of subjects of the Russian Federation in the preparation and adoption of legal acts, which restricted the right of citizens to freedom of movement on the territory of the Russian Federation.
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Roe, Alan. "The Forest in the Metropolis: Elk Island (Losinyi Ostrov) National Park and the Disappointments of the Russian National Park Movement." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 45, no. 3 (September 21, 2018): 287–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-20181303.
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A 116 square-kilometer section of forest in the northwest part of Moscow, Elk Island National Park (Losynyi ostrov) became Russia’s first in 1983. Russian environmentalists became enamored with national parks through increased interaction with Western colleagues, Russian environmentalists, including the supporters of Elk Island National Park, asserted that the USSR’s lack of national parks demonstrated that Russian environmental protection efforts lagged behind the West. This strategy was successful in pushing the government to establish national parks, including Elk Island. However, Russian environmentalists have had much less success in convincing government officials to support, protect, and develop national parks, even as they frequently asserted that its failure to do so cast Russia in a bad light before the international community. Because of its highly visible location in Moscow, Elk Island’s struggles have been a particularly painful reminder for Russian environmentalists of the Russian Federation’s seeming disinterest in national parks.
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Aliaksandr, Herasimenka. "Movement Leadership and Messaging Platforms in Preemptive Repressive Settings: Telegram and the Navalny Movement in Russia." Social Media + Society 8, no. 3 (July 2022): 205630512211230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051221123038.
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People who lead anti-authoritarian digitally enabled movements face a leadership visibility dilemma—a necessity to balance security with publicity while mobilizing followers. The article asks how the reliance on instant messaging platforms (IMPs) to coordinate protest internally shapes the response to this dilemma revealed through internal movement organizing analysis. Our case study is social media protest mobilization by Alexei Navalny’s movement in Russia in 2017. We rely on semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis of communication on Telegram during this mobilization. We offer a theory of leadership in an IMP-organized anti-authoritarian movement. It suggests that the use of messaging platforms during social media protest mobilization enhances capacities for visibility management and polycentricity in such movements. It also fosters the emergence of a specific type of protest movement leader—or shadow anti-authoritarian leadership—that is collective, polycentric, and concealed.
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Davydova, M. A. "Mass Political Protests in the Russian Federation 2020–2021: Triggers, Technologies, Information Flow Infrastructure." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 11, no. 4 (January 29, 2022): 162–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2021-11-4-162-168.
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The article presents the results of applied political research, which is to determine the triggers, technologies, and infrastructure of mass political protests in Russia from 2020 to 2021. The implemented event analysis allowed us to establish that the protest mobilisation is carried out in two stages: the primary — based on actions around the protest symbol, the secondary — based on dissatisfaction with the existing political regime, the socio-economic situation, and the actions of law enforcement agencies. Cognitive mapping allowed us to establish that the active use of affective methods of forming discourses enables us to ensure users’ emotional involvement in protest information flows, which affects their attitude to them. Cybermetric analysis has demonstrated that the features of Telegram as a protest platform allow for effective mobilisation and moderation of protest activity.
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Rieter, Eva. "The “Arctic Sunrise” Case (Netherlands/Russia) (ITLOS)." International Legal Materials 53, no. 4 (August 2014): 603–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.53.4.0603.
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In September 2013, officials of the Russian Federation boarded the vessel Arctic Sunrise, an icebreaker flying the flag of the Netherlands. The vessel, operated by Greenpeace International, was present in the Russian Federation’s Exclusive Economic Zone in order to protest against the operation of the offshore fixed oil platform Prirazlomnaya. Russian authorities detained the Arctic Sunrise itself and all persons on board the vessel, initially based on an accusation of piracy.
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Nikonova, Zhanna, Valery Bukharov, and Inna Yastremskaya. "Political Coloring of Adjectives in German Political Discourse." Nizhny Novgorod Linguistics University Bulletin, Special issue (December 31, 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.47388/2072-3490/lunn2020-si-73-92.
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The article analyzes the functional potential of basic adjective color-coding in modern German political discourse, illustrating cases of its political connotation. Using a variety of linguistic research methods, the authors examine functional peculiarities of color adjectives such as rot, orange, gelb, grün, blau, and violett in German-language texts related to politics. Specific examples show that all these adjectives are politically colored, demonstrating the realization of both traditional and contemporary meanings that reflect modern realities of German socio-political life. The research also reveals the frequency of conveying specific values through the usage of color adjectives in the German political discourse. It is established, for instance, that the most frequent is the color adjective grün, used in non-fiction political texts to designate the political party Die Grünen and shedding some light on its style of governing and the political position of its electorate. Within the political discourse of modern Germany this color designation is also a verbal marker of ecological and environmental concerns as well as the color of hope. The authors also discuss such additional meanings of grün as “extracted from natural sources, renewable” in the phrase grüne Energie and “misleading in terms of environmental effects or environmental influence something causes” in the phrase grün waschen. The second most frequently used basic color meaning in German political dis-course is the color designation rot, traditionally symbolizing blood, terror, revolution, and war, as well as struggle, protest movements, mass demonstrations, and campaigns. It also denotes a specific form of a country’s political system and remains the main color of left-wing parties, expressing adherence to certain political parties and the style of their government. In addition, this color code serves as a strong warning in situations of grave danger and, in texts on political topics, often symbolizes the Russian Federation and everything related to it. The least frequent is the color designation violett, which can express membership in the political party Die Violetten. It is the color of the German public association Aktionsbündnis Amoklauf Winnenden and retains vital importance as a sign of warning in emergency situations (such as natural disasters, etc.). The results of the study contribute new information on the semantic space of color codes to the field of political linguistics and modern German studies, illustrating political connotations of basic color codes in German.
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Tanina, Maria Alekseevna, Igor Alekseevich Yurasov, Vera Alexandrovna Yudina, and Olga Alexandrovna Zyablikova. "Digital Protest Activity in Provincial Cities of Modern Russia." Общество: социология, психология, педагогика, no. 10 (October 30, 2020): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/spp.2020.10.1.
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Digital protest in Russian provincial cities is funda-mentally different from such protest activity of met-ropolitan cities. The typical forms of digital political protest activity in metropolitan cities is oppositional political activity, while in the provincial cities the most popular topics on social networks are: solving hobbies-related issues, environmental issues, local socio-economic problems, such as the problems of defrauded equity holders etc. Despite the apparent interest in the elections, opposition parties and movements, residents of the Russian provincial cit-ies do not trust the major popular leaders of the political opposition in large cities and metropolitan areas. This testifies to the split of Russia into a country of metropolitan cities and a country of pro-vincial ones, different value systems of provincial and capital Russia, which may negatively affect the development of the political situation in the future.
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Minakov, Mikhail. "The Protest Movements’ Opportunities and Outcomes: The Euromaidan and the Belarusian Protest–2020 Compared." Protest 1, no. 2 (February 23, 2022): 272–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01020004.
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Abstract This paper compares the mass protests in Ukraine (the Euromaidan of 2013–14) and Belarus–2020 in the recent decade. The author tests the hypothesis that social movements successfully challenge the ruling groups if protests are sufficiently supported by Western governments, if autocratic regimes are not strong and consolidated, and if the regional tendencies are supportive of the protesters’ cause. Based on the comparative analysis of the two cases, the author concludes that the hypothesis is in general correct for Eastern Europe, but should be more nuanced: it should pay attention to the external influences of both Western states and Russia; it should note that the strength of an autocracy may create new opportunities for the challengers; and that it should take into account the changing nature of regional tendencies, which can be of democratization, autocratization, or some mixture.
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Zerchaninova, T. E., and N. P. Mudretsova. "On prevention of youth protest activity." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 10 (October 2021): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.10-21.107.
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Researched is the problem of prevention of protest activity of Russian youth. The years 2020–-2021 in Russia were marked by an increase in youth protest activity. Young people have moved from passive civic participation to active protest actions. The purpose of the study is to study the possibilities for youth to implement constructive forms of civic engagement and identify ways to prevent youth protest activity. To conduct the research, the following methods were used: a questionnaire survey of Russian youth aged 14 to 35, inclusive, 2) analysis of official documents regulating work with youth. As a result of a survey of young people, a high level of protest activity of Russian youth over the past 3 years and a high protest potential were revealed. The analysis of official documents revealed various possibilities for the implementation of constructive forms of civic engagement by young people. In general, the analysis of public documents of the state authorities of the Russian Federation and the constituent entities of the Russian Federation organizing work with youth indicates the expansion of constructive practices of youth participation in the implementation of youth policy, the activities of local communities and the range of opportunities for self-realization, which is an essential factor in the prevention of youth protest activity.
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Zhuravel, Valery. "An extraordinary incident in the Arctic Council." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 1 (2022): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics11220228289.
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On March 3, 2022, in protest against the special military operation of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, seven states of the Arctic Council, including Denmark, Iceland, Canada, Norway, USA, Finland, and Sweden, issued a joint statement refusing to participate in meetings chaired by the Russian Federation and on its territory. The author assesses this extraordinary incident, predicts how Russia will plan and conduct its chairmanship during 2022, and what the Arctic Council may expect in the future.
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Doroshenko, E. N. "Constitutional Law Foundations for the Restriction of Human Rights in Connection with the New COVID-19 Pandemic." Actual Problems of Russian Law 15, no. 12 (December 30, 2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2020.121.12.048-056.
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The paper investigates the issue of legal grounds for introducing restrictive measures in order to protect the population in the territory of the Russian Federation in connection with the spread of a new coronavirus infection. Complying with the requirements contained in the decrees of the President of the Russian Federation, the highest officials of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation have issued decisions on the introduction of the high-alert regime, including prohibitions on implementation of certain economic activities, free movement of citizens and vehicles, mass events. Despite the adoption of relevant amendments, federal legislation in the field of protection of the population from emergencies, as well as other federal laws have not defined conditions, terms and the scope of possible limitations. Therefore, the implementation of constitutional human and civil rights was subject to the content of the by-laws. Analysis of Art. 55 and 56 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation allows the author to enunciate the basic requirements for the system of restrictive measures to combat the spread of infection and identify its shortcomings.
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Robertson, Graeme B. "Managing Society: Protest, Civil Society, and Regime in Putin's Russia." Slavic Review 68, no. 3 (2009): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900019719.
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Postcommunist Russia has become a paradigmatic case of contemporary authoritarianism in which elections coexist with autocratic rule. In this paper, Graeme B. Robertson argues that it is vital for the stability of such hybrid regimes for incumbents to maintain an image of political invincibility. This means intensively managing challenges both during elections and in the streets. To do this, Vladimir Putin's regime has built on the Soviet repertoire of channeling and inhibiting protest, creating a new system for licensing civil society and crafting ersatz social movements that rally support for the state. This contemporary style of repression has become a model for authoritarian regimes in the post-Soviet space and elsewhere.
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Kulaev, Maksim. "Lifestyle Media and Changing Political Perceptions Among Russian Protesters in the Second Half of the 2000s." Russian Politics 6, no. 3 (July 29, 2021): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00603005.
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Abstract Protests in today’s Russia are still influenced by trends emerged in the 2000s. According to Graeme B. Robertson, in the second half of the 2000s, the repertoire of the Russian protest changed and direct actions were replaced by symbolic actions. The article argues that protest trends and changes in the repertoire of actions were accompanied by the formation of widespread political perceptions among protesters. These perceptions reflected and influenced transformations of Russian protest movements. The article analyzes political discourses of three lifestyle media outlets, namely Afisha, Bol’shoi Gorod, Esquire, GQ and Epic Hero. All of them drew attention to protests and elaborated their own vision of preferable protest methods. This vision denounced direct actions and advocated constructive and non-antagonistic relations between protesters and the authorities.
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Bronnikov, Ivan A., Grigory F. Belousov, and Mikhail V. Gorbachev. "Factors of Formation and Development of Regional Environmental Protest Movements in Modern Russia." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Filosofiya, sotsiologiya, politologiya, no. 59 (February 1, 2021): 214–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/1998863x/59/20.
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Kuksa, Tatiana L. "Activism and Patient Vulnerability: Resistance to Medical Authority and Regulation in Russia." FOLKLORICA - Journal of the Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Folklore Association 26 (July 29, 2022): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/folklorica.v26i.18369.
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The paper analyzes the opposition and adaptation of Russian patients, independent perinatal specialists, and professional human rights activists to normative regulation of obstetric care, medical authorities, and the practices of the Russian maternity hospital. During my ethnographic research, I have collected personal stories about the clashes of women in labor and their assistants (primarily doulas) with the medical system, stories of collective and individual appeals to authorities, and protest flash mobs. The article presents the history of the transformation of the Russian system of obstetrics and the development of grassroots movements by midwives and doulas. It outlines the features of human rights and perinatal protest discourses and identifies the tactics of legal and vernacular resistance and non-resistance to medical authorities encountered during fieldwork.
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Surzhko-Harned, Lena, and Andrew J. Zahuranec. "Framing the revolution: the role of social media in Ukraine's Euromaidan movement." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 5 (September 2017): 758–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1289162.
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The role of social media as a tool of mobilization, communication, and organization of social movements has been well documented since the Arab Spring. The public information posted on social media sites also presents researchers with a unique tool to study protests movements from within. The proposed study utilizes the theoretical foundation of issue framing literature and examines the social media framing of the Ukrainian Euromaidan protest movement. The original dataset traces the activities of the users on the social media site Facebook from 21 November 2013 to February 2014. While foreign media sources portrayed the Ukrainian crisis as a geopolitical struggle, the results of our analysis show that the participants of the protest conceptualized their movement in terms of domestic issues and an anti-regime revolution rather than a geopolitical crossroad between the EU and Russia. This study contributes to our understanding of the role social media sites play in the activities of protest movements, such as Euromaidan. Furthermore, it highlights the importance of social media as a tool of issue framing on par with the traditional sources of framing such as mass media and political elites.
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Titov, Viktor Valerievich. "National Security of Modern Russia: Humanitarian and Sociocultural Challenges." Общество политика экономика право, no. 9 (September 2020): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2020.9.2.
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The paper discusses the main cultural, information-al-psychological and humanitarian challenges of the beginning of the XXI century, directed to Russian society and having a significant impact on national security of the Russian Federation. The author iden-tifies five most notable challenges: informational and psychological; political, associated with the growth of protest moods; “digital” challenge to the public administration system; as well as the chal-lenges caused by the factors of the quality of life of Russian citizens and the amorphousness of the image of the future. It is emphasized that the devel-opment and implementation of state policy aimed at a systemic response to the above challenges will take place in a new information landscape, further intensive development of digital technologies. It is noted that in order to solve the problem of ensuring the humanitarian and socio-cultural security of Rus-sia, it is necessary to have a dialogue between the state represented by the current government and various – including protest – segments of society in order to develop conventional grounds for the for-mation of a nationwide image of the future, which has a prominent value-semantic and symbolic con-tent, as well as significant consolidating potential.
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Kreicberga, Zane. "POLITICAL ACTIVISM AS A FORM OF THEATRE." Culture Crossroads 8 (November 13, 2022): 146–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol8.172.
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Nowadays political activism can be considered as a form of theatre: its strategies and tactics often employ the means proposed by Brecht and other thinkers of the political theatre. However, there is a paradox if artistic activism is being practised exclusively in the artistic context, it can find itself in a deadlock. The article is dedicated to the phenomenon of artistic activism, exploring such examples as protest movements born in the UK “Reclaim the Streets” and “Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army”, “Nano-rallies” in Barnaul, Russia, the act of “The Standing Man” in Turkey, and the activities in media space by the American activist collective “The Yes Men”. The artists create the language and aesthetics of protest merging the borders of life, art and protest.
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Isaev, Gumer. "Russia and Egypt: Conflicts in the Political Elite and Protest Movements in 2011–2012." Journal of Eurasian Studies 5, no. 1 (January 2014): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2013.10.003.
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Nagorniy, Ermakova, Chernikova, and Kiosova. "DISEASE OF SERVICE DOGS WITH DIROFILARIASIS ON THE TERRITORY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PARASITIC DISEASE CONTROL, no. 20 (May 14, 2019): 388–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31016/978-5-9902340-8-6.2019.20.388-393.
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Service dogs are an important source of distribution and maintenance of dirofilariasis foci in various territories due to the frequent change of their places of service and movement throughout Russia. The aim of our work was to study the dynamics of infection of working dogs and their role in the spread of dirofilariasis. On the basis of Federal Budget Institution of Science of Rostov Institute of Microbiology and Parasitology, studies of the invasion of dogs by dirofilariasis have been conducted from 2000 to the present. In 2018, 159 blood samples of dogs from different territories of the European part of Russia were examined using the blood larvoscopy method after concentration in 3% acetic acid with subsequent staining according to Romanovsky-Giemsa. The results of a survey of dogs that arrived in Rostov-on-Don to protect socially significant objects in June 2018 showed that the prevalence of infection of working dogs was 13%. Animals from the territories of central Russia were infected in 16.6% of cases, the same indicator in dogs from the territories of southern Russia was 9.1%. The infection of service dogs of Dirofilaria repens was 8.7%, Dirofilaria immitis – 1.4%, and mixed infection was detected in 2.9% of the dogs. In the south of Russia, the prevalence of dogs with Dirofilaria immitis and mixed invasion is prevalent, while Dirofilaria repens dominates in the central zone. Analyzing the data obtained and previous research results, one can note the fact that active preventive measures have led to a decrease in the incidence of dirofilariasis among working dogs. However, the average extensiveness of this dog invasion remains high.
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Ivanov, Oleg. "Typology of social protests in the subjects of the Russian Federation in 2019." Политика и Общество, no. 1 (January 2022): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0684.2022.1.32019.
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The subject of this article is the dynamics of protest activity of citizens in the regions of Russia following the results of the I-III quarters of 2019, the typology of protests, their causes and prospects, forms and mass character, as well as the impact of such protests on the formation of public demand and the policy of the federal authorities in 2020. There are such categories of protests as political, social, environmental and urban planning, as well as labor protest. The most typical examples of protests in each category are given. The research methodology is based on a qualitative and quantitative analysis of sources, primarily publications in federal and regional mass media. The main conclusions of the article are the constructive reaction of the federal authorities to the public request expressed in the civil protests of 2019, while previously such requests usually remained unanswered. In particular, the President stated the need for fundamental changes to the Constitution of the country, primarily related to the system and procedure for the formation of state authorities.
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Evans, Mihail. "The Future of Representative Politics." Theoria 67, no. 164 (September 1, 2020): 118–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2020.6716405.
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This paper examines claims made about political representation in recent work on global protest, focusing on two very different authors. Tormey champions the anti-representative claims of various radical movements while Krastev assumes the stance of those political insiders who deplore the failure of protesters to work within established representative institutions. Both turn to examples which seem to best support their positions. Tormey to anarchist inspired movements in Spain and Mexico, his argument being that political representation has been succeed by what he variously calls ‘immediate representation’ and ‘resonance’. Krastev’s focus is Russia, Thailand and Bulgaria. His argument is that protest in these countries can be seen are ‘a collective act of exit’ by middle classes that no longer seek political representation. Using the theorisation of political representation in Rosanvallon’s Counter Democracy, I suggest that the global waves of protest of recent years are nothing inherently novel but can be seen as part of the elaborate and complex process of representation that is argued to have always existed beyond and outside of official elected legislative bodies. In conclusion, I suggest that Macron’s turn to citizen’s assemblies can be seen as informed by just such an understanding of political representation.
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Gavrilov, Sergey Dmitrievich, Sergey Anatolevich Pankratov, and Diana Kachabekovna Azizova. "Conditions and technologies for minimization of protest activity of the Russian youth in the context of modern media discourse in digital environment." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.36896.
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This article is dedicated to the analysis of protest activity of the Russian youth in the context of the institutionalization of the global digital politics. The contradictions existing in the Russian political system are viewed in the form of conflict, which determines the specificity of the reproduction of protest activity of the representatives of youth cohort. The ambiguities in implementation of state policy manifest as the trigger for the formation of protest activity, including mobilization of social activity of youth in constructive / destructive behavioral practices. Research methodology is comprised of the concept of social action in interpretation of M. Weber, T. Parsons, J. Habermas, as well as the theory of social changes developed by P. Sztompka, which allows relying on the thesis of the mutual interaction of structures in relation to the actors in terms of analysis of youth protest. Interpretation is given to the results of discourse analysis of political media texts on the Internet that was conducted by the authors. The scientific novelty consists in determination of the existing expert opinions on the conditions necessary for minimizing protest activity of the youth, as well as most widespread technologies used for their implementation. Of particular importance are the results of the original empirical study that allow interpreting the two positions, which reflect the opinion within the professional environment on the role of youth in protest movement of the Russian Federation, forming the so-called “ideological foundation” for further reasoning on the state and social activity related to protesting youth.
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Gavrilov, Sergey Dmitrievich, Sergey Anatolevich Pankratov, and Diana Kachabekovna Azizova. "Conditions and technologies for minimization of protest activity of the Russian youth in the context of modern media discourse in digital environment." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 4 (April 2021): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.36896.
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This article is dedicated to the analysis of protest activity of the Russian youth in the context of the institutionalization of the global digital politics. The contradictions existing in the Russian political system are viewed in the form of conflict, which determines the specificity of the reproduction of protest activity of the representatives of youth cohort. The ambiguities in implementation of state policy manifest as the trigger for the formation of protest activity, including mobilization of social activity of youth in constructive / destructive behavioral practices. Research methodology is comprised of the concept of social action in interpretation of M. Weber, T. Parsons, J. Habermas, as well as the theory of social changes developed by P. Sztompka, which allows relying on the thesis of the mutual interaction of structures in relation to the actors in terms of analysis of youth protest. Interpretation is given to the results of discourse analysis of political media texts on the Internet that was conducted by the authors. The scientific novelty consists in determination of the existing expert opinions on the conditions necessary for minimizing protest activity of the youth, as well as most widespread technologies used for their implementation. Of particular importance are the results of the original empirical study that allow interpreting the two positions, which reflect the opinion within the professional environment on the role of youth in protest movement of the Russian Federation, forming the so-called “ideological foundation” for further reasoning on the state and social activity related to protesting youth.
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Riekkinen, Mariya, Serikhan Adilghazi, and Aliya Tasbulatova. "Protected or Neglected?" International Journal of Children’s Rights 27, no. 3 (August 9, 2019): 482–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02703004.
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The aim of this article is to study the nexus between the autonomy of minors in implementing the right to peaceful assembly and the best interests of the child in safety. We consider the issue, taking Russia as an example, where the past tradition of denying children’s legal personality still surfaces in modern legislation dealing with the rights of the child. Pursuing child-sensitive practices of minors’ participation in protest are of special importance for Russia, where the legislation uses the term, “the legitimate interest of the child”, different in scope to, “the best interests of the child”. Our meta-question, hence, is whether the legal system of the Russian Federation allows full respect for minors’ autonomy in implementing participation rights while adequately addressing vulnerability of children. The article scrutinises a body of rules governing participation of under-aged persons in protest rallies which are stipulated by constitutional and administrative law going back to the practices of the Soviet era and referring to the standards of international law.
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Sokolov, Alexandr, and Asia Palagicheva. "Prerequisites for ecosystem approach in civic ac- tivity’s organization in modern Russia (part 1)." Political Expertise: POLITEX 18, no. 3 (2022): 272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2022.303.
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The paper is devoted to identify the features of the development of civil and protest activity in modern Russia in the context of the development of digital services and platforms that serve as a prerequisite for the creation of ecosystems in politics. The article presents the results of a monitoring study conducted by a survey of experts in the regions of the Russian Federation from 2014 to 2021. The study also used the results of the analysis of a number of protest campaigns. The theoretical part is devoted to the review of concepts for understanding ecosystems and their specific characteristics, as well as the development of ecosystems in the socio-political sphere. As a result, a number of features of civic activity ecosystems were formulated: the development of digital forms of civic and protest activity, the use of digital services and platforms, multi-channel communication, multiple collaborations, cooperation and horizontal interaction of participants. The ecosystem of civic activity is defined as a set of digital services that form a single interaction infrastructure, as well as the creation of coalitions and cooperating partnerships acting in the interests of their creators. The empirical research`s base contains the results of a survey of experts and an analysis of protest campaigns. In the Russian regions, there is a development of offline and online civil and protest activity, while digital forms of civil action are developing at an accelerated pace. These processes are accompanied by the complication of the structure of internal and external interaction of activists through services and platforms, the totality of which forms the digital infrastructure. Coordination and cooperation of public associations with partners and activists is carried out on the basis of network principles of interaction, which allow to combine the efforts of partners, creating a common digital space for interaction with users. There is a tendency of consolidation of offline and online cooperation of public associations. The results of the study demonstrate the presence of individual elements of ecosystems in the structures of civil society.
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Otroshko, Liubov. "SECURITY OF INTERNET-COMMUNICATION IN THE CONDITIONS OF "MEDIA-AGGRESSION" OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (ON THE EXAMPLE OF SOCIAL NETWORK FACEBOOK)." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.18.
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The article considers the peculiarities of communication security in the Internet space in the conditions of "information aggression" of the Russian Federation for example of the Facebook, the most popular social network in Ukraine today. Information security is an important component of Ukraine's national security and the information factor has recently become even more influential in the Kremlin's revenge policy. Since the actualization of Ukrainian civil society's passion and the need to combat information threats, such as recognizing troll publications dangerous false information, disinformation and hidden and not hidden Russian propaganda on the Internet is an extremely important task for both scientists and ordinary users of social networks. Special attention is paid to the analysis of communication features in the Internet space, the ways, methods and mechanisms of preventing information threats to communication security are studied, the Ukrainian and international experience of counteracting hybrid threats in the information sphere in the conditions of "information aggression" and revanchist policy of the Russian Federation is traced. It was found that the security dimension of communication on Facebook is not very stable, and the content is full of provocative threats, there is Russian propaganda and misinformation aimed at shaking the state positions of Ukraine, promoting separatist movements and inciting ethnic hatred and spreading national security and disinformation. integrity of the Ukrainian state. At the same time, it was stressed that in the conditions of historical and cultural revenge of the Russian Federation, Ukrainian society as a whole has all the grounds, opportunities and tools to repel the Kremlin's information aggression and protect the Ukrainian national space.
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Terekhova, Lidia. "Terms of Appeal of Definitions in Civil Procedure." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Law 17, no. 3 (October 19, 2020): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/1990-5173.2020.17(3).47-52.
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Introduction. Decisions made by the courts on emerging procedural issues are not subject to the rule of
universal appeal and can be appealed only if there are two conditions specified in the law, the correctness of
which is questioned in the literature. Purpose. The aim of the work is to substantiate the necessary conditions
for an independent (separately from the decision) appeal of the rulings of the court of first instance.
Methodology. The author used formal legal method, analysis, synthesis, formal logical method. Results. The
proposals put forward in science are considered to supplement and amend the current civil procedural
legislation in part of appealing the rulings of the court of first instance. The author, with reference to examples,
noted that the current law does not always look fair and consistent in the sutuation of which particular
definitions are subject to appeal. It is not always possible to agree with the legislator that he correctly singled
out those definitions that are adopted on the most important procedural issues, delaying the verification of
definitions on which may make it difficult or impossible to protect violated rights. Accordingly, there are
reasonable claims that the legislator classifies specific definitions as appealed. The assignment of definitions to
the number excluding the further movement of the case faces constant difficulties, since it is not always
possible to understand by the nature of the definitions that they exclude the movement of the case. An
important role in resolving disputes is played by the legal positions of the Supreme Court of the Russian
Federation and the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. The Supreme Court of the Russian
Federation periodically clarifies controversial issues when appealing against rulings that arise in judicial
practice. The Constitutional Court clarifies both private issues and formulates general rules. Conclusion. The
author recognizes the correct approach chosen in the current legislation, notes other than independent appeals,
ways to protect rights, as well as the role of the highest judicial authorities in clarifying disputed situations.
Thus, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation formulated a general rule: from the right to judicial
protection guaranteed by the Constitution, the right to arbitrarily choose the procedure for appealing court
decisions does not follow.
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Vilkov, Alexander A. "The leading “left” Russian parties on the eve of State Duma election-2021." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 21, no. 2 (May 25, 2021): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2021-21-2-203-210.
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Stances of “Communist Party of the Russian Federation” and “Fair Russia” as two main left parties on the eve of State Duma election-2021 are considered in the article. Based on the analysis of CPRF leaders’ reaction to January protest campaign, the author concludes that there are some signs of crisis within the party and pinpoints reasons of communists’ inability to crucially change their image and electoral resources for the upcoming election. “Fair Russia” attempt to strengthen its potential through alliance with the left and patriotic forces as well as its possible outcomes within the context of rather controversial perception of the party as an oppositional one are evaluated. Objective demand for consolidation of all Russian “left” forces on modern social and democratic platform is substantiated.
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Ryygas, Elena-Olga. "Russian Orthodoxy is a Terrible Force." Dostoevsky Journal 23, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23752122-02301009.
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Abstract The invasion of Ukraine by Russian troops in February 2022 calls into question the legal status of the Russian Orthodox Church (headed by Patriarch Kirill) as a religious organization claiming Eastern Christian heritage. While the Russian Orthodox Church appropriates the history of Kievan Rus, the top hierarchs of the roc are guided by the ideology of servility and Bolshevism. At the same time, the Catacombers who survived the Bolshevik persecution also consider themselves part of Russian Orthodoxy. They are like the inhabitants of Kitezh-Town, the legendary sunken city hidden under water. The Catacombers are silent participants in the anti-war protest and oppose the ideas of the Russian World and nuclear Orthodoxy. They run a partisan movement of volunteers helping Ukrainian refugees. If one wonders whether Russian Orthodoxy is possible after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, then the answer is seen in the prophecy of the political scientist, V. Kramnik, about the inevitable collapse of the Russian Federation and the appearance of the Republic of Rus instead of it. Citizens of the provisional Kitezh-Town in the Republic of Rus will be the real descendants of Kievan Rus and elective affinities of the Ukrainians.
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Troitskaya, Tatyana V. "Social movements in the Russian Federation and their participation in elections: Current state and prospects of development." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series Economics. Management. Law 21, no. 3 (August 25, 2021): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1994-2540-2021-21-3-317-322.
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Introduction. The socio-political sphere of the state is the foundation of its democratic development and a prerequisite for longterm state-building. The history of the development of the Russian state testifies to the absence of traditions of the formation of democratic institutions and their development. Social movements in the modern state are the mainstay of the development of the country’s political system and the prerequisite for the formation of new political parties. In accordance with the Federal Law “On Public Associations”, a public movement is a type of public association that has a mass character and pursues social, political and other socially useful goals. Taking into account the peculiarities of the current stage of constitutional and legal regulation of the activities of political parties, it is necessary to consider the issue of expanding the participation of social movements in the socio-political life and in the electoral process. Theoretical analysis. Today, Russia stands on the path of democratic transformation of all state institutions. The institutions of the socio-political sphere of civil society also need this transformation. The activities of political parties in a country with a stable constitutional framework are the basis for the exercise of state power. The functioning party system of modern Russia is not characterized by elements of completeness. Social movements, taking into account the Russian reality, could become a platform for the formation of competitive political parties in the future. Empirical analysis. The analysis of the content of the Federal Law “On the basic guarantees of electoral rights and the right to participate in the referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation” indicates the legal consolidation of such a concept as “electoral association”. This concept is introduced to define the subject of electoral actions in the process of holding elections at various territorial levels. Its content indicates that in the framework of federal and regional elections, these are primarily political parties. In elections to local self-government bodies, such an electoral association may be a public movement, provided that the purpose of participation in the elections is fixed in the statutory documents. Results. The natural process of forming political parties is related to their grassroots level of formation. Today’s Russian party system is in crisis, and small political parties do not enjoy electoral support. It is necessary to create legal conditions for the development of socio-political movements – as an organizational basis for the formation of political parties with stable political programs. The conclusion is formulated that among all the variety of social movements functioning in Russia, one can distinguish such a variety as socio-political movements and provide for their right to nominate candidates for deputies in single-mandate and multi-mandate electoral districts, as well as their participation in the implementation of public control in Russia.
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Zhdanov, Andrew I., and Rashid T. Mukhaev. "EVOLUTION OF THE SYSTEM OF POLITICAL VALUES IN MODERN RUSSIA." Social and Political Researches 9, no. 4 (2020): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-428x-2020-4-9-38-51.
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This article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the system of political values in modern Russia. Within the framework of the study, the results of sociological studies of the political orientations of citizens of the Russian Federation, conducted by the leading world and russian sociological agencies over the past 30 years, are considered. Various aspects of the dynamics of value orientations of the inhabitants of Russia and the peculiarities of the perception by the citizens of Russia of various components of political culture are shown. The author, using sociological methods, analyzes the political culture of the Russian Federation through the prism of the attitude of its inhabitants to various elements of the system of political values: democracy, political participation as such, equality, freedom, propensity to participate in protest actions, etc. The author also examines how much the position of such values as statism, nationalism, right, left and centrist ideological orientations has changed in the political consciousness of russian citizens. The research design is built around a cross-temporal analysis of the dynamics of political values. The main research problem is the dissemination of qualitatively new practices of political behavior for Russia, starting from 2017-2018. The central topic of the study is to identify the connection between the change in the vector of political behavior of citizens of the Russian Federation, which is why many researchers postulate the thesis of the emergence of a qualitatively “new” political reality, and more structural processes of the evolution of political values in modern Russia. Based on the data of opinion polls World Values Survey, European Values Study, the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion, the Federal Agency for Youth Affairs (Rosmolodezh), the author examines the main trends in changes in the political values of russian citizens and determines the trajectories of their further development.
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Rocchi, Т. "Political Terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901-1911 and Its Role in the Historical Memory of Russia." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-08.
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The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.
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Rozkošová, Zuzana, and Ľubomír Čech. "Seeking a Place for Islam in Post-Soviet Russia." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.11.
Full textAbstract:
One of the main characteristics of the post-Soviet transformation was the religious resurgence. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the post-Soviet Islamic revival in the 1990s. The awakening of Islam and seeking the place for Muslims in the society significantly influenced the formation of today’s Russian Federation. The authors examine the factors that influenced the role of Islam in newly created post-Soviet Russia and the federal government’s response to its dynamics. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the Islamic revival after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The second chapter is focused on the Kremlin’s reaction to new radical movements that emerged during the Islamic awakening and the separatist sentiments in Russia’s Muslim regions. Using the qualitative research method, the authors drew a conclusion that Islamic radicalisation in post-Soviet Russia was caused by several external and internal factors. The political developments in the Russian Federation between the second half of the 1990s and the early 21st century were characterised by restrictions on religious freedom and consolidation of federalism.
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Erpyleva, Svetlana. "Freedom’s children in protest movements: Private and public in the socialization of young Russian and Ukrainian activists." Current Sociology 66, no. 1 (October 13, 2016): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392116668223.
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This article deals with the problem of political participation and public sphere learning by adolescents during the mass protests in contemporary Russia and Ukraine. Referring to theories of contentious politics and the public sphere in the post-communist world, the author highlights the debate around the relations between private and public in this context: is the value of public participation formed in the private sphere and then translated into a public one? Or rather, is the public realm something opposite to the private? Using in-depth biographical interviews with the adolescents participating in the Bolotnaya and Maidan movements, the author considers this dilemma through the lens of activists’ socialization. The analysis discovers that there is no direct connection between the values of private independence and public freedom during the growing-up process of adolescent activists. The values of private independence appropriated by Russian adolescents do not automatically translate into practices in the public sphere, and, conversely, Ukrainian activists strongly adhere to an ethic of political freedom, but to do it they prefer to break with the values of the private sphere rather than transfer them into politics. To conclude, the author discusses some implications of the analysis of political participation of adolescents on how notions of private and public are composed in Russia and Ukraine.
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GAMBEEVA, Yuliya N., and Nadezhda N. KOZHUKHOVA. "A comparative analysis of the socio-economic development of the Russian Federation regions in times of crisis: Trends and challenges." Regional Economics: Theory and Practice 20, no. 5 (May 16, 2022): 831–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/re.20.5.831.
Full textAbstract:
Subject. This article examines the cyclical movements in the Russian economy and the heterogeneity of the economic space of Russia. Objectives. The article aims to analyze the general trends in the socio-economic development of the subjects of the Russian Federation in the crisis periods from 2008 to 2009, 2014 to 2015, and 2020. Methods. For the study, we used statistical and econometric research methods. Results. Based on the quantitative analysis of the Russian Federation regions with positive and negative dynamics for the indicators under consideration, the article ranks them according to the severity of crisis phenomena by individual economic indicator. Conclusions. It is necessary to identify problems on the solution of which the further development of certain subjects of the Russian Federation depends.
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Martinovich, V. A. "Influence of New Religious Movements from Russian Federation on the Religious Landscape of the Republic of Belarus." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2021-1-1-92-103.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is devoted to the analysis of the influence of the new religious movements of the Russian Federation on the religious landscape of the Republic of Belarus. The study has shown the following results: (1) the country of origin was determined for the alleged general population of 1113 new religious movements, the activities of which are documented in the Republic of Belarus. A significant part of them were founded in Russia, and the group of Russian new religious movements is in the lead among the foreign new religious movements almost twice exceeding the group of new religious movements created in Western countries. (2) The article represents the distribution according to the structural and substantive characteristics of the new Russian religious movements operating in the Republic of Belarus in comparison with the totality of new religious movements created in the United States and (3) shows the dynamics of migration of Russian new religious movements to Belarus. (4) Based on the analysis of Belarusian print media the main indicators of advertising and criticism of Russian and Western new religious movements are revealed. To represent the research results the author uses a matrix of non-traditional religiosity as tool for monitoring, recording and visualizing the whole variety of its forms and varieties for a specific area in a given period of time. In conclusion, the author proposes a number of promising directions for further analysis of the stated topic.